China's Acid Rain Problem (Beijing, Shanghai, Chongqing, Kyushu) - October 1994
#### 1990s (1994)
In the 1990s, China's rapid industrialization led to a significant increase in coal consumption, resulting in approximately 23 million tons of **sulfur oxides (SOx)** being emitted annually. Major industrial cities such as **Beijing**, **Shanghai**, and **Chongqing** experienced severe pollution due to these emissions. SOx in the atmosphere combined with moisture to produce acid rain, which caused extensive damage to forests and crops across the country. In **Kyushu**, Japan, acid rain was recorded at approximately 150mm per year in 1994. During this period, the Chinese government acknowledged the acid rain issue and began installing **desulfurization equipment**, but these efforts were limited to certain factories and did not yet constitute a nationwide response.
#### 2000s
In the 2000s, China's coal consumption continued to rise, resulting in the emission of approximately **25 million tons** of SOx annually, exacerbating the acid rain problem. Particularly in the industrial regions of **Jiangsu** and **Zhejiang**, acid rain caused severe damage to agricultural production, with an annual loss estimated at **15 billion yuan**. The Chinese government strengthened its measures and, by 2006, more than **3,000 power plants** were required to install desulfurization equipment. Additionally, a **30% reduction target** for SOx emissions was set, but economic growth and increased coal consumption hindered full resolution of the problem.
#### 2010s
In the 2010s, acid rain damage began to decrease, as SOx emissions were reduced along with annual **25 million tons** of emissions. The Chinese government implemented the **Air Pollution Prevention Action Plan** in 2013, under which major cities made progress in reducing SOx emissions. By 2015, cities like **Beijing**, **Tianjin**, and **Shanghai** had successfully cut SOx emissions by **40%**, leading to a decrease in acid rain occurrences. Additionally, the expansion of **renewable energy**, including wind and solar power, reduced coal consumption by 2017. However, some areas continued to experience agricultural losses due to acid rain, with annual damages reaching **10 billion yuan**.
#### 2020s
In the 2020s, China set ambitious **carbon neutrality** goals, implementing policies to reduce coal dependency. The proportion of renewable energy is set to increase to **20%** by 2025, and a target of **60% reduction** in SOx emissions by 2030 has been established. By 2021, the annual economic damage caused by acid rain had decreased to **5 billion yuan**, and air quality in urban areas significantly improved. Moreover, with the adoption of **electric vehicles** and energy-efficient technologies, emissions reductions have accelerated, and renewable energy is expected to account for **25%** of electricity generation by 2025.
Thus, while China's acid rain problem, stemming from rapid industrialization in the 1990s, has seen gradual improvement through government policies and technological advancements, damage continues in rural and local areas. Sustainable energy transition and international cooperation remain crucial for future progress.
全球环境业务 / 资源循环经济 / Eco Business / Circular Economy / 地球環境ビジネス / 循環経済
Thursday, April 3, 2025
China's Acid Rain Problem (Beijing, Shanghai, Chongqing, Kyushu) - October 1994
China's Acid Rain Problem (Beijing, Shanghai, Chongqing, Kyushu) - October 1994
#### 1990s (1994)
In the 1990s, China's rapid industrialization led to a significant increase in coal consumption, resulting in approximately 23 million tons of **sulfur oxides (SOx)** being emitted annually. Major industrial cities such as **Beijing**, **Shanghai**, and **Chongqing** experienced severe pollution due to these emissions. SOx in the atmosphere combined with moisture to produce acid rain, which caused extensive damage to forests and crops across the country. In **Kyushu**, Japan, acid rain was recorded at approximately 150mm per year in 1994. During this period, the Chinese government acknowledged the acid rain issue and began installing **desulfurization equipment**, but these efforts were limited to certain factories and did not yet constitute a nationwide response.
#### 2000s
In the 2000s, China's coal consumption continued to rise, resulting in the emission of approximately **25 million tons** of SOx annually, exacerbating the acid rain problem. Particularly in the industrial regions of **Jiangsu** and **Zhejiang**, acid rain caused severe damage to agricultural production, with an annual loss estimated at **15 billion yuan**. The Chinese government strengthened its measures and, by 2006, more than **3,000 power plants** were required to install desulfurization equipment. Additionally, a **30% reduction target** for SOx emissions was set, but economic growth and increased coal consumption hindered full resolution of the problem.
#### 2010s
In the 2010s, acid rain damage began to decrease, as SOx emissions were reduced along with annual **25 million tons** of emissions. The Chinese government implemented the **Air Pollution Prevention Action Plan** in 2013, under which major cities made progress in reducing SOx emissions. By 2015, cities like **Beijing**, **Tianjin**, and **Shanghai** had successfully cut SOx emissions by **40%**, leading to a decrease in acid rain occurrences. Additionally, the expansion of **renewable energy**, including wind and solar power, reduced coal consumption by 2017. However, some areas continued to experience agricultural losses due to acid rain, with annual damages reaching **10 billion yuan**.
#### 2020s
In the 2020s, China set ambitious **carbon neutrality** goals, implementing policies to reduce coal dependency. The proportion of renewable energy is set to increase to **20%** by 2025, and a target of **60% reduction** in SOx emissions by 2030 has been established. By 2021, the annual economic damage caused by acid rain had decreased to **5 billion yuan**, and air quality in urban areas significantly improved. Moreover, with the adoption of **electric vehicles** and energy-efficient technologies, emissions reductions have accelerated, and renewable energy is expected to account for **25%** of electricity generation by 2025.
Thus, while China's acid rain problem, stemming from rapid industrialization in the 1990s, has seen gradual improvement through government policies and technological advancements, damage continues in rural and local areas. Sustainable energy transition and international cooperation remain crucial for future progress.
#### 1990s (1994)
In the 1990s, China's rapid industrialization led to a significant increase in coal consumption, resulting in approximately 23 million tons of **sulfur oxides (SOx)** being emitted annually. Major industrial cities such as **Beijing**, **Shanghai**, and **Chongqing** experienced severe pollution due to these emissions. SOx in the atmosphere combined with moisture to produce acid rain, which caused extensive damage to forests and crops across the country. In **Kyushu**, Japan, acid rain was recorded at approximately 150mm per year in 1994. During this period, the Chinese government acknowledged the acid rain issue and began installing **desulfurization equipment**, but these efforts were limited to certain factories and did not yet constitute a nationwide response.
#### 2000s
In the 2000s, China's coal consumption continued to rise, resulting in the emission of approximately **25 million tons** of SOx annually, exacerbating the acid rain problem. Particularly in the industrial regions of **Jiangsu** and **Zhejiang**, acid rain caused severe damage to agricultural production, with an annual loss estimated at **15 billion yuan**. The Chinese government strengthened its measures and, by 2006, more than **3,000 power plants** were required to install desulfurization equipment. Additionally, a **30% reduction target** for SOx emissions was set, but economic growth and increased coal consumption hindered full resolution of the problem.
#### 2010s
In the 2010s, acid rain damage began to decrease, as SOx emissions were reduced along with annual **25 million tons** of emissions. The Chinese government implemented the **Air Pollution Prevention Action Plan** in 2013, under which major cities made progress in reducing SOx emissions. By 2015, cities like **Beijing**, **Tianjin**, and **Shanghai** had successfully cut SOx emissions by **40%**, leading to a decrease in acid rain occurrences. Additionally, the expansion of **renewable energy**, including wind and solar power, reduced coal consumption by 2017. However, some areas continued to experience agricultural losses due to acid rain, with annual damages reaching **10 billion yuan**.
#### 2020s
In the 2020s, China set ambitious **carbon neutrality** goals, implementing policies to reduce coal dependency. The proportion of renewable energy is set to increase to **20%** by 2025, and a target of **60% reduction** in SOx emissions by 2030 has been established. By 2021, the annual economic damage caused by acid rain had decreased to **5 billion yuan**, and air quality in urban areas significantly improved. Moreover, with the adoption of **electric vehicles** and energy-efficient technologies, emissions reductions have accelerated, and renewable energy is expected to account for **25%** of electricity generation by 2025.
Thus, while China's acid rain problem, stemming from rapid industrialization in the 1990s, has seen gradual improvement through government policies and technological advancements, damage continues in rural and local areas. Sustainable energy transition and international cooperation remain crucial for future progress.
Wednesday, April 2, 2025
Boundary Mountain Burial Chronicles - Records of Illegal Disposal in Both Blue Rock and Blue Rock Counties (1999-2007)
Boundary Mountain Burial Chronicles - Records of Illegal Disposal in Both Blue Rock and Blue Rock Counties (1999-2007)
In 1999, a large-scale illegal dumping of industrial waste was discovered near the border between Tago Town, Aomori Prefecture and Ninohe City, Iwate Prefecture. An estimated over 1 million cubic meters of waste was buried in the mountains, and this incident triggered widespread attention to the challenges of waste administration in Japan.
The materials disposed of included incinerator ash, sludge, and medical waste, and the companies involved included Sanei Chemical Industry, Sanei Kogyo, and Agata Nan Sanitation Co. The disposal took place in a valley on the Aomori side and was covered with soil on the Iwate side, using a cross-border approach that took advantage of the prefectural border.
The source of the waste amounted to approximately 12,000 companies throughout Japan, making it extremely difficult to track down the responsible parties. The system at the time was inadequate for tracking and reconfirmation, and the problem was further complicated by the multiple subcontractor structure and inadequate record keeping.
In 2004, Aomori and Iwate prefectures began a joint restoration project, which included excavation, removal, incineration, and soil improvement. Konoike Corporation and others provided technical assistance, but the lack of waste disposal facilities and high costs continue to be a problem.
The case prompted a review of emitter responsibility and monitoring systems, but institutional and operational issues still remain. The case revealed the limitations of the system and the lack of awareness of the environment in society as a whole, and is considered an important case study for future environmental policies.
Treatment and monitoring are still ongoing in some areas, and the importance of recording and verification has been reaffirmed.
Chronology of the Aomori/Iwate Border Illegal Dumping Case
- Early 1990s - 1999: Illegal dumping continues. Burial of waste by the companies involved begins.
- December 1999: Aomori Prefecture discovers unusual land alteration. Investigations begin in earnest.
- 2000: Illegal dumping across prefectural borders is discovered and becomes a social problem.
- 2001: A joint Aomori/Iwate survey confirms dumping of an estimated 1 million cubic meters or more.
- 2002-2003: Restoration plans were formulated by the national and prefectural governments.
- 2004: Restoration project started. Removal and incineration work began. Konoike Corporation provided technical assistance.
- 2005-2007: Partial disposal is completed. Issues remain regarding disposal sites and costs.
Additional information on the amount of damage
At this time, there is no publicly available record of the amount of damage caused by this incident. However, Aomori Prefecture has established a "reputational damage benefit system for illegal dumping incidents on the Aomori-Iwate border" to address the economic impact and reputational damage that is believed to have occurred as a result of this case, and compensatory measures are being taken for businesses in the vicinity.
On the other hand, the total amount of damage in concrete monetary terms is not stated in the chronology of the incident and report materials disclosed by Aomori Prefecture, nor in the business plan of Iwate Prefecture. This may be due to the fact that the nature of the damage is diverse, making it difficult to separate direct damage from indirect losses.
Related information (documents and organizations)
- Companies involved: Sanei Chemical Industry Co.
- Number of businesses that emit: Approximately 12,000 companies
- Estimated illegal dumping amount: over 1 million cubic meters
- Related data provided by:
Aomori Prefectural Government Illegal dumping archives
Iwate Prefecture Environmental Policy Materials
RecycleHub: Background of the incident
Konoike Corporation Environmental restoration technology and examples
Aomori Prefecture Rumor Damage Countermeasure Benefit
In 1999, a large-scale illegal dumping of industrial waste was discovered near the border between Tago Town, Aomori Prefecture and Ninohe City, Iwate Prefecture. An estimated over 1 million cubic meters of waste was buried in the mountains, and this incident triggered widespread attention to the challenges of waste administration in Japan.
The materials disposed of included incinerator ash, sludge, and medical waste, and the companies involved included Sanei Chemical Industry, Sanei Kogyo, and Agata Nan Sanitation Co. The disposal took place in a valley on the Aomori side and was covered with soil on the Iwate side, using a cross-border approach that took advantage of the prefectural border.
The source of the waste amounted to approximately 12,000 companies throughout Japan, making it extremely difficult to track down the responsible parties. The system at the time was inadequate for tracking and reconfirmation, and the problem was further complicated by the multiple subcontractor structure and inadequate record keeping.
In 2004, Aomori and Iwate prefectures began a joint restoration project, which included excavation, removal, incineration, and soil improvement. Konoike Corporation and others provided technical assistance, but the lack of waste disposal facilities and high costs continue to be a problem.
The case prompted a review of emitter responsibility and monitoring systems, but institutional and operational issues still remain. The case revealed the limitations of the system and the lack of awareness of the environment in society as a whole, and is considered an important case study for future environmental policies.
Treatment and monitoring are still ongoing in some areas, and the importance of recording and verification has been reaffirmed.
Chronology of the Aomori/Iwate Border Illegal Dumping Case
- Early 1990s - 1999: Illegal dumping continues. Burial of waste by the companies involved begins.
- December 1999: Aomori Prefecture discovers unusual land alteration. Investigations begin in earnest.
- 2000: Illegal dumping across prefectural borders is discovered and becomes a social problem.
- 2001: A joint Aomori/Iwate survey confirms dumping of an estimated 1 million cubic meters or more.
- 2002-2003: Restoration plans were formulated by the national and prefectural governments.
- 2004: Restoration project started. Removal and incineration work began. Konoike Corporation provided technical assistance.
- 2005-2007: Partial disposal is completed. Issues remain regarding disposal sites and costs.
Additional information on the amount of damage
At this time, there is no publicly available record of the amount of damage caused by this incident. However, Aomori Prefecture has established a "reputational damage benefit system for illegal dumping incidents on the Aomori-Iwate border" to address the economic impact and reputational damage that is believed to have occurred as a result of this case, and compensatory measures are being taken for businesses in the vicinity.
On the other hand, the total amount of damage in concrete monetary terms is not stated in the chronology of the incident and report materials disclosed by Aomori Prefecture, nor in the business plan of Iwate Prefecture. This may be due to the fact that the nature of the damage is diverse, making it difficult to separate direct damage from indirect losses.
Related information (documents and organizations)
- Companies involved: Sanei Chemical Industry Co.
- Number of businesses that emit: Approximately 12,000 companies
- Estimated illegal dumping amount: over 1 million cubic meters
- Related data provided by:
Aomori Prefectural Government Illegal dumping archives
Iwate Prefecture Environmental Policy Materials
RecycleHub: Background of the incident
Konoike Corporation Environmental restoration technology and examples
Aomori Prefecture Rumor Damage Countermeasure Benefit
境界山中埋設記 ―青岩両県不法廃棄の記録(1999〜2007)
境界山中埋設記 ―青岩両県不法廃棄の記録(1999〜2007)
1999年、青森県田子町と岩手県二戸市の県境付近において、産業廃棄物の大規模な不法投棄が発覚した。推定100万立方メートルを超える廃棄物が山中に埋設されていたことから、日本の廃棄物行政の課題が広く注目される契機となった。
廃棄された物質には焼却灰や汚泥、医療系廃棄物などが含まれ、関与企業には三栄化学工業株式会社、三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社などが挙げられる。廃棄は青森側の谷に行われ、岩手側の土で覆い隠すという、県境を利用した越境的な手法が用いられていた。
廃棄物の排出元は全国で約12000社にのぼり、責任の所在を追及することは非常に困難であった。当時の制度では追跡や再確認が不十分で、多重下請け構造や記録の不備が問題をさらに複雑化させた。
2004年からは青森県・岩手県が共同で原状回復事業を開始し、掘削・撤去・焼却・土壌改良などの作業が進められた。鴻池組などが技術協力を行ったが、廃棄物処理施設の不足や高額な費用などの課題が続いている。
この事件を受けて、排出者責任や監視体制の見直しが進められたが、制度的な課題や運用面の問題は今もなお残されている。本件は、制度の限界と社会全体の環境に対する認識不足を明らかにしたものであり、今後の環境政策を考える上で重要な事例とされている。
現在も一部地域では処理や監視が継続されており、記録と検証の重要性が改めて認識されている。
■ 年表:青森・岩手県境不法投棄事件の経緯
- 1990年代前半〜1999年:不法投棄が継続的に行われる。関与企業による廃棄物の埋設が始まる。
- 1999年12月:青森県が異常な土地改変を発見。調査が本格化。
- 2000年:県境を越えた不法投棄の実態が判明し、社会問題化。
- 2001年:青森・岩手の合同調査で、推定100万立方メートル以上の投棄を確認。
- 2002〜2003年:国・県による復旧計画の策定。
- 2004年:原状回復事業開始。撤去・焼却作業に着手。鴻池組が技術協力。
- 2005年〜2007年:一部処理完了。処理先や費用面の課題が残る。
■ 被害額に関する補足情報
本事件において、公的に「被害額」が明示された記録は現時点では確認されていない。ただし、青森県は本件により発生したとされる経済的影響・風評被害に対応するため、「青森・岩手県境不法投棄事案に係る風評被害対策給付金」制度を設けており、周辺事業者への補填的措置が講じられている。
一方で、青森県が公開している事件の年表や報告資料、岩手県の事業計画書などにおいても、具体的な金額ベースの被害総額は記載されていない。被害の性質が多岐にわたり、直接的損害と間接的損失の切り分けが難しいことが背景と考えられる。
■ 関連情報(資料・組織)
- 関与企業:三栄化学工業株式会社、三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社
- 排出事業者数:約12000社
- 推定不法投棄量:100万立方メートル以上
- 関連資料提供:
・青森県庁 不法投棄アーカイブ
・岩手県 環境政策関連資料
・RecycleHub 事件の経緯解説
・鴻池組 環境復旧の技術と事例
・青森県 風評被害対策給付金関連資料
1999年、青森県田子町と岩手県二戸市の県境付近において、産業廃棄物の大規模な不法投棄が発覚した。推定100万立方メートルを超える廃棄物が山中に埋設されていたことから、日本の廃棄物行政の課題が広く注目される契機となった。
廃棄された物質には焼却灰や汚泥、医療系廃棄物などが含まれ、関与企業には三栄化学工業株式会社、三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社などが挙げられる。廃棄は青森側の谷に行われ、岩手側の土で覆い隠すという、県境を利用した越境的な手法が用いられていた。
廃棄物の排出元は全国で約12000社にのぼり、責任の所在を追及することは非常に困難であった。当時の制度では追跡や再確認が不十分で、多重下請け構造や記録の不備が問題をさらに複雑化させた。
2004年からは青森県・岩手県が共同で原状回復事業を開始し、掘削・撤去・焼却・土壌改良などの作業が進められた。鴻池組などが技術協力を行ったが、廃棄物処理施設の不足や高額な費用などの課題が続いている。
この事件を受けて、排出者責任や監視体制の見直しが進められたが、制度的な課題や運用面の問題は今もなお残されている。本件は、制度の限界と社会全体の環境に対する認識不足を明らかにしたものであり、今後の環境政策を考える上で重要な事例とされている。
現在も一部地域では処理や監視が継続されており、記録と検証の重要性が改めて認識されている。
■ 年表:青森・岩手県境不法投棄事件の経緯
- 1990年代前半〜1999年:不法投棄が継続的に行われる。関与企業による廃棄物の埋設が始まる。
- 1999年12月:青森県が異常な土地改変を発見。調査が本格化。
- 2000年:県境を越えた不法投棄の実態が判明し、社会問題化。
- 2001年:青森・岩手の合同調査で、推定100万立方メートル以上の投棄を確認。
- 2002〜2003年:国・県による復旧計画の策定。
- 2004年:原状回復事業開始。撤去・焼却作業に着手。鴻池組が技術協力。
- 2005年〜2007年:一部処理完了。処理先や費用面の課題が残る。
■ 被害額に関する補足情報
本事件において、公的に「被害額」が明示された記録は現時点では確認されていない。ただし、青森県は本件により発生したとされる経済的影響・風評被害に対応するため、「青森・岩手県境不法投棄事案に係る風評被害対策給付金」制度を設けており、周辺事業者への補填的措置が講じられている。
一方で、青森県が公開している事件の年表や報告資料、岩手県の事業計画書などにおいても、具体的な金額ベースの被害総額は記載されていない。被害の性質が多岐にわたり、直接的損害と間接的損失の切り分けが難しいことが背景と考えられる。
■ 関連情報(資料・組織)
- 関与企業:三栄化学工業株式会社、三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社
- 排出事業者数:約12000社
- 推定不法投棄量:100万立方メートル以上
- 関連資料提供:
・青森県庁 不法投棄アーカイブ
・岩手県 環境政策関連資料
・RecycleHub 事件の経緯解説
・鴻池組 環境復旧の技術と事例
・青森県 風評被害対策給付金関連資料
Bioethanol Project in Iwate Prefecture, Oshu City and Isawa Ward, June 2007
Bioethanol Project in Iwate Prefecture, Oshu City and Isawa Ward, June 2007
In cooperation with Tokyo University of Agriculture, Isawa Ward, Oshu City, Iwate Prefecture, is engaged in the production of bioethanol from rice. This project was initiated by the former town of Isawa in 2004, and after the merging of municipalities in February 2006, the Regional Energy Promotion Office of Oshu City has continued to promote the project. Based on the four self-sufficiency concepts of food, welfare, community, and energy, the project aims to promote resource recycling, CO2 reduction, and agricultural promotion through local production for local consumption.
As part of the "Rice Rice Japan" project, we have developed ethanol production technology using whole crop rice (whole immature rice plants). The solid-state fermentation method developed by the Tokyo University of Agriculture adds enzymes and yeast to the fermentation process, and since no waste liquid is generated, processing energy can be reduced. It also has the advantage that the equipment is simple and does not require specialized knowledge, and the fermentation residue can be used as feed or fertilizer.
In 2006, comparative experiments were conducted using rice husks and brown rice (both "Hitomebore") at a distillation temperature of 65°C in Tokyo and Oshu City, and it was found that the distillation efficiency was higher in Oshu City, which is located in a cold climate, and the production volume was higher with rice husks. Currently, the development of cellulose-degrading enzymes and the study of CO2 liquefaction are underway.
This project envisions the development of an integrated system that includes upstream (raw material supply), midstream (production), and downstream (utilization). Various uses are being considered for the fuel, including E3 (gasoline blended with 3% ethanol), agricultural machinery, house boilers, kitchens, and livestock disinfection.
In 2006, the Minnesota Department of Agriculture, the National Corn Growers Association, and others were invited to Oshu City for an international symposium. The goal is to verify the use of corn in the U.S. and establish a unique business model utilizing the rice paddies in the Tohoku region.
In January 2007, the "Isawa New Energy Study Group" was established under the leadership of local residents to develop energy projects through the proactive participation of farmers themselves. In the future, a small-scale plant will be constructed in 2008, with a view to full-scale development in 2009 and beyond.
Oshu City's efforts are attracting attention as an advanced example of an effort to build a sustainable energy society that makes the most of domestic resources.
Related Sources
1. Tokyo University of Agriculture is working to establish a sustainable cultivation system through research on cellulosic bioethanol feedstock crops.
New Energy and Industrial Technology Development Organization (NEDO) has released a post-evaluation report of the "Development of Useful Elemental Technologies for Biofuel Production" project.
3. the Japan Agricultural Research Institute (JAIRI) has published a report on research and development of social technologies for sustainable development of rural areas.
In cooperation with Tokyo University of Agriculture, Isawa Ward, Oshu City, Iwate Prefecture, is engaged in the production of bioethanol from rice. This project was initiated by the former town of Isawa in 2004, and after the merging of municipalities in February 2006, the Regional Energy Promotion Office of Oshu City has continued to promote the project. Based on the four self-sufficiency concepts of food, welfare, community, and energy, the project aims to promote resource recycling, CO2 reduction, and agricultural promotion through local production for local consumption.
As part of the "Rice Rice Japan" project, we have developed ethanol production technology using whole crop rice (whole immature rice plants). The solid-state fermentation method developed by the Tokyo University of Agriculture adds enzymes and yeast to the fermentation process, and since no waste liquid is generated, processing energy can be reduced. It also has the advantage that the equipment is simple and does not require specialized knowledge, and the fermentation residue can be used as feed or fertilizer.
In 2006, comparative experiments were conducted using rice husks and brown rice (both "Hitomebore") at a distillation temperature of 65°C in Tokyo and Oshu City, and it was found that the distillation efficiency was higher in Oshu City, which is located in a cold climate, and the production volume was higher with rice husks. Currently, the development of cellulose-degrading enzymes and the study of CO2 liquefaction are underway.
This project envisions the development of an integrated system that includes upstream (raw material supply), midstream (production), and downstream (utilization). Various uses are being considered for the fuel, including E3 (gasoline blended with 3% ethanol), agricultural machinery, house boilers, kitchens, and livestock disinfection.
In 2006, the Minnesota Department of Agriculture, the National Corn Growers Association, and others were invited to Oshu City for an international symposium. The goal is to verify the use of corn in the U.S. and establish a unique business model utilizing the rice paddies in the Tohoku region.
In January 2007, the "Isawa New Energy Study Group" was established under the leadership of local residents to develop energy projects through the proactive participation of farmers themselves. In the future, a small-scale plant will be constructed in 2008, with a view to full-scale development in 2009 and beyond.
Oshu City's efforts are attracting attention as an advanced example of an effort to build a sustainable energy society that makes the most of domestic resources.
Related Sources
1. Tokyo University of Agriculture is working to establish a sustainable cultivation system through research on cellulosic bioethanol feedstock crops.
New Energy and Industrial Technology Development Organization (NEDO) has released a post-evaluation report of the "Development of Useful Elemental Technologies for Biofuel Production" project.
3. the Japan Agricultural Research Institute (JAIRI) has published a report on research and development of social technologies for sustainable development of rural areas.
岩手県奥州市・胆沢区のバイオエタノール事業 2007年6月
岩手県奥州市・胆沢区のバイオエタノール事業 2007年6月
岩手県奥州市胆沢区では東京農業大学と連携し米を原料としたバイオエタノールの生産に取り組んでいます。この事業は旧胆沢町が2004年に開始し2006年2月の市町村合併後も奥州市の地域エネルギー推進室が継続して推進しています。食料・福祉・コミュニティ・エネルギーの4つの自給構想を基盤に地産地消による資源循環とCO2削減、農業振興を目指しています。
「イネイネ・日本」プロジェクトの一環としてホールクロップ・イネ(未成熟の稲全体)を用いたエタノール製造技術を開発。東京農業大学が開発した固体発酵方式では酵素と酵母を加えて発酵させ排液が発生しないため処理エネルギーを削減できます。また設備が簡素で専門知識を必要とせず発酵残さは飼料や肥料として活用できる利点があります。
2006年にはもみ殻付きと玄米(いずれも「ひとめぼれ」)を用いて蒸留温度65度で東京と奥州市の2か所で比較実験を行い寒冷地である奥州市の方が蒸留効率が高くもみ殻付きの方が生産量も多かったことが判明しました。現在はセルロース分解酵素の開発とCO2の液化回収の検討も進行中です。
この事業では川上(原料供給)から川中(製造)、川下(利用)までを含む一体的なシステム開発を構想。燃料としてはE3(3パーセントエタノール混合ガソリン)や農機具、ハウスボイラー、厨房、家畜の消毒用など多用途が検討されています。
また2006年には米国ミネソタ州農業局や全米トウモロコシ生産者協会などの関係者を奥州市に招き国際シンポジウムを開催。米国でのトウモロコシ利用を検証し東北地方の水田を活用した独自のビジネスモデルの確立を目指しています。
2007年1月には住民主導の「胆沢新エネルギー研究会」が発足し農業者自身の主体的な参画によるエネルギー事業の開発を進めています。将来的には2008年に小規模プラントを建設し2009年以降の本格展開を視野に入れています。
この奥州市の取り組みは国産資源を活かした持続可能なエネルギー社会の構築を目指す先進例として注目されています。
関連情報源
1. 東京農業大学ではセルロース系バイオエタノール原料作物の栽培研究を通じて持続的な栽培システムの構築に取り組んでいます。
2. 新エネルギー・産業技術総合開発機構(NEDO)は「バイオ燃料製造の有用要素技術開発事業」の事後評価報告書を公開しています。
3. 日本農業研究所は農村地域の持続的発展を目指す社会技術の研究開発に関する報告書を発表しています。
岩手県奥州市胆沢区では東京農業大学と連携し米を原料としたバイオエタノールの生産に取り組んでいます。この事業は旧胆沢町が2004年に開始し2006年2月の市町村合併後も奥州市の地域エネルギー推進室が継続して推進しています。食料・福祉・コミュニティ・エネルギーの4つの自給構想を基盤に地産地消による資源循環とCO2削減、農業振興を目指しています。
「イネイネ・日本」プロジェクトの一環としてホールクロップ・イネ(未成熟の稲全体)を用いたエタノール製造技術を開発。東京農業大学が開発した固体発酵方式では酵素と酵母を加えて発酵させ排液が発生しないため処理エネルギーを削減できます。また設備が簡素で専門知識を必要とせず発酵残さは飼料や肥料として活用できる利点があります。
2006年にはもみ殻付きと玄米(いずれも「ひとめぼれ」)を用いて蒸留温度65度で東京と奥州市の2か所で比較実験を行い寒冷地である奥州市の方が蒸留効率が高くもみ殻付きの方が生産量も多かったことが判明しました。現在はセルロース分解酵素の開発とCO2の液化回収の検討も進行中です。
この事業では川上(原料供給)から川中(製造)、川下(利用)までを含む一体的なシステム開発を構想。燃料としてはE3(3パーセントエタノール混合ガソリン)や農機具、ハウスボイラー、厨房、家畜の消毒用など多用途が検討されています。
また2006年には米国ミネソタ州農業局や全米トウモロコシ生産者協会などの関係者を奥州市に招き国際シンポジウムを開催。米国でのトウモロコシ利用を検証し東北地方の水田を活用した独自のビジネスモデルの確立を目指しています。
2007年1月には住民主導の「胆沢新エネルギー研究会」が発足し農業者自身の主体的な参画によるエネルギー事業の開発を進めています。将来的には2008年に小規模プラントを建設し2009年以降の本格展開を視野に入れています。
この奥州市の取り組みは国産資源を活かした持続可能なエネルギー社会の構築を目指す先進例として注目されています。
関連情報源
1. 東京農業大学ではセルロース系バイオエタノール原料作物の栽培研究を通じて持続的な栽培システムの構築に取り組んでいます。
2. 新エネルギー・産業技術総合開発機構(NEDO)は「バイオ燃料製造の有用要素技術開発事業」の事後評価報告書を公開しています。
3. 日本農業研究所は農村地域の持続的発展を目指す社会技術の研究開発に関する報告書を発表しています。
Songs of Silence for Asia: The Beheiren, Vietnam, and the Anti-War Culture of 1969
Songs of Silence for Asia: The Beheiren, Vietnam, and the Anti-War Culture of 1969
In a corner of a Japanese city in 1969, young people with guitars in their hands were singing quietly. They were not shouting at the top of their lungs, but rather whispering, "No war. It was another form of "resistance" different from the student movement with Molotov cocktails and sticks flying around.
That year, the Vietnam War had become a quagmire, and U.S. air strikes had spread to Laos and Cambodia. Television images showed villages in flames, crying children, dust and bombs. In response to this reality, a group of young people emerged in Japan, transcending politics and ideology, asking themselves, "Is this something we as human beings should allow? The name of their movement is "Beheiren (Citizens' Coalition for Peace in Vietnam)! Citizens' Coalition for Peace in Vietnam.
Beheiren distanced itself from political parties and organizations and advocated a citizens' movement based on the will of the individual. They appealed for anti-war protests not with violent slogans but with quiet physical expressions, such as silent demonstrations, handwritten placards, and "silent marches" in which people walked in mourning. One of his representative actions was a silent demonstration held in the vicinity of Aoyama Cemetery in Tokyo, where a slow rhythm of mourning drifted through the streets.
In July 1969, the "Shinjuku West Exit Underground Square Folk Guerrilla Incident" occurred. Young people with folk guitars in their hands sang and appealed for anti-war protests in the underground plaza of Shinjuku Station, but they were removed by the police, and arrests were made. The incident sparked a major debate over freedom of expression and the nature of public space, and brought to light the new concept of "freedom of the plaza.
In the "Special Talk" section, writer Hiroyuki Itsuki shares his thoughts on the Beheiren movement and the Vietnam War. Citing the memories of intellectuals who participated in the Spanish Civil War, he asks, "How can we be indifferent to the suffering of the peoples of Asia today? In Itsuki's viewpoint, humanism is based on faith in and sorrow for "humanity," which is more fundamental than political beliefs.
It is noteworthy that "folk songs" were chosen as a means of expression for the movement. The voices of Tokiko Kato, Nobuyasu Okabayashi, and other unknown youths echoed not from a rally, but from the streets, mingling with the noise of the crowded streets and reaching people's ears as a solid appeal. They did not shout against the war, but continued to sing about "sharing the sorrow.
The Beheiren was sometimes derided as "lenient" and "ineffective" compared to the radical student movement. However, the essence of the movement depended not on "nation" or "ideology" but on what "I" as an individual felt and how I moved. It was an action of humanism with a quiet but strong outline.
In the underground plazas of Shinjuku and the tree-lined streets of Aoyama, in Japan far away from Vietnam, the Beheiren people kept asking the question, "What is your connection to this war? How can you say that you had nothing to do with this war? And even now, half a century later, that question still echoes quietly beneath our feet.
In a corner of a Japanese city in 1969, young people with guitars in their hands were singing quietly. They were not shouting at the top of their lungs, but rather whispering, "No war. It was another form of "resistance" different from the student movement with Molotov cocktails and sticks flying around.
That year, the Vietnam War had become a quagmire, and U.S. air strikes had spread to Laos and Cambodia. Television images showed villages in flames, crying children, dust and bombs. In response to this reality, a group of young people emerged in Japan, transcending politics and ideology, asking themselves, "Is this something we as human beings should allow? The name of their movement is "Beheiren (Citizens' Coalition for Peace in Vietnam)! Citizens' Coalition for Peace in Vietnam.
Beheiren distanced itself from political parties and organizations and advocated a citizens' movement based on the will of the individual. They appealed for anti-war protests not with violent slogans but with quiet physical expressions, such as silent demonstrations, handwritten placards, and "silent marches" in which people walked in mourning. One of his representative actions was a silent demonstration held in the vicinity of Aoyama Cemetery in Tokyo, where a slow rhythm of mourning drifted through the streets.
In July 1969, the "Shinjuku West Exit Underground Square Folk Guerrilla Incident" occurred. Young people with folk guitars in their hands sang and appealed for anti-war protests in the underground plaza of Shinjuku Station, but they were removed by the police, and arrests were made. The incident sparked a major debate over freedom of expression and the nature of public space, and brought to light the new concept of "freedom of the plaza.
In the "Special Talk" section, writer Hiroyuki Itsuki shares his thoughts on the Beheiren movement and the Vietnam War. Citing the memories of intellectuals who participated in the Spanish Civil War, he asks, "How can we be indifferent to the suffering of the peoples of Asia today? In Itsuki's viewpoint, humanism is based on faith in and sorrow for "humanity," which is more fundamental than political beliefs.
It is noteworthy that "folk songs" were chosen as a means of expression for the movement. The voices of Tokiko Kato, Nobuyasu Okabayashi, and other unknown youths echoed not from a rally, but from the streets, mingling with the noise of the crowded streets and reaching people's ears as a solid appeal. They did not shout against the war, but continued to sing about "sharing the sorrow.
The Beheiren was sometimes derided as "lenient" and "ineffective" compared to the radical student movement. However, the essence of the movement depended not on "nation" or "ideology" but on what "I" as an individual felt and how I moved. It was an action of humanism with a quiet but strong outline.
In the underground plazas of Shinjuku and the tree-lined streets of Aoyama, in Japan far away from Vietnam, the Beheiren people kept asking the question, "What is your connection to this war? How can you say that you had nothing to do with this war? And even now, half a century later, that question still echoes quietly beneath our feet.
アジアに向けた沈黙の歌――べ平連、ベトナム、そして1969年の反戦文化
アジアに向けた沈黙の歌――べ平連、ベトナム、そして1969年の反戦文化
1969年日本の都市の片隅ではギターを抱えた若者たちが静かに歌っていた。声高に叫ぶのではなくまるで囁くように「戦争はいらない」とつぶやくように。それは火炎瓶やゲバ棒が飛び交う学生運動とは異なるもう一つの"抵抗のかたち"だった。
この年ベトナム戦争は泥沼化しアメリカの空爆はラオスやカンボジアにまで拡大していた。テレビが伝える映像は炎上する村泣き叫ぶ子ども土ぼこりと爆撃機。そんな現実に対し政治やイデオロギーを超えて「これは人間として許されることか」と自問する若者たちが日本にも現れた。彼らの運動の名は「べ平連(ベトナムに平和を!市民連合)」。
べ平連は政党や団体とは距離を取り個人の意志に基づく市民運動を標榜した。沈黙のデモ手書きのプラカード喪服を着て歩く「沈黙の行進」など激しいスローガンではなく静かな身体の表現によって反戦を訴えた。代表的な行動のひとつが東京・青山墓地周辺で行われた沈黙のデモであり街中にゆっくりとした喪のリズムを漂わせた。
1969年7月には「新宿西口地下広場フォークゲリラ事件」が発生する。新宿駅地下の広場でフォークギターを手にした若者たちが歌とともに反戦を訴えていたが警察によって排除され逮捕者が出た。この事件は表現の自由と公共空間のあり方をめぐる大きな議論を巻き起こし「広場の自由」という新たな概念を浮かび上がらせた。
『話の特集』では作家・五木寛之がべ平連の運動とベトナム戦争に寄せる自身の思いを語っている。彼はスペイン内戦に自ら参加した知識人たちの記憶を引き合いに出し「なぜ今アジアの民衆の苦しみに無関心でいられるのか」と問う。政治的信条よりももっと根源的な「人間性」への信頼と悲しみに基づくヒューマニズムが五木の視点にある。
注目すべきは運動の表現手段として"フォークソング"が選ばれていた点である。加藤登紀子岡林信康そして無名の若者たちの歌声は集会ではなく街の中から響き雑踏のノイズに混じりながら確かな訴えとなって人々の耳に届いた。戦争反対を叫ぶのではなく「悲しみを共有する」ことを歌い続けたのだ。
べ平連は過激な学生運動に比して"甘い""効力がない"と揶揄されることもあった。しかしその運動の本質は「国家」「思想」ではなく「わたし」という個人が何を感じどう動くかにかかっていた。それは静かでありながら強い輪郭を持ったヒューマニズムの行動だった。
新宿の地下広場で青山の並木道でベトナムから遠く離れた日本でべ平連の人々は問いを投げかけ続けた。「あなたはこの戦争に関係がないと言えるのか」と。そしてその問いは半世紀を経た今もなお私たちの足元に静かに鳴り響いている。
1969年日本の都市の片隅ではギターを抱えた若者たちが静かに歌っていた。声高に叫ぶのではなくまるで囁くように「戦争はいらない」とつぶやくように。それは火炎瓶やゲバ棒が飛び交う学生運動とは異なるもう一つの"抵抗のかたち"だった。
この年ベトナム戦争は泥沼化しアメリカの空爆はラオスやカンボジアにまで拡大していた。テレビが伝える映像は炎上する村泣き叫ぶ子ども土ぼこりと爆撃機。そんな現実に対し政治やイデオロギーを超えて「これは人間として許されることか」と自問する若者たちが日本にも現れた。彼らの運動の名は「べ平連(ベトナムに平和を!市民連合)」。
べ平連は政党や団体とは距離を取り個人の意志に基づく市民運動を標榜した。沈黙のデモ手書きのプラカード喪服を着て歩く「沈黙の行進」など激しいスローガンではなく静かな身体の表現によって反戦を訴えた。代表的な行動のひとつが東京・青山墓地周辺で行われた沈黙のデモであり街中にゆっくりとした喪のリズムを漂わせた。
1969年7月には「新宿西口地下広場フォークゲリラ事件」が発生する。新宿駅地下の広場でフォークギターを手にした若者たちが歌とともに反戦を訴えていたが警察によって排除され逮捕者が出た。この事件は表現の自由と公共空間のあり方をめぐる大きな議論を巻き起こし「広場の自由」という新たな概念を浮かび上がらせた。
『話の特集』では作家・五木寛之がべ平連の運動とベトナム戦争に寄せる自身の思いを語っている。彼はスペイン内戦に自ら参加した知識人たちの記憶を引き合いに出し「なぜ今アジアの民衆の苦しみに無関心でいられるのか」と問う。政治的信条よりももっと根源的な「人間性」への信頼と悲しみに基づくヒューマニズムが五木の視点にある。
注目すべきは運動の表現手段として"フォークソング"が選ばれていた点である。加藤登紀子岡林信康そして無名の若者たちの歌声は集会ではなく街の中から響き雑踏のノイズに混じりながら確かな訴えとなって人々の耳に届いた。戦争反対を叫ぶのではなく「悲しみを共有する」ことを歌い続けたのだ。
べ平連は過激な学生運動に比して"甘い""効力がない"と揶揄されることもあった。しかしその運動の本質は「国家」「思想」ではなく「わたし」という個人が何を感じどう動くかにかかっていた。それは静かでありながら強い輪郭を持ったヒューマニズムの行動だった。
新宿の地下広場で青山の並木道でベトナムから遠く離れた日本でべ平連の人々は問いを投げかけ続けた。「あなたはこの戦争に関係がないと言えるのか」と。そしてその問いは半世紀を経た今もなお私たちの足元に静かに鳴り響いている。
Alaska and the Gulf of Mexico - 1980-2023 Current Status of Methane Hydrate Development
Alaska and the Gulf of Mexico - 1980-2023 Current Status of Methane Hydrate Development
In the United States, methane hydrate is attracting attention as an important future energy resource. The main areas of reserves are the permafrost in northern Alaska, the Gulf of Mexico, and the continental slope off the East Coast. In particular, huge reserves of more than 85 trillion cubic meters have been identified in the North Slope of Alaska. In the Gulf of Mexico, more than 100 million cubic meters per square kilometer of hydrate is estimated to exist, and the geological structure is characterized by sandy layers that are easy to mine.
The U.S. began researching methane hydrate in the 1980s, and the Department of Energy (DOE) has led the development of the technology. 2007 test mining was conducted on the North Slope of Alaska, producing approximately 5,000 cubic meters of gas per day. 2012 saw the development of a technology to recover methane using carbon dioxide. In 2012, a technology to recover methane using carbon dioxide was tested, and this test produced approximately 6,000 cubic meters of gas per day. This technology attracted attention as an environmentally friendly approach to sequestering the greenhouse gas CO₂ underground.
Furthermore, in October 2023, a long-term production test was started in Alaska in cooperation with Japan's JOGMEC. The test aims to produce approximately 300,000 cubic meters of natural gas per year and is an important technological demonstration for commercialization.
The technology development includes a depressurization method to reduce pressure on the seafloor and recover the gas, a chemical injection method to accelerate hydrate cracking, and a CO₂ exchange method that uses carbon dioxide to replace methane. The CO₂ exchange method is said to have the potential to reduce the cost per cubic meter from about $100 to $50.
On the other hand, challenges remain. Mining costs are high compared to existing natural gas, currently requiring about $50 to $100 per cubic meter. In addition, the risk of global warming due to methane leakage and the possibility of submarine landslides have been pointed out. This calls for technological innovation to minimize environmental risks.
While addressing these issues, the United States has positioned methane hydrate as an important resource from the perspective of energy security. By promoting international cooperation and technological innovation, we aim to overcome high mining costs and environmental risks, and to commercialize methane hydrate in the future.
In the United States, methane hydrate is attracting attention as an important future energy resource. The main areas of reserves are the permafrost in northern Alaska, the Gulf of Mexico, and the continental slope off the East Coast. In particular, huge reserves of more than 85 trillion cubic meters have been identified in the North Slope of Alaska. In the Gulf of Mexico, more than 100 million cubic meters per square kilometer of hydrate is estimated to exist, and the geological structure is characterized by sandy layers that are easy to mine.
The U.S. began researching methane hydrate in the 1980s, and the Department of Energy (DOE) has led the development of the technology. 2007 test mining was conducted on the North Slope of Alaska, producing approximately 5,000 cubic meters of gas per day. 2012 saw the development of a technology to recover methane using carbon dioxide. In 2012, a technology to recover methane using carbon dioxide was tested, and this test produced approximately 6,000 cubic meters of gas per day. This technology attracted attention as an environmentally friendly approach to sequestering the greenhouse gas CO₂ underground.
Furthermore, in October 2023, a long-term production test was started in Alaska in cooperation with Japan's JOGMEC. The test aims to produce approximately 300,000 cubic meters of natural gas per year and is an important technological demonstration for commercialization.
The technology development includes a depressurization method to reduce pressure on the seafloor and recover the gas, a chemical injection method to accelerate hydrate cracking, and a CO₂ exchange method that uses carbon dioxide to replace methane. The CO₂ exchange method is said to have the potential to reduce the cost per cubic meter from about $100 to $50.
On the other hand, challenges remain. Mining costs are high compared to existing natural gas, currently requiring about $50 to $100 per cubic meter. In addition, the risk of global warming due to methane leakage and the possibility of submarine landslides have been pointed out. This calls for technological innovation to minimize environmental risks.
While addressing these issues, the United States has positioned methane hydrate as an important resource from the perspective of energy security. By promoting international cooperation and technological innovation, we aim to overcome high mining costs and environmental risks, and to commercialize methane hydrate in the future.
アラスカ・メキシコ湾-1980年から2023年 メタンハイドレート開発の現状
アラスカ・メキシコ湾-1980年から2023年 メタンハイドレート開発の現状
アメリカでは、メタンハイドレートが将来の重要なエネルギー資源として注目されています。主な埋蔵地域は、アラスカ北部の永久凍土、メキシコ湾、東海岸沖の大陸斜面で、特にアラスカ州北スロープでは約85兆立方メートル以上の膨大な埋蔵量が確認されています。メキシコ湾では1平方キロメートルあたり1億立方メートル以上のハイドレートが存在するとされ、採掘しやすい砂層型の地質構造が特徴です。
アメリカは1980年代からメタンハイドレートの研究を開始し、エネルギー省(DOE)の主導で技術開発が進められてきました。2007年にアラスカ北スロープで試験採掘を実施し、1日あたり約5000立方メートルのガスを生産しました。2012年には二酸化炭素を利用してメタンを回収する技術が試され、この試験では1日あたり約6000立方メートルのガスが生産されました。この技術は、温室効果ガスのCO₂を地下に封じ込める環境配慮型の取り組みとして注目されました。
さらに、2023年10月には、日本のJOGMECとの協力により、アラスカで長期生産試験が開始されました。この試験では、1年間で約30万立方メートルの天然ガス生産を目指しており、商業化に向けた重要な技術実証となっています。
技術開発としては、減圧法による海底の圧力を下げてガスを回収する方法、化学注入法によるハイドレート分解促進、二酸化炭素を利用してメタンを置き換えるCO₂交換法が試されています。CO₂交換法は、1立方メートルあたりのコストを約100ドルから50ドルに削減する可能性があるとされています。
一方で、課題も残っています。既存の天然ガスと比較して採掘コストが高く、現在では1立方メートルあたり約50~100ドルが必要です。また、メタン漏出による温暖化リスクや海底地滑りの可能性が指摘されています。これにより、環境リスクを最小限に抑える技術革新が求められています。
アメリカはこれらの課題に取り組みつつ、エネルギー安全保障の観点からメタンハイドレートを重要な資源と位置付けています。国際協力や技術革新を進めることで、高い採掘コストと環境リスクを克服し、将来的な商業化を目指しています。
アメリカでは、メタンハイドレートが将来の重要なエネルギー資源として注目されています。主な埋蔵地域は、アラスカ北部の永久凍土、メキシコ湾、東海岸沖の大陸斜面で、特にアラスカ州北スロープでは約85兆立方メートル以上の膨大な埋蔵量が確認されています。メキシコ湾では1平方キロメートルあたり1億立方メートル以上のハイドレートが存在するとされ、採掘しやすい砂層型の地質構造が特徴です。
アメリカは1980年代からメタンハイドレートの研究を開始し、エネルギー省(DOE)の主導で技術開発が進められてきました。2007年にアラスカ北スロープで試験採掘を実施し、1日あたり約5000立方メートルのガスを生産しました。2012年には二酸化炭素を利用してメタンを回収する技術が試され、この試験では1日あたり約6000立方メートルのガスが生産されました。この技術は、温室効果ガスのCO₂を地下に封じ込める環境配慮型の取り組みとして注目されました。
さらに、2023年10月には、日本のJOGMECとの協力により、アラスカで長期生産試験が開始されました。この試験では、1年間で約30万立方メートルの天然ガス生産を目指しており、商業化に向けた重要な技術実証となっています。
技術開発としては、減圧法による海底の圧力を下げてガスを回収する方法、化学注入法によるハイドレート分解促進、二酸化炭素を利用してメタンを置き換えるCO₂交換法が試されています。CO₂交換法は、1立方メートルあたりのコストを約100ドルから50ドルに削減する可能性があるとされています。
一方で、課題も残っています。既存の天然ガスと比較して採掘コストが高く、現在では1立方メートルあたり約50~100ドルが必要です。また、メタン漏出による温暖化リスクや海底地滑りの可能性が指摘されています。これにより、環境リスクを最小限に抑える技術革新が求められています。
アメリカはこれらの課題に取り組みつつ、エネルギー安全保障の観点からメタンハイドレートを重要な資源と位置付けています。国際協力や技術革新を進めることで、高い採掘コストと環境リスクを克服し、将来的な商業化を目指しています。
Memory of a Garden Blooming in Water - Floating Island Flowerbeds and Poetry of Environmental Purification 2007
Memory of a Garden Blooming in Water - Floating Island Flowerbeds and Poetry of Environmental Purification 2007
The "Floating Island Flowerbed Purification System (DEKS)" developed by Dowa Techno-Engine Corporation in 2007 was a technology that brought nature and people together by floating flowerbeds on the surface of water and purifying the water quality through the action of plants and microorganisms planted there. This system, which revives water in ponds and regulating reservoirs while quietly absorbing nitrogen, phosphorus, and organic matter in the water, is more than just a treatment facility; it blends into the landscape and brings beauty to people's eyes and hearts.
The floating islands are made of recycled plastic materials, and the structure itself is designed with an eye toward a recycling-oriented society. The floating island requires little electricity and is easy to manage, making it possible for small-scale municipalities and local residents to operate it, and it has also served as a site for environmental education. In eco-towns and environmental model districts, children participated in planting trees, and the floating garden became a place that brought people together with the community.
This natural engineering method, which replaces the conventional activated sludge method and chemical treatment, has brought a new cycle of life to the corners of the city and to the regulating ponds in rural areas. This technology, which incorporates purification, landscape, participation, and co-creation, is a quiet proposal for a sustainable future, and is truly worthy of being called "the memory of a garden blooming in the water.
The "Floating Island Flowerbed Purification System (DEKS)" developed by Dowa Techno-Engine Corporation in 2007 was a technology that brought nature and people together by floating flowerbeds on the surface of water and purifying the water quality through the action of plants and microorganisms planted there. This system, which revives water in ponds and regulating reservoirs while quietly absorbing nitrogen, phosphorus, and organic matter in the water, is more than just a treatment facility; it blends into the landscape and brings beauty to people's eyes and hearts.
The floating islands are made of recycled plastic materials, and the structure itself is designed with an eye toward a recycling-oriented society. The floating island requires little electricity and is easy to manage, making it possible for small-scale municipalities and local residents to operate it, and it has also served as a site for environmental education. In eco-towns and environmental model districts, children participated in planting trees, and the floating garden became a place that brought people together with the community.
This natural engineering method, which replaces the conventional activated sludge method and chemical treatment, has brought a new cycle of life to the corners of the city and to the regulating ponds in rural areas. This technology, which incorporates purification, landscape, participation, and co-creation, is a quiet proposal for a sustainable future, and is truly worthy of being called "the memory of a garden blooming in the water.
水に咲く庭の記憶 ― 浮島式花壇と環境浄化の詩 2007年
水に咲く庭の記憶 ― 浮島式花壇と環境浄化の詩 2007年
2007年にDOWAテクノエンジ株式会社が展開した「浮島式花壇浄化システム(DEKS)」は、水面に花壇を浮かべ、そこに植えた植物と微生物の働きによって水質を浄化するという、自然と人が共に描く技術であった。水中の窒素やリン、有機物を静かに吸収しながら、池や調整池の水をよみがえらせるこの仕組みは、ただの処理設備にとどまらず、風景に溶け込み、人々の目にも心にも美しさを届ける。
浮島には再生プラスチック素材が使われ、構造自体も循環型社会への眼差しを宿している。電力をほとんど使わず、管理も容易なため、小規模自治体や地域住民による運用が可能であり、環境教育の現場としての機能も果たした。エコタウンや環境モデル地区では、子どもたちが植栽に参加し、浮かぶ庭が地域と人を結ぶ場ともなった。
従来の活性汚泥法や薬剤処理に代わるこの自然工学的手法は、都市の片隅や農村の調整池に、新たな命の循環をもたらした。浄化と景観、そして参加と共創を織り込んだこの技術は、持続可能な未来への静かな提案であり、まさに「水に咲く庭の記憶」と呼ぶにふさわしいものであった。
2007年にDOWAテクノエンジ株式会社が展開した「浮島式花壇浄化システム(DEKS)」は、水面に花壇を浮かべ、そこに植えた植物と微生物の働きによって水質を浄化するという、自然と人が共に描く技術であった。水中の窒素やリン、有機物を静かに吸収しながら、池や調整池の水をよみがえらせるこの仕組みは、ただの処理設備にとどまらず、風景に溶け込み、人々の目にも心にも美しさを届ける。
浮島には再生プラスチック素材が使われ、構造自体も循環型社会への眼差しを宿している。電力をほとんど使わず、管理も容易なため、小規模自治体や地域住民による運用が可能であり、環境教育の現場としての機能も果たした。エコタウンや環境モデル地区では、子どもたちが植栽に参加し、浮かぶ庭が地域と人を結ぶ場ともなった。
従来の活性汚泥法や薬剤処理に代わるこの自然工学的手法は、都市の片隅や農村の調整池に、新たな命の循環をもたらした。浄化と景観、そして参加と共創を織り込んだこの技術は、持続可能な未来への静かな提案であり、まさに「水に咲く庭の記憶」と呼ぶにふさわしいものであった。
Marine Ecosystem Destruction by Abandoned Waste in Palau, June 2007
Marine Ecosystem Destruction by Abandoned Waste in Palau, June 2007
In the Pacific island nation of Palau, the problem of waste disposal has become increasingly serious with the development of tourism and population growth. On several islands, including the capital city of Maluku, incineration facilities and appropriate landfill sites were inadequately maintained, and waste from households and commercial facilities was being illegally dumped on the beach.
Under these conditions, rainfall causes toxic substances contained in the waste to run off and flow directly into the sea, resulting in pollution. In particular, the components produced in the decomposition process of plastic products and food waste had a negative impact on coral reefs and fish, threatening the local fishing industry and the natural environment as a tourist resource.
Local residents voiced their dissatisfaction and concern about the deterioration of their living environment, complaining that the odor was so bad that tourists constantly complained about it, and that flies attracted by the garbage would even enter their homes. Garbage dumped directly on the coastline was spread into the sea during storm surges and typhoons, causing direct damage to the ecosystem, including accidental ingestion by sea turtles, coral bleaching, and mass fish mortality.
In response to this situation, the NGO "Rice Japan" of Oshu City, Iwate Prefecture, in cooperation with the Palauan government and international cooperation organizations, donated a waste incineration facility to the local community. The facility has a processing capacity of 5 tons/day and was designed to be suitable for small municipalities. The donation cost approximately 20 million yen, which was raised by Rice Japan through fundraising in Japan and with the cooperation of local schools and civic groups.
The Palauan government has begun reviewing its waste disposal policy with a focus on the use of incineration facilities. This project has also triggered the start of educational activities on the importance of waste management in the surrounding islands.
This case study reveals the vulnerability of waste disposal in small island countries and the ecological destruction it causes, and at the same time reminds us of the significance of grass-roots international cooperation.
Related Sources
1. National Solid Waste Management Strategy (2017-2026)
The Government of Palau has developed a National Solid Waste Management Strategy to address the risks posed by solid waste to public health and the environment. It aims to establish a sustainable waste management system.
2) JICA and Japanese Government Support for New National Landfill
The Japanese government and JICA are supporting the development of a new national landfill in Palau to reduce the environmental burden through proper waste disposal.
3. marine litter countermeasures by the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP)
Palau has been conducting surveys on marine litter and strengthening its management system, and reducing the impact of plastics on marine ecosystems has been identified as a national issue.
In the Pacific island nation of Palau, the problem of waste disposal has become increasingly serious with the development of tourism and population growth. On several islands, including the capital city of Maluku, incineration facilities and appropriate landfill sites were inadequately maintained, and waste from households and commercial facilities was being illegally dumped on the beach.
Under these conditions, rainfall causes toxic substances contained in the waste to run off and flow directly into the sea, resulting in pollution. In particular, the components produced in the decomposition process of plastic products and food waste had a negative impact on coral reefs and fish, threatening the local fishing industry and the natural environment as a tourist resource.
Local residents voiced their dissatisfaction and concern about the deterioration of their living environment, complaining that the odor was so bad that tourists constantly complained about it, and that flies attracted by the garbage would even enter their homes. Garbage dumped directly on the coastline was spread into the sea during storm surges and typhoons, causing direct damage to the ecosystem, including accidental ingestion by sea turtles, coral bleaching, and mass fish mortality.
In response to this situation, the NGO "Rice Japan" of Oshu City, Iwate Prefecture, in cooperation with the Palauan government and international cooperation organizations, donated a waste incineration facility to the local community. The facility has a processing capacity of 5 tons/day and was designed to be suitable for small municipalities. The donation cost approximately 20 million yen, which was raised by Rice Japan through fundraising in Japan and with the cooperation of local schools and civic groups.
The Palauan government has begun reviewing its waste disposal policy with a focus on the use of incineration facilities. This project has also triggered the start of educational activities on the importance of waste management in the surrounding islands.
This case study reveals the vulnerability of waste disposal in small island countries and the ecological destruction it causes, and at the same time reminds us of the significance of grass-roots international cooperation.
Related Sources
1. National Solid Waste Management Strategy (2017-2026)
The Government of Palau has developed a National Solid Waste Management Strategy to address the risks posed by solid waste to public health and the environment. It aims to establish a sustainable waste management system.
2) JICA and Japanese Government Support for New National Landfill
The Japanese government and JICA are supporting the development of a new national landfill in Palau to reduce the environmental burden through proper waste disposal.
3. marine litter countermeasures by the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP)
Palau has been conducting surveys on marine litter and strengthening its management system, and reducing the impact of plastics on marine ecosystems has been identified as a national issue.
パラオでの廃棄物放置による海洋生態系破壊 2007年6月
パラオでの廃棄物放置による海洋生態系破壊 2007年6月
太平洋の島国パラオでは観光業の発展と人口増加に伴い廃棄物処理の問題が深刻化していた。首都マルキョクを含むいくつかの島では焼却施設や適切な埋立地の整備が不十分で家庭や商業施設から出る廃棄物がそのまま海辺に不法投棄される状況が続いていた。
このような状態では降雨によって廃棄物に含まれる有害成分が流出し海に直接流れ込むことで汚染が進行。特にプラスチック製品や食品廃棄物が分解される過程で生じる成分がサンゴ礁や魚類に悪影響を及ぼし地元の漁業や観光資源としての自然環境が脅かされていた。
現地住民からは「異臭がひどく観光客からの苦情が絶えない」「ゴミにたかったハエが住居にまで入り込む」など生活環境の悪化に対する不満と不安の声が上がっていた。海岸線に直接捨てられたごみは高潮時や台風などで海中へ拡散しウミガメの誤飲、サンゴの白化、魚の大量死といった生態系への直接的な被害も発生していた。
この状況に対応するため岩手県奥州市のNGO「ライスジャパン」はパラオ政府および国際協力機関と連携し現地に廃棄物焼却施設を寄贈する活動を行った。施設は処理能力5トン/日を有し小規模自治体に適した設計とされた。寄贈にかかった費用およそ2000万円はライスジャパンが中心となって日本国内で募金を募り地域の学校や市民団体の協力のもとで集められた。
この取り組みは国境を越えた市民主体の環境支援の模範例とされておりパラオ政府も焼却施設の活用を軸にごみ処理政策の見直しに着手している。またこのプロジェクトをきっかけに周辺諸島でもごみ処理の重要性についての啓発活動が始まりつつある。
この事例は小規模島嶼国における廃棄物処理の脆弱性とそれがもたらす生態系破壊の実態を明らかにすると同時に草の根的な国際協力の意義を再認識させるものである。
関連情報源
1. 国家固形廃棄物管理戦略(2017年〜2026年)
パラオ政府は固形廃棄物が公衆衛生や環境に及ぼすリスクに対処するため「国家固形廃棄物管理戦略」を策定。持続可能なごみ処理体制の構築を目指している。
2. JICAと日本政府による新国立埋立地支援
日本政府およびJICAはパラオの新たな国立埋立地の整備を支援し廃棄物の適正処理による環境負荷軽減を推進している。
3. 国連環境計画(UNEP)による海洋ごみ対策
パラオは海洋ごみの実態調査と管理体制の強化を進めておりプラスチックによる海洋生態系への影響低減が国家的課題とされている。
太平洋の島国パラオでは観光業の発展と人口増加に伴い廃棄物処理の問題が深刻化していた。首都マルキョクを含むいくつかの島では焼却施設や適切な埋立地の整備が不十分で家庭や商業施設から出る廃棄物がそのまま海辺に不法投棄される状況が続いていた。
このような状態では降雨によって廃棄物に含まれる有害成分が流出し海に直接流れ込むことで汚染が進行。特にプラスチック製品や食品廃棄物が分解される過程で生じる成分がサンゴ礁や魚類に悪影響を及ぼし地元の漁業や観光資源としての自然環境が脅かされていた。
現地住民からは「異臭がひどく観光客からの苦情が絶えない」「ゴミにたかったハエが住居にまで入り込む」など生活環境の悪化に対する不満と不安の声が上がっていた。海岸線に直接捨てられたごみは高潮時や台風などで海中へ拡散しウミガメの誤飲、サンゴの白化、魚の大量死といった生態系への直接的な被害も発生していた。
この状況に対応するため岩手県奥州市のNGO「ライスジャパン」はパラオ政府および国際協力機関と連携し現地に廃棄物焼却施設を寄贈する活動を行った。施設は処理能力5トン/日を有し小規模自治体に適した設計とされた。寄贈にかかった費用およそ2000万円はライスジャパンが中心となって日本国内で募金を募り地域の学校や市民団体の協力のもとで集められた。
この取り組みは国境を越えた市民主体の環境支援の模範例とされておりパラオ政府も焼却施設の活用を軸にごみ処理政策の見直しに着手している。またこのプロジェクトをきっかけに周辺諸島でもごみ処理の重要性についての啓発活動が始まりつつある。
この事例は小規模島嶼国における廃棄物処理の脆弱性とそれがもたらす生態系破壊の実態を明らかにすると同時に草の根的な国際協力の意義を再認識させるものである。
関連情報源
1. 国家固形廃棄物管理戦略(2017年〜2026年)
パラオ政府は固形廃棄物が公衆衛生や環境に及ぼすリスクに対処するため「国家固形廃棄物管理戦略」を策定。持続可能なごみ処理体制の構築を目指している。
2. JICAと日本政府による新国立埋立地支援
日本政府およびJICAはパラオの新たな国立埋立地の整備を支援し廃棄物の適正処理による環境負荷軽減を推進している。
3. 国連環境計画(UNEP)による海洋ごみ対策
パラオは海洋ごみの実態調査と管理体制の強化を進めておりプラスチックによる海洋生態系への影響低減が国家的課題とされている。
The Beauty that Dwells in the Spaces between the Images: Ichimaru and the Art of "Unshown Colors" (1969)
The Beauty that Dwells in the Spaces between the Images: Ichimaru and the Art of "Unshown Colors" (1969)
In 1969, Ichimaru, a master of Edo kouta, said, "Shame is the essence of art" in the increasingly exposed world of entertainment. Ichimaru's art emphasized "scenting," not direct expression, and was rooted in a sense of beauty that concealed emotion in pauses and silence. The red lintel, the gesture of turning around, and other details of sexuality stimulate the imagination of the audience. In contrast, nudity and nude scenes in movies and TV shows at that time were beginning to be called an art form, and showing them was becoming more and more valuable.
In response to this trend of the times, Ichimaru stated categorically, "Exposure is the most tactless. There is a strong sense of crisis that the performing arts are being consumed by money and ratings, and a sense of pride in the classical arts. Her words were not merely an assertion of aesthetics, but also an expression of her determination to "stand on stage as a woman.
In an era of rapid change, Ichimaru's art was like the last fortress to protect the culture of "refinement," which is rich in restraint. His quiet resistance still raises essential questions about what "sex appeal" and "acting" really mean.
In 1969, Ichimaru, a master of Edo kouta, said, "Shame is the essence of art" in the increasingly exposed world of entertainment. Ichimaru's art emphasized "scenting," not direct expression, and was rooted in a sense of beauty that concealed emotion in pauses and silence. The red lintel, the gesture of turning around, and other details of sexuality stimulate the imagination of the audience. In contrast, nudity and nude scenes in movies and TV shows at that time were beginning to be called an art form, and showing them was becoming more and more valuable.
In response to this trend of the times, Ichimaru stated categorically, "Exposure is the most tactless. There is a strong sense of crisis that the performing arts are being consumed by money and ratings, and a sense of pride in the classical arts. Her words were not merely an assertion of aesthetics, but also an expression of her determination to "stand on stage as a woman.
In an era of rapid change, Ichimaru's art was like the last fortress to protect the culture of "refinement," which is rich in restraint. His quiet resistance still raises essential questions about what "sex appeal" and "acting" really mean.
間(ま)に宿る美――市丸と“見せない色”の芸(1969年)
間(ま)に宿る美――市丸と"見せない色"の芸(1969年)
1969年江戸小唄の名手・市丸は露出の進む芸能界にあって「恥じらいこそが芸の粋」と語った。市丸の芸は"匂わせる"ことに重きを置き直接的な表現ではなく間(ま)や沈黙のなかに情を潜ませる美意識に貫かれていた。襦袢の赤や振り返りの仕草など細部に滲む色気が観客の想像力を刺激する。これに対し当時の映画やテレビではヌードや濡れ場が芸術と称され始め見せることが価値を持ち始めていた。
そうした時代の流れに対し市丸はきっぱりと「露出は最も無粋」と語る。そこには芸能が金と視聴率に消費されゆくことへの強い危機感と古典芸能の誇りがある。彼女の語りは単なる美学の主張ではなく"女として舞台に立つ"ことへの覚悟の表明でもあった。
急速に変化する時代のなかで市丸の芸は抑制の中に豊かさを宿す「品」の文化を守る最後の砦のようだった。その静かな抵抗は今なお"色気"とは何か"演じる"とは何かという本質的な問いを私たちに投げかけている。
1969年江戸小唄の名手・市丸は露出の進む芸能界にあって「恥じらいこそが芸の粋」と語った。市丸の芸は"匂わせる"ことに重きを置き直接的な表現ではなく間(ま)や沈黙のなかに情を潜ませる美意識に貫かれていた。襦袢の赤や振り返りの仕草など細部に滲む色気が観客の想像力を刺激する。これに対し当時の映画やテレビではヌードや濡れ場が芸術と称され始め見せることが価値を持ち始めていた。
そうした時代の流れに対し市丸はきっぱりと「露出は最も無粋」と語る。そこには芸能が金と視聴率に消費されゆくことへの強い危機感と古典芸能の誇りがある。彼女の語りは単なる美学の主張ではなく"女として舞台に立つ"ことへの覚悟の表明でもあった。
急速に変化する時代のなかで市丸の芸は抑制の中に豊かさを宿す「品」の文化を守る最後の砦のようだった。その静かな抵抗は今なお"色気"とは何か"演じる"とは何かという本質的な問いを私たちに投げかけている。
Ichimaru: The "Color" and "Shame" of Women in Edo Kouta (1969)
Ichimaru: The "Color" and "Shame" of Women in Edo Kouta (1969)
In the spring of 1969, Ichimaru, a master of Edo kouta, spoke about his art, which was imbued with an aesthetic of "shame," the essence of the performing arts. Ichimaru is a female singer who has been active since the early Showa period (early 20th century), singing kouta quietly but sharply in kimono and on the shamisen.
At that time, the "exposure" of the performing arts, including the movie industry, was becoming more and more intense. French films were becoming popular for their nude scenes, and nudity was now considered an "art form". Ichimaru's theory was that "sex appeal lies in what is not shown.
According to Ichimaru, in the world of Edo kouta, "smelling" color was vital, and showing it was considered uncouth. The pursed lips, the swivel of the shoulders, the red of the lintel peeking out from between the fingertips--all were "beauty not to be shown. She asserted that the foundation of her art was "to feel sexy and to wrap oneself in shame.
The "shame" that Ichimaru speaks of is not mere modesty, but an intelligent performance technique that draws out the audience's imagination by "daring to restrain it. While the modern performing arts tend to "stimulate by showing," she says that "the art of art is to make people imagine," and that "exposing is the most tactless thing you can do.
What is also interesting is the coexistence of "pride" and "anger" in her words. She is harsh in her criticism of the corruption of the entertainment industry, saying, "I don't want to see the art of a woman who has thrown away her shame. Her words can be described as her pride as a female performer who lived through the Showa period (1926-1989) and her quiet resistance to the trend toward the commercialization of her art.
At that time, Japan was in the midst of its rapid economic growth, and television and movies were rapidly expanding as entertainment for the masses. With the evolution of visual technology and production effects, there was an atmosphere in which "direct expression" that transcended "shame" was praised. Ichimaru, however, remained committed to the pride of the classical performing arts, which is to contain emotion in the "narration" and "pauses.
This storytelling is not mere art talk. It is a story of the subtle psychological and social boundaries between "being a woman" and "acting," as well as what the performing arts are and what it means to express oneself in public, all told from one body.
In the spring of 1969, Ichimaru, a master of Edo kouta, spoke about his art, which was imbued with an aesthetic of "shame," the essence of the performing arts. Ichimaru is a female singer who has been active since the early Showa period (early 20th century), singing kouta quietly but sharply in kimono and on the shamisen.
At that time, the "exposure" of the performing arts, including the movie industry, was becoming more and more intense. French films were becoming popular for their nude scenes, and nudity was now considered an "art form". Ichimaru's theory was that "sex appeal lies in what is not shown.
According to Ichimaru, in the world of Edo kouta, "smelling" color was vital, and showing it was considered uncouth. The pursed lips, the swivel of the shoulders, the red of the lintel peeking out from between the fingertips--all were "beauty not to be shown. She asserted that the foundation of her art was "to feel sexy and to wrap oneself in shame.
The "shame" that Ichimaru speaks of is not mere modesty, but an intelligent performance technique that draws out the audience's imagination by "daring to restrain it. While the modern performing arts tend to "stimulate by showing," she says that "the art of art is to make people imagine," and that "exposing is the most tactless thing you can do.
What is also interesting is the coexistence of "pride" and "anger" in her words. She is harsh in her criticism of the corruption of the entertainment industry, saying, "I don't want to see the art of a woman who has thrown away her shame. Her words can be described as her pride as a female performer who lived through the Showa period (1926-1989) and her quiet resistance to the trend toward the commercialization of her art.
At that time, Japan was in the midst of its rapid economic growth, and television and movies were rapidly expanding as entertainment for the masses. With the evolution of visual technology and production effects, there was an atmosphere in which "direct expression" that transcended "shame" was praised. Ichimaru, however, remained committed to the pride of the classical performing arts, which is to contain emotion in the "narration" and "pauses.
This storytelling is not mere art talk. It is a story of the subtle psychological and social boundaries between "being a woman" and "acting," as well as what the performing arts are and what it means to express oneself in public, all told from one body.
市丸――江戸小唄に生きる女の“色”と“恥じらい”(1969年)
市丸――江戸小唄に生きる女の"色"と"恥じらい"(1969年)
1969年の春、江戸小唄の名手・市丸が語る芸談には、芸能の本質とも言うべき"恥じらい"の美学が滲んでいた。市丸は、昭和初期から活躍してきた女性歌手であり、和服を身にまとい、三味線にのせて色香を帯びた小唄を静かに、しかし鋭く語りかけるように歌ってきた人物である。
当時は、映画界をはじめとして芸能の"露出"が激しくなっていた。フランス映画の濡れ場が話題になり、映画女優がヌードを披露することも、もはや"芸術"として受け止められ始めていた。そんな中、市丸は、「色気とはあくまで"見せないところ"にある」という持論を語っている。
市丸によれば、江戸小唄の世界では、色を"匂わせる"ことが命であり、見せることそのものが野暮であった。唇の一文字、肩の振り返り、指先の間からのぞく襦袢の赤――そのすべてが「見せない美」であった。彼女は「色っぽいことを感じて、恥じらいで包み込むこと」が芸の根幹であると断言する。
市丸が語る「恥じらい」とは単なる奥ゆかしさではなく、"あえて抑制すること"によって観客の想像力を引き出す知的な演出手法である。現代の芸能が"見せることで刺激を与える"方向に傾く中で、彼女は「想像させることこそが芸の粋」であり、「露出するのは最も無粋」と語る。
また、興味深いのは彼女の言葉の中に"誇り"と"怒り"が共存している点である。芸能の堕落に対しては厳しく、「恥を捨てた女の芸など見たくない」と切って捨てている。その言葉は、昭和という時代を生き抜いた女性芸人としての誇りと、芸を商業化する流れへの静かな抵抗とも言える。
当時の日本は高度経済成長の中にあり、テレビや映画が大衆の娯楽として急速に拡大していた時代である。映像技術や演出効果の進化により、"恥じらい"を飛び越えるような"直截な表現"が賞賛される空気もあった。だが、市丸はあくまで"語り"と"間"の中に情を封じ込める古典芸能の矜持を守り続けた。
この語りは、単なる芸談ではない。そこには、芸能とは何か、人前で表現することとは何か、そして"女であること"と"演じること"のあいだにある微妙な心理と社会の境界が、ひとつの身体から語られている。
1969年の春、江戸小唄の名手・市丸が語る芸談には、芸能の本質とも言うべき"恥じらい"の美学が滲んでいた。市丸は、昭和初期から活躍してきた女性歌手であり、和服を身にまとい、三味線にのせて色香を帯びた小唄を静かに、しかし鋭く語りかけるように歌ってきた人物である。
当時は、映画界をはじめとして芸能の"露出"が激しくなっていた。フランス映画の濡れ場が話題になり、映画女優がヌードを披露することも、もはや"芸術"として受け止められ始めていた。そんな中、市丸は、「色気とはあくまで"見せないところ"にある」という持論を語っている。
市丸によれば、江戸小唄の世界では、色を"匂わせる"ことが命であり、見せることそのものが野暮であった。唇の一文字、肩の振り返り、指先の間からのぞく襦袢の赤――そのすべてが「見せない美」であった。彼女は「色っぽいことを感じて、恥じらいで包み込むこと」が芸の根幹であると断言する。
市丸が語る「恥じらい」とは単なる奥ゆかしさではなく、"あえて抑制すること"によって観客の想像力を引き出す知的な演出手法である。現代の芸能が"見せることで刺激を与える"方向に傾く中で、彼女は「想像させることこそが芸の粋」であり、「露出するのは最も無粋」と語る。
また、興味深いのは彼女の言葉の中に"誇り"と"怒り"が共存している点である。芸能の堕落に対しては厳しく、「恥を捨てた女の芸など見たくない」と切って捨てている。その言葉は、昭和という時代を生き抜いた女性芸人としての誇りと、芸を商業化する流れへの静かな抵抗とも言える。
当時の日本は高度経済成長の中にあり、テレビや映画が大衆の娯楽として急速に拡大していた時代である。映像技術や演出効果の進化により、"恥じらい"を飛び越えるような"直截な表現"が賞賛される空気もあった。だが、市丸はあくまで"語り"と"間"の中に情を封じ込める古典芸能の矜持を守り続けた。
この語りは、単なる芸談ではない。そこには、芸能とは何か、人前で表現することとは何か、そして"女であること"と"演じること"のあいだにある微妙な心理と社会の境界が、ひとつの身体から語られている。
Floating island flowerbed purification system "DEKS": Advanced environmental technology in harmony with nature
Floating island flowerbed purification system "DEKS": Advanced environmental technology in harmony with nature
Among the environmental technologies that Dowa Techno-Engine Corporation was developing and introducing in 2007, the "Floating Island Flowerbed Purification System (DEKS)" attracted particular attention. This technology was not just an industrial water treatment device, but a water purification system based on an ecological engineering method designed to harmonize with nature, and was very unusual in its structure and conception.
DEKS is a flowerbed-like structure floating on the surface of the water, in which plants are planted to absorb and decompose nitrogen, phosphorus, and organic matter in the water through the action of plants and symbiotic microorganisms. The purification targets include park ponds, regulating ponds, and wastewater reservoirs in industrial complexes, and are designed to both improve the appearance and quality of the water. In particular, secondary effects such as heat island countermeasures and landscape improvement can be expected through the greening of the water surface.
The value of this technology lies not only in its water purification function, but also in its educational value in raising the environmental awareness of citizens. There were reports of cases where this technology was introduced in a model environmental district or a corner of an eco-town, where citizens' groups and children participated in planting and maintenance activities.
The system was also evaluated for its low energy consumption and simple operation and management compared to conventional activated sludge and chemical treatment methods, making it possible for small-scale facilities and municipalities to maintain and operate the system.
Such natural technology-based treatment systems are particularly effective in highly urbanized areas and remote islands and mountainous regions with limited resources. The structure of the floating islands is made of recycled plastic materials, and the structure itself is also characterized by the incorporation of a recycling perspective.
Related Sources
1. The official website of Dowa Eco-System Corporation (Dowa Group) introduces the company's entire environmental recycling business. Although the floating island system "DEKS" itself is not explicitly mentioned, it may have been positioned within the diverse water treatment and resource recycling technologies developed by the company.
There are similar efforts internationally to purify water using floating flower beds, such as the JMS Floating Garden, which introduces a nature-integrated technology that combines landscape and purification.
3. videos of DIY floating island biofilter experiments can be found on YouTube and other sites, providing a means to deepen general understanding of the technical structure and effectiveness of the technology.
This technology was a rare fusion of engineering and nature, and had high educational and social value as a model for a recycling-oriented society and local self-sustaining environmental conservation.
Among the environmental technologies that Dowa Techno-Engine Corporation was developing and introducing in 2007, the "Floating Island Flowerbed Purification System (DEKS)" attracted particular attention. This technology was not just an industrial water treatment device, but a water purification system based on an ecological engineering method designed to harmonize with nature, and was very unusual in its structure and conception.
DEKS is a flowerbed-like structure floating on the surface of the water, in which plants are planted to absorb and decompose nitrogen, phosphorus, and organic matter in the water through the action of plants and symbiotic microorganisms. The purification targets include park ponds, regulating ponds, and wastewater reservoirs in industrial complexes, and are designed to both improve the appearance and quality of the water. In particular, secondary effects such as heat island countermeasures and landscape improvement can be expected through the greening of the water surface.
The value of this technology lies not only in its water purification function, but also in its educational value in raising the environmental awareness of citizens. There were reports of cases where this technology was introduced in a model environmental district or a corner of an eco-town, where citizens' groups and children participated in planting and maintenance activities.
The system was also evaluated for its low energy consumption and simple operation and management compared to conventional activated sludge and chemical treatment methods, making it possible for small-scale facilities and municipalities to maintain and operate the system.
Such natural technology-based treatment systems are particularly effective in highly urbanized areas and remote islands and mountainous regions with limited resources. The structure of the floating islands is made of recycled plastic materials, and the structure itself is also characterized by the incorporation of a recycling perspective.
Related Sources
1. The official website of Dowa Eco-System Corporation (Dowa Group) introduces the company's entire environmental recycling business. Although the floating island system "DEKS" itself is not explicitly mentioned, it may have been positioned within the diverse water treatment and resource recycling technologies developed by the company.
There are similar efforts internationally to purify water using floating flower beds, such as the JMS Floating Garden, which introduces a nature-integrated technology that combines landscape and purification.
3. videos of DIY floating island biofilter experiments can be found on YouTube and other sites, providing a means to deepen general understanding of the technical structure and effectiveness of the technology.
This technology was a rare fusion of engineering and nature, and had high educational and social value as a model for a recycling-oriented society and local self-sustaining environmental conservation.
浮島式花壇浄化システム「DEKS」:自然と調和する先進環境技術
浮島式花壇浄化システム「DEKS」:自然と調和する先進環境技術
2007年当時、DOWAテクノエンジ株式会社が開発・導入を進めていた環境技術の中でも、特に注目を集めたのが「浮島式花壇浄化システム(DEKS)」である。この技術は単なる工業的水処理装置ではなく、自然との調和を前提に設計された生態工学的手法による水質浄化システムであり、その構造と発想において非常に珍しい存在であった。
DEKSは、水面に浮かべた花壇状の構造物に植物を植え込み、それを通じて水中の窒素やリン、有機物などを植物と共生微生物の作用によって吸収・分解する。浄化対象は、公園の池や調整池、産業団地の排水溜めなどであり、見た目の美しさと水質改善の両立を目指した設計がされている。特に水面の緑化によるヒートアイランド対策、景観向上といった副次的効果も期待できる。
この技術の価値は、水質浄化機能だけでなく、市民の環境意識を高める教育的価値にもある。環境モデル地区やエコタウンの一角に導入され、市民団体や子どもたちが植栽や保守活動に参加する事例も報告されていた。
また、従来の活性汚泥法や薬剤処理などと比較し、エネルギー消費が低く、運転管理も簡易であることから、小規模施設や自治体による維持運営が可能であった点も評価されている。
このような自然技術ベースの処理システムは、都市化の進む地域や資源の限られた離島・中山間地において特に有効とされる。浮島の構造には再生プラスチック素材が使用されており、構造自体にもリサイクルの視点が取り入れられていることも特徴的である。
関連情報源
1. DOWAエコシステム株式会社(DOWAグループ)公式サイトでは、同社の環境リサイクル事業全体について紹介されています。浮島式システム「DEKS」そのものの明記はないものの、同社が展開する多様な水処理・資源循環技術の中に位置づけられていた可能性があります。
2. 浮島式花壇を用いた水質浄化技術に関しては、国際的にも類似の取り組みがあり、JMS Floating Gardenなどで景観と浄化を両立させた自然融合型技術が紹介されています。
3. YouTubeなどでも、DIYによる浮島式バイオフィルターの実験動画があり、技術的な構造や効果に関する一般的理解を深める手段となります。
この技術は、工学と自然との融合を図る希少な技術であり、循環型社会や地域の自立型環境保全モデルとして、高い教育的・社会的価値を有していました。
2007年当時、DOWAテクノエンジ株式会社が開発・導入を進めていた環境技術の中でも、特に注目を集めたのが「浮島式花壇浄化システム(DEKS)」である。この技術は単なる工業的水処理装置ではなく、自然との調和を前提に設計された生態工学的手法による水質浄化システムであり、その構造と発想において非常に珍しい存在であった。
DEKSは、水面に浮かべた花壇状の構造物に植物を植え込み、それを通じて水中の窒素やリン、有機物などを植物と共生微生物の作用によって吸収・分解する。浄化対象は、公園の池や調整池、産業団地の排水溜めなどであり、見た目の美しさと水質改善の両立を目指した設計がされている。特に水面の緑化によるヒートアイランド対策、景観向上といった副次的効果も期待できる。
この技術の価値は、水質浄化機能だけでなく、市民の環境意識を高める教育的価値にもある。環境モデル地区やエコタウンの一角に導入され、市民団体や子どもたちが植栽や保守活動に参加する事例も報告されていた。
また、従来の活性汚泥法や薬剤処理などと比較し、エネルギー消費が低く、運転管理も簡易であることから、小規模施設や自治体による維持運営が可能であった点も評価されている。
このような自然技術ベースの処理システムは、都市化の進む地域や資源の限られた離島・中山間地において特に有効とされる。浮島の構造には再生プラスチック素材が使用されており、構造自体にもリサイクルの視点が取り入れられていることも特徴的である。
関連情報源
1. DOWAエコシステム株式会社(DOWAグループ)公式サイトでは、同社の環境リサイクル事業全体について紹介されています。浮島式システム「DEKS」そのものの明記はないものの、同社が展開する多様な水処理・資源循環技術の中に位置づけられていた可能性があります。
2. 浮島式花壇を用いた水質浄化技術に関しては、国際的にも類似の取り組みがあり、JMS Floating Gardenなどで景観と浄化を両立させた自然融合型技術が紹介されています。
3. YouTubeなどでも、DIYによる浮島式バイオフィルターの実験動画があり、技術的な構造や効果に関する一般的理解を深める手段となります。
この技術は、工学と自然との融合を図る希少な技術であり、循環型社会や地域の自立型環境保全モデルとして、高い教育的・社会的価値を有していました。
Development History of Thinned Wood Utilization Technology in Ryujin Village, Tanabe City, Wakayama Prefecture (2000s-2020s)
Development History of Thinned Wood Utilization Technology in Ryujin Village, Tanabe City, Wakayama Prefecture (2000s-2020s)
2000s: The budding of wood thinning technology
In Ryujin Village, Tanabe City, Wakayama Prefecture, the effective use of wood from thinning became an important issue for the local community, and the "Pod method" began to attract attention in 2007. This method was developed by a Kyoto University research team, which used cedar and cypress thinnings to combine rectangular wooden frames to create a box-shaped building structure that ensures earthquake resistance. At the time, a model facility was scheduled to be built near the Atelier Ryujin no Ie in Ryujin Village, and plans were underway for it to serve as a base for local residents and artists. This period was the beginning of an effort to utilize local resources while preventing forest devastation.
2010s: Spreading the Technology and Strengthening the Local Brand
In the 2010s, the use of thinned wood began to spread nationwide, and the "Ryujinzai" brand was established in Ryujin Village. During this period, the Ryujin Village Forestry Association took the lead in the production of products using thinned wood. Dunnage, piles, wood chips, and other products processed from local thinned wood were marketed and became an important source of income for the local economy. In addition, the "Pod construction method" developed by Kyoto University was recognized as a building technology with high seismic performance and production-ready for local production, and its use by local lumber mills and construction firms expanded. This has further enhanced the value of thinned wood utilization and has become a model case for sustainable forest management.
2020s: Growing Environmental Awareness and Utilization of Recyclable Resources
In the 2020s, Ryujin Village, Wakayama Prefecture, saw further progress in the linkage between forest conservation and local industry. Through its thinned wood distribution center, the Ryujin Village Forestry Association manufactures and sells wood chips and other products, which are attracting attention as a recyclable resource that contributes to CO₂ emissions reduction. In addition, Kyoto University's "j.Pod construction method" has been improved to a rib frame structure combining metal plates and wood, and is expected to spread nationwide as a technology that both utilizes local materials and has high earthquake resistance performance. Through these efforts, Ryujin Village is attracting attention as an advanced example of sustainable forest management and regional revitalization.
Conclusion
Initiatives to utilize wood from thinning that began in the 2000s were put to practical use and spread in the 2010s, and continue to develop as a model case for a recycling-oriented society in the 2020s. Ryujin Village's "Ryujinzai" and "j.Pod construction method" are widely recognized as successful examples that symbolize the compatibility of environmental conservation and local economy.
2000s: The budding of wood thinning technology
In Ryujin Village, Tanabe City, Wakayama Prefecture, the effective use of wood from thinning became an important issue for the local community, and the "Pod method" began to attract attention in 2007. This method was developed by a Kyoto University research team, which used cedar and cypress thinnings to combine rectangular wooden frames to create a box-shaped building structure that ensures earthquake resistance. At the time, a model facility was scheduled to be built near the Atelier Ryujin no Ie in Ryujin Village, and plans were underway for it to serve as a base for local residents and artists. This period was the beginning of an effort to utilize local resources while preventing forest devastation.
2010s: Spreading the Technology and Strengthening the Local Brand
In the 2010s, the use of thinned wood began to spread nationwide, and the "Ryujinzai" brand was established in Ryujin Village. During this period, the Ryujin Village Forestry Association took the lead in the production of products using thinned wood. Dunnage, piles, wood chips, and other products processed from local thinned wood were marketed and became an important source of income for the local economy. In addition, the "Pod construction method" developed by Kyoto University was recognized as a building technology with high seismic performance and production-ready for local production, and its use by local lumber mills and construction firms expanded. This has further enhanced the value of thinned wood utilization and has become a model case for sustainable forest management.
2020s: Growing Environmental Awareness and Utilization of Recyclable Resources
In the 2020s, Ryujin Village, Wakayama Prefecture, saw further progress in the linkage between forest conservation and local industry. Through its thinned wood distribution center, the Ryujin Village Forestry Association manufactures and sells wood chips and other products, which are attracting attention as a recyclable resource that contributes to CO₂ emissions reduction. In addition, Kyoto University's "j.Pod construction method" has been improved to a rib frame structure combining metal plates and wood, and is expected to spread nationwide as a technology that both utilizes local materials and has high earthquake resistance performance. Through these efforts, Ryujin Village is attracting attention as an advanced example of sustainable forest management and regional revitalization.
Conclusion
Initiatives to utilize wood from thinning that began in the 2000s were put to practical use and spread in the 2010s, and continue to develop as a model case for a recycling-oriented society in the 2020s. Ryujin Village's "Ryujinzai" and "j.Pod construction method" are widely recognized as successful examples that symbolize the compatibility of environmental conservation and local economy.
和歌山県田辺市龍神村における間伐材活用技術の発展史(2000年代~2020年代)
和歌山県田辺市龍神村における間伐材活用技術の発展史(2000年代~2020年代)
2000年代: 間伐材利用技術の芽生え
和歌山県田辺市龍神村では、間伐材の有効活用が地域社会の重要課題となり、2007年に「Pod工法」が注目され始めました。この工法は京都大学の研究チームが開発したもので、スギやヒノキの間伐材を利用して四角形の木枠を組み合わせ、耐震性を確保する箱形構造の建物を実現しました。当時、龍神村の「アトリエ龍神の家」付近にモデル施設が建設される予定で、地域住民や芸術家の拠点となる計画が進められていました。この時期は、森林荒廃を防ぎつつ地域資源を活用する取り組みが始まった段階でした。
2010年代: 技術の普及と地域ブランドの強化
2010年代には、間伐材の活用が全国的に普及し始め、龍神村では「龍神材」ブランドが確立されました。この時期、龍神村森林組合が主導となり、間伐材を利用した製品の生産が活発化。ダンネージや杭、木質チップなど、地元の間伐材を加工した製品が市場に出回り、地域経済の重要な収入源となりました。また、京都大学が開発した「Pod工法」は、耐震性能が高く産地生産が可能な建築技術として評価され、地域製材所や工務店での利用が拡大しました。これにより、間伐材利用の価値が一層高まり、持続可能な森林管理のモデルケースとなりました。
2020年代: 環境意識の高まりと循環型資源の活用
2020年代に入ると、和歌山県龍神村では、森林保全と地元産業の連携がさらに進展しました。龍神村森林組合は間伐材流通センターを通じて、木質チップをはじめとする製品を製造・販売し、CO₂排出削減に寄与する循環型資源として注目されています。また、京都大学の「j.Pod工法」は、金属プレートと木材を組み合わせたリブフレーム構造に改良され、地域材活用と高い耐震性能を両立する技術として、全国的な普及が期待されています。これらの取り組みにより、龍神村は持続可能な森林管理と地域活性化の先進事例として注目されています。
まとめ
2000年代に始まった間伐材利用の取り組みは、2010年代に実用化と普及が進み、2020年代には循環型社会を目指したモデルケースとして発展を続けています。龍神村の「龍神材」や「j.Pod工法」は、環境保全と地域経済の両立を象徴する成功例として広く認識されています。
2000年代: 間伐材利用技術の芽生え
和歌山県田辺市龍神村では、間伐材の有効活用が地域社会の重要課題となり、2007年に「Pod工法」が注目され始めました。この工法は京都大学の研究チームが開発したもので、スギやヒノキの間伐材を利用して四角形の木枠を組み合わせ、耐震性を確保する箱形構造の建物を実現しました。当時、龍神村の「アトリエ龍神の家」付近にモデル施設が建設される予定で、地域住民や芸術家の拠点となる計画が進められていました。この時期は、森林荒廃を防ぎつつ地域資源を活用する取り組みが始まった段階でした。
2010年代: 技術の普及と地域ブランドの強化
2010年代には、間伐材の活用が全国的に普及し始め、龍神村では「龍神材」ブランドが確立されました。この時期、龍神村森林組合が主導となり、間伐材を利用した製品の生産が活発化。ダンネージや杭、木質チップなど、地元の間伐材を加工した製品が市場に出回り、地域経済の重要な収入源となりました。また、京都大学が開発した「Pod工法」は、耐震性能が高く産地生産が可能な建築技術として評価され、地域製材所や工務店での利用が拡大しました。これにより、間伐材利用の価値が一層高まり、持続可能な森林管理のモデルケースとなりました。
2020年代: 環境意識の高まりと循環型資源の活用
2020年代に入ると、和歌山県龍神村では、森林保全と地元産業の連携がさらに進展しました。龍神村森林組合は間伐材流通センターを通じて、木質チップをはじめとする製品を製造・販売し、CO₂排出削減に寄与する循環型資源として注目されています。また、京都大学の「j.Pod工法」は、金属プレートと木材を組み合わせたリブフレーム構造に改良され、地域材活用と高い耐震性能を両立する技術として、全国的な普及が期待されています。これらの取り組みにより、龍神村は持続可能な森林管理と地域活性化の先進事例として注目されています。
まとめ
2000年代に始まった間伐材利用の取り組みは、2010年代に実用化と普及が進み、2020年代には循環型社会を目指したモデルケースとして発展を続けています。龍神村の「龍神材」や「j.Pod工法」は、環境保全と地域経済の両立を象徴する成功例として広く認識されています。
Economic Damage of Environmental Destruction - Summary
Economic Damage of Environmental Destruction - Summary
In 2008, the economic damage caused by environmental destruction amounted to approximately $660 billion (11% of global GDP). Deforestation, water and air pollution, and other factors have led to the degradation of ecosystem services. The United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) has warned that damage will quadruple by 2050 unless action is taken.
By the 2020s, the damage will exceed $10 trillion (13% of global GDP), with urbanization, especially in Asia, exacerbating the impact. In Japan, plastic waste in Tokyo Bay and heavy metal pollution in Kasumigaura, Ibaraki Prefecture, have become problems. Toyota Motor Corporation and Sumitomo Chemical are working to decarbonize and promote bioplastics, while the EU is aiming to reduce greenhouse gas emissions based on the "Green Deal. International collaboration and proactive corporate action are essential to realize a sustainable society.
In 2008, the economic damage caused by environmental destruction amounted to approximately $660 billion (11% of global GDP). Deforestation, water and air pollution, and other factors have led to the degradation of ecosystem services. The United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) has warned that damage will quadruple by 2050 unless action is taken.
By the 2020s, the damage will exceed $10 trillion (13% of global GDP), with urbanization, especially in Asia, exacerbating the impact. In Japan, plastic waste in Tokyo Bay and heavy metal pollution in Kasumigaura, Ibaraki Prefecture, have become problems. Toyota Motor Corporation and Sumitomo Chemical are working to decarbonize and promote bioplastics, while the EU is aiming to reduce greenhouse gas emissions based on the "Green Deal. International collaboration and proactive corporate action are essential to realize a sustainable society.
環境破壊の経済的損害 - 要約
環境破壊の経済的損害 - 要約
2008年、環境破壊による経済的損害額は約66000億ドル(世界GDPの11%)に達しました。森林伐採や水質汚染、大気汚染などが原因で、生態系サービスの劣化が進行。国連環境計画(UNEP)は、対策を講じなければ2050年までに損害が4倍に拡大すると警告しました。
2020年代では、損害額は10兆ドル(世界GDPの13%)を超え、特にアジアの都市化が影響を悪化させています。日本でも東京湾のプラスチック廃棄物や茨城県霞ヶ浦の重金属汚染が問題となっています。トヨタ自動車や住友化学は、脱炭素やバイオプラスチック普及に取り組む一方、EUは「グリーンディール」に基づき温室効果ガス削減を目指しています。持続可能な社会の実現には、国際的な連携と企業の積極的な行動が不可欠です。
2008年、環境破壊による経済的損害額は約66000億ドル(世界GDPの11%)に達しました。森林伐採や水質汚染、大気汚染などが原因で、生態系サービスの劣化が進行。国連環境計画(UNEP)は、対策を講じなければ2050年までに損害が4倍に拡大すると警告しました。
2020年代では、損害額は10兆ドル(世界GDPの13%)を超え、特にアジアの都市化が影響を悪化させています。日本でも東京湾のプラスチック廃棄物や茨城県霞ヶ浦の重金属汚染が問題となっています。トヨタ自動車や住友化学は、脱炭素やバイオプラスチック普及に取り組む一方、EUは「グリーンディール」に基づき温室効果ガス削減を目指しています。持続可能な社会の実現には、国際的な連携と企業の積極的な行動が不可欠です。
Food Bank Development - Status in the 2020s (October 2020)
Food Bank Development - Status in the 2020s (October 2020)
In the 2020s, as concerns over environmental pollution and food safety increased, the role of Japan's food bank became even more critical. In particular, the accumulation of heavy metals and dioxins in food products due to environmental pollution has become a major issue, and monitoring systems across the country have been strengthened.
For example, in Fukushima Prefecture, after the 2011 nuclear disaster, the influence of radioactive cesium-137 remains, and strict safety inspections of agricultural and marine products are ongoing. Only products that meet strict standards based on radiation tests are allowed to be distributed in the market.
Additionally, in Ise Bay, Mie Prefecture, mercury and cadmium pollution from industrial wastewater is a serious concern, and monitoring of marine products continues. The national food bank network collaborates to freeze food samples and conduct regular analyses.
Companies such as Nichirei, known for their freezing technology, and Marubeni, a general trading company, actively contribute to this initiative by providing cutting-edge freezing equipment. Nichirei, in particular, has introduced ultra-low temperature freezing technology at -60°C, ensuring long-term food preservation. This technology enhances efforts to reduce food waste while ensuring food safety.
Moreover, the government and corporations have implemented blockchain technology to manage food bank data, improving traceability and ensuring swift detection and response to food affected by contaminants. In 2020, approximately 1.5 million tons of food were managed through the food bank, contributing to food safety and the establishment of a sustainable food system.
In the 2020s, as concerns over environmental pollution and food safety increased, the role of Japan's food bank became even more critical. In particular, the accumulation of heavy metals and dioxins in food products due to environmental pollution has become a major issue, and monitoring systems across the country have been strengthened.
For example, in Fukushima Prefecture, after the 2011 nuclear disaster, the influence of radioactive cesium-137 remains, and strict safety inspections of agricultural and marine products are ongoing. Only products that meet strict standards based on radiation tests are allowed to be distributed in the market.
Additionally, in Ise Bay, Mie Prefecture, mercury and cadmium pollution from industrial wastewater is a serious concern, and monitoring of marine products continues. The national food bank network collaborates to freeze food samples and conduct regular analyses.
Companies such as Nichirei, known for their freezing technology, and Marubeni, a general trading company, actively contribute to this initiative by providing cutting-edge freezing equipment. Nichirei, in particular, has introduced ultra-low temperature freezing technology at -60°C, ensuring long-term food preservation. This technology enhances efforts to reduce food waste while ensuring food safety.
Moreover, the government and corporations have implemented blockchain technology to manage food bank data, improving traceability and ensuring swift detection and response to food affected by contaminants. In 2020, approximately 1.5 million tons of food were managed through the food bank, contributing to food safety and the establishment of a sustainable food system.
Food Bank Development - Status in the 2020s (October 2020)
Food Bank Development - Status in the 2020s (October 2020)
In the 2020s, as concerns over environmental pollution and food safety increased, the role of Japan's food bank became even more critical. In particular, the accumulation of heavy metals and dioxins in food products due to environmental pollution has become a major issue, and monitoring systems across the country have been strengthened.
For example, in Fukushima Prefecture, after the 2011 nuclear disaster, the influence of radioactive cesium-137 remains, and strict safety inspections of agricultural and marine products are ongoing. Only products that meet strict standards based on radiation tests are allowed to be distributed in the market.
Additionally, in Ise Bay, Mie Prefecture, mercury and cadmium pollution from industrial wastewater is a serious concern, and monitoring of marine products continues. The national food bank network collaborates to freeze food samples and conduct regular analyses.
Companies such as Nichirei, known for their freezing technology, and Marubeni, a general trading company, actively contribute to this initiative by providing cutting-edge freezing equipment. Nichirei, in particular, has introduced ultra-low temperature freezing technology at -60°C, ensuring long-term food preservation. This technology enhances efforts to reduce food waste while ensuring food safety.
Moreover, the government and corporations have implemented blockchain technology to manage food bank data, improving traceability and ensuring swift detection and response to food affected by contaminants. In 2020, approximately 1.5 million tons of food were managed through the food bank, contributing to food safety and the establishment of a sustainable food system.
In the 2020s, as concerns over environmental pollution and food safety increased, the role of Japan's food bank became even more critical. In particular, the accumulation of heavy metals and dioxins in food products due to environmental pollution has become a major issue, and monitoring systems across the country have been strengthened.
For example, in Fukushima Prefecture, after the 2011 nuclear disaster, the influence of radioactive cesium-137 remains, and strict safety inspections of agricultural and marine products are ongoing. Only products that meet strict standards based on radiation tests are allowed to be distributed in the market.
Additionally, in Ise Bay, Mie Prefecture, mercury and cadmium pollution from industrial wastewater is a serious concern, and monitoring of marine products continues. The national food bank network collaborates to freeze food samples and conduct regular analyses.
Companies such as Nichirei, known for their freezing technology, and Marubeni, a general trading company, actively contribute to this initiative by providing cutting-edge freezing equipment. Nichirei, in particular, has introduced ultra-low temperature freezing technology at -60°C, ensuring long-term food preservation. This technology enhances efforts to reduce food waste while ensuring food safety.
Moreover, the government and corporations have implemented blockchain technology to manage food bank data, improving traceability and ensuring swift detection and response to food affected by contaminants. In 2020, approximately 1.5 million tons of food were managed through the food bank, contributing to food safety and the establishment of a sustainable food system.
Illegal Dumping of Construction Waste in Miyazaki Prefecture - Illegal Disposal Undermining the Community - January 2007
Illegal Dumping of Construction Waste in Miyazaki Prefecture - Illegal Disposal Undermining the Community - January 2007
In 2007, illegal dumping of construction waste materials was uncovered in Miyazaki Prefecture, creating a major problem. In this case, it was revealed that a waste disposal company was transporting large quantities of construction waste from neighboring prefectures and illegally dumping it in mountainous areas and unused land in Miyazaki Prefecture. The dumped waste materials included lumber, concrete pieces, asphalt fragments, etc., totaling approximately 300 tons.
The investigation revealed that the waste materials were not properly disposed of, and there were concerns about the environmental impact of the waste materials. In particular, it was pointed out that toxic substances leaked from the waste material could contaminate soil and groundwater. This raised concerns about the health risks to nearby residents and the impact on agricultural water supply, and the local government took immediate action to address the situation.
The contractor involved in this illegal dumping was arrested for violating the Waste Disposal and Public Cleansing Law, and an improvement order was issued by the government. Miyazaki Prefecture partially covered the cost of removing the waste materials and strengthened its monitoring system to prevent recurrence. In addition, the Ministry of the Environment's "Waste Proper Treatment Promotion Project" was utilized to introduce a monitoring system for the disposal of waste materials.
Furthermore, the incident stimulated environmental conservation activities by local residents and strengthened efforts to curb illegal dumping. The removal of the waste materials took about six months, and the need for proper management of the waste generation process was once again emphasized.
This incident will be remembered as a case that demonstrated the importance of further tightening the Waste Disposal and Public Cleansing Law and the monitoring system by the local government and local residents.
Sources
1. Ministry of the Environment, "Waste Disposal and Public Cleansing Law" and "Waste Proper Treatment Promotion Project" related materials (2007)
2. "Report on Illegal Dumping (2007)," Environmental Policy Division, Miyazaki Prefecture
3. report by the National Network for Waste Management (circa 2007)
4. press article in the Miyazaki Nichinichi Shimbun (January 2007)
In 2007, illegal dumping of construction waste materials was uncovered in Miyazaki Prefecture, creating a major problem. In this case, it was revealed that a waste disposal company was transporting large quantities of construction waste from neighboring prefectures and illegally dumping it in mountainous areas and unused land in Miyazaki Prefecture. The dumped waste materials included lumber, concrete pieces, asphalt fragments, etc., totaling approximately 300 tons.
The investigation revealed that the waste materials were not properly disposed of, and there were concerns about the environmental impact of the waste materials. In particular, it was pointed out that toxic substances leaked from the waste material could contaminate soil and groundwater. This raised concerns about the health risks to nearby residents and the impact on agricultural water supply, and the local government took immediate action to address the situation.
The contractor involved in this illegal dumping was arrested for violating the Waste Disposal and Public Cleansing Law, and an improvement order was issued by the government. Miyazaki Prefecture partially covered the cost of removing the waste materials and strengthened its monitoring system to prevent recurrence. In addition, the Ministry of the Environment's "Waste Proper Treatment Promotion Project" was utilized to introduce a monitoring system for the disposal of waste materials.
Furthermore, the incident stimulated environmental conservation activities by local residents and strengthened efforts to curb illegal dumping. The removal of the waste materials took about six months, and the need for proper management of the waste generation process was once again emphasized.
This incident will be remembered as a case that demonstrated the importance of further tightening the Waste Disposal and Public Cleansing Law and the monitoring system by the local government and local residents.
Sources
1. Ministry of the Environment, "Waste Disposal and Public Cleansing Law" and "Waste Proper Treatment Promotion Project" related materials (2007)
2. "Report on Illegal Dumping (2007)," Environmental Policy Division, Miyazaki Prefecture
3. report by the National Network for Waste Management (circa 2007)
4. press article in the Miyazaki Nichinichi Shimbun (January 2007)
宮崎県の建設廃材不法投棄事件—地域を蝕む違法廃棄の実態-2007年1月
宮崎県の建設廃材不法投棄事件—地域を蝕む違法廃棄の実態-2007年1月
2007年、宮崎県内で建設廃材の不法投棄が発覚し、大きな問題となりました。この事件では、廃棄物処理業者が近隣県から大量の建設廃材を運搬し、宮崎県内の山間部や未利用地に違法に投棄していたことが明らかになりました。投棄された廃材は木材やコンクリート片、アスファルトの破片などで、総量は約300トンに達しました。
調査の結果、廃材は適切な処理手続きが行われておらず、環境への影響が懸念されました。特に、廃材から流出する有害物質が土壌や地下水を汚染する可能性が指摘されました。これにより、周辺住民の健康リスクや農業用水への影響が懸念され、自治体が早急に対応する事態となりました。
この不法投棄に関与した業者は廃棄物処理法違反で逮捕され、行政から改善命令が出されました。宮崎県は廃材の撤去費用を一部負担し、再発防止のための監視体制を強化しました。また、環境省の「廃棄物適正処理推進事業」を活用して、廃材処理の監視システムを導入するなどの対策が進められました。
さらに、この事件を受けて地域住民による環境保全活動が活発化し、不法投棄抑制に向けた取り組みが強化されました。廃材の撤去作業は約半年を要し、廃棄物が発生する過程の適正管理の必要性が改めて強調されました。
この事件は、廃棄物処理法のさらなる厳格化と、自治体や地域住民による監視体制の重要性を示した事例として記憶されています。
情報源
1. 環境省「廃棄物処理法」および「廃棄物適正処理推進事業」関連資料(2007年)
2. 宮崎県環境政策課「不法投棄に関する報告書(2007年)」
3. 全国廃棄物対策ネットワークの報告書(2007年頃)
4. 宮崎日日新聞(2007年1月)の報道記事
2007年、宮崎県内で建設廃材の不法投棄が発覚し、大きな問題となりました。この事件では、廃棄物処理業者が近隣県から大量の建設廃材を運搬し、宮崎県内の山間部や未利用地に違法に投棄していたことが明らかになりました。投棄された廃材は木材やコンクリート片、アスファルトの破片などで、総量は約300トンに達しました。
調査の結果、廃材は適切な処理手続きが行われておらず、環境への影響が懸念されました。特に、廃材から流出する有害物質が土壌や地下水を汚染する可能性が指摘されました。これにより、周辺住民の健康リスクや農業用水への影響が懸念され、自治体が早急に対応する事態となりました。
この不法投棄に関与した業者は廃棄物処理法違反で逮捕され、行政から改善命令が出されました。宮崎県は廃材の撤去費用を一部負担し、再発防止のための監視体制を強化しました。また、環境省の「廃棄物適正処理推進事業」を活用して、廃材処理の監視システムを導入するなどの対策が進められました。
さらに、この事件を受けて地域住民による環境保全活動が活発化し、不法投棄抑制に向けた取り組みが強化されました。廃材の撤去作業は約半年を要し、廃棄物が発生する過程の適正管理の必要性が改めて強調されました。
この事件は、廃棄物処理法のさらなる厳格化と、自治体や地域住民による監視体制の重要性を示した事例として記憶されています。
情報源
1. 環境省「廃棄物処理法」および「廃棄物適正処理推進事業」関連資料(2007年)
2. 宮崎県環境政策課「不法投棄に関する報告書(2007年)」
3. 全国廃棄物対策ネットワークの報告書(2007年頃)
4. 宮崎日日新聞(2007年1月)の報道記事
Effects of Dioxin Contamination - May 2001
Effects of Dioxin Contamination - May 2001
In June 1997, high levels of dioxin were detected in the soil surrounding a waste incineration facility in the town of Nose, Osaka Prefecture, raising the issue of environmental contamination. The Occupational Health and Safety Law was revised to strengthen safety measures for the dismantling of incineration facilities, including the following
In response to this accident, the Japanese government has mandated the measurement of dioxin concentrations during the dismantling of incineration facilities, and has tightened safety standards by requiring the wearing of protective clothing and the sealing of work zones.
In addition, the risk of dismantling old incinerators with high dioxin emissions has become apparent, and the government has announced a policy of strengthening contamination surveys at incineration facilities nationwide based on the Law Concerning Special Measures against Dioxin, which came into effect in 1999. Environmental groups are calling for not only the dismantling of incinerators but also the development of alternative treatment methods and waste management that does not rely on incineration.
---The environmental groups are calling for not only the dismantling of incinerators but also the development of alternative treatment methods and waste management that does not rely on incineration.
Related Information
- Detailed Report on Dioxin Contamination (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare)
- Law Concerning Special Measures against Dioxin (Ministry of the Environment)
- New Direction of Waste Management (Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry)
In June 1997, high levels of dioxin were detected in the soil surrounding a waste incineration facility in the town of Nose, Osaka Prefecture, raising the issue of environmental contamination. The Occupational Health and Safety Law was revised to strengthen safety measures for the dismantling of incineration facilities, including the following
In response to this accident, the Japanese government has mandated the measurement of dioxin concentrations during the dismantling of incineration facilities, and has tightened safety standards by requiring the wearing of protective clothing and the sealing of work zones.
In addition, the risk of dismantling old incinerators with high dioxin emissions has become apparent, and the government has announced a policy of strengthening contamination surveys at incineration facilities nationwide based on the Law Concerning Special Measures against Dioxin, which came into effect in 1999. Environmental groups are calling for not only the dismantling of incinerators but also the development of alternative treatment methods and waste management that does not rely on incineration.
---The environmental groups are calling for not only the dismantling of incinerators but also the development of alternative treatment methods and waste management that does not rely on incineration.
Related Information
- Detailed Report on Dioxin Contamination (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare)
- Law Concerning Special Measures against Dioxin (Ministry of the Environment)
- New Direction of Waste Management (Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry)
ダイオキシン汚染がもたらす影響 ― 2001年5月
ダイオキシン汚染がもたらす影響 ― 2001年5月
大阪府能勢町のごみ焼却施設では 1997年6月に周辺土壌から高濃度のダイオキシンが検出され 環境汚染が問題となった この施設は1970年代から稼働しており 老朽化が進んでいた 施設の解体作業中に作業員がダイオキシンに被曝する事故が発生し 労働安全衛生法の改正が検討されるなど 焼却施設の解体作業における安全対策の強化が求められた
この事故を受け 政府は焼却施設の解体時にダイオキシンの濃度測定を義務付け 防護服の着用や作業区域の封鎖などの安全基準を厳格化 さらに 全国の自治体にも焼却施設の解体前に事前調査を実施するよう通達を出し 焼却炉の解体工事の安全基準が強化される見通しとなった
また ダイオキシン排出量が高い旧型焼却炉の解体リスクが明らかになり 政府は1999年に施行されたダイオキシン対策特別措置法に基づき 全国の焼却施設の汚染調査を強化する方針を示した 環境保護団体は 焼却炉の解体のみならず 代替処理方法の開発や焼却に依存しない廃棄物管理の必要性を訴えている
---
関連情報
- ダイオキシン汚染の詳細報告(厚生労働省)
- ダイオキシン対策特別措置法について(環境省)
- 廃棄物管理の新たな方向性(経済産業省)
大阪府能勢町のごみ焼却施設では 1997年6月に周辺土壌から高濃度のダイオキシンが検出され 環境汚染が問題となった この施設は1970年代から稼働しており 老朽化が進んでいた 施設の解体作業中に作業員がダイオキシンに被曝する事故が発生し 労働安全衛生法の改正が検討されるなど 焼却施設の解体作業における安全対策の強化が求められた
この事故を受け 政府は焼却施設の解体時にダイオキシンの濃度測定を義務付け 防護服の着用や作業区域の封鎖などの安全基準を厳格化 さらに 全国の自治体にも焼却施設の解体前に事前調査を実施するよう通達を出し 焼却炉の解体工事の安全基準が強化される見通しとなった
また ダイオキシン排出量が高い旧型焼却炉の解体リスクが明らかになり 政府は1999年に施行されたダイオキシン対策特別措置法に基づき 全国の焼却施設の汚染調査を強化する方針を示した 環境保護団体は 焼却炉の解体のみならず 代替処理方法の開発や焼却に依存しない廃棄物管理の必要性を訴えている
---
関連情報
- ダイオキシン汚染の詳細報告(厚生労働省)
- ダイオキシン対策特別措置法について(環境省)
- 廃棄物管理の新たな方向性(経済産業省)
Buried Crimes: Beyond the Mountains, Aomori: Memories and Questions about the Illegal Dumping of Industrial Waste at the Border of Iwate Prefecture, June 2007
Buried Crimes: Beyond the Mountains, Aomori: Memories and Questions about the Illegal Dumping of Industrial Waste at the Border of Iwate Prefecture, June 2007
In the mountains on the border between Tago Town, Aomori Prefecture, and Ninohe City, Iwate Prefecture, a mountain of industrial waste had been piled up, hidden from the public. In the early 2000s, an incident that shook Japan's environmental administration to its very foundations was quietly but surely uncovered at this location.
Act I: The Black Shadow Hidden in the Mountain
In November 1999, a joint investigation by the Iwate and Aomori prefectural police brought to light the illegal dumping of a large amount of industrial waste. The scene was a vast area of land covering more than 27 hectares on the border between the two prefectures. The total volume of waste was initially 820,000 cubic meters, but eventually exceeded 1,000,000 cubic meters, and included a wide variety of waste such as incinerator ash, sludge, drums containing waste oil, and medical waste.
The fact that the licensed composting facility functioned as a relay and concealment point for the waste was later revealed. The illegal processing was taking place through the "back door" of the permit.
Act II: Corporate Shadows and Gaps in the Law
The companies involved in this case included Sanei Chemical Industry, its affiliate Sanei Kogyo, and Agata Nan Sanitation Co. Sanei Chemical had obtained a permit for a composting facility, but in fact accepted industrial waste that was not permitted and deposited it illegally. Furthermore, soil and sand taken from the Iwate side of the land was transported to a valley on the Aomori side, covering and concealing the waste. The "moving of soil" for the purpose of disguise was taking place across the border.
Since the number of emitting companies, as well as corporations, exceeded 12,000, the locus of responsibility became unclear, making the pursuit of administrative punishment and compensation extremely difficult.
Act III: Between the Environment and People
After being abandoned for a long period of time, the waste began to leak toxic substances and there were concerns about contamination of soil and groundwater. 2004, Aomori and Iwate prefectures began restoring the waste to its original state, removing, incinerating, and improving the soil, but they faced many barriers, including a lack of treatment facilities and the burden of costs.
In addition, the incineration process has placed a psychological and social burden on residents in the surrounding areas, causing a dual impact of environmental damage and social distrust.
Act IV: The Mountain's Voice Continues to Ask Questions
This incident cast a deep shadow over Japanese society as a symbol of invisible environmental crimes and as a reminder of the institutional limits of environmental law. Lessons learned from this incident have led to the strengthening of the e-manifest system and the emissions responsibility system, but they have yet to completely prevent a reoccurrence of such crimes.
The sins still buried beneath the green of the quietly towering mountains continue to question what we have missed and what we have allowed to happen.
Related Information Source Company Administrative Data
Companies involved: Sanei Chemical Industry Co.
Related materials:
Aomori Prefectural Government Illegal dumping archives
Iwate Prefecture Business Plan
RecycleHub Background and background of the incident
Konoike Corporation Examples of Removal Businesses and Technology
Number of businesses that emit waste: approx. 12,000
Estimated illegal dumping amount: over 1 million cubic meters
This incident is not a forgotten place. Rather, it is a site that should continue to be talked about and reexamined as the starting point underlying current environmental policies.
In the mountains on the border between Tago Town, Aomori Prefecture, and Ninohe City, Iwate Prefecture, a mountain of industrial waste had been piled up, hidden from the public. In the early 2000s, an incident that shook Japan's environmental administration to its very foundations was quietly but surely uncovered at this location.
Act I: The Black Shadow Hidden in the Mountain
In November 1999, a joint investigation by the Iwate and Aomori prefectural police brought to light the illegal dumping of a large amount of industrial waste. The scene was a vast area of land covering more than 27 hectares on the border between the two prefectures. The total volume of waste was initially 820,000 cubic meters, but eventually exceeded 1,000,000 cubic meters, and included a wide variety of waste such as incinerator ash, sludge, drums containing waste oil, and medical waste.
The fact that the licensed composting facility functioned as a relay and concealment point for the waste was later revealed. The illegal processing was taking place through the "back door" of the permit.
Act II: Corporate Shadows and Gaps in the Law
The companies involved in this case included Sanei Chemical Industry, its affiliate Sanei Kogyo, and Agata Nan Sanitation Co. Sanei Chemical had obtained a permit for a composting facility, but in fact accepted industrial waste that was not permitted and deposited it illegally. Furthermore, soil and sand taken from the Iwate side of the land was transported to a valley on the Aomori side, covering and concealing the waste. The "moving of soil" for the purpose of disguise was taking place across the border.
Since the number of emitting companies, as well as corporations, exceeded 12,000, the locus of responsibility became unclear, making the pursuit of administrative punishment and compensation extremely difficult.
Act III: Between the Environment and People
After being abandoned for a long period of time, the waste began to leak toxic substances and there were concerns about contamination of soil and groundwater. 2004, Aomori and Iwate prefectures began restoring the waste to its original state, removing, incinerating, and improving the soil, but they faced many barriers, including a lack of treatment facilities and the burden of costs.
In addition, the incineration process has placed a psychological and social burden on residents in the surrounding areas, causing a dual impact of environmental damage and social distrust.
Act IV: The Mountain's Voice Continues to Ask Questions
This incident cast a deep shadow over Japanese society as a symbol of invisible environmental crimes and as a reminder of the institutional limits of environmental law. Lessons learned from this incident have led to the strengthening of the e-manifest system and the emissions responsibility system, but they have yet to completely prevent a reoccurrence of such crimes.
The sins still buried beneath the green of the quietly towering mountains continue to question what we have missed and what we have allowed to happen.
Related Information Source Company Administrative Data
Companies involved: Sanei Chemical Industry Co.
Related materials:
Aomori Prefectural Government Illegal dumping archives
Iwate Prefecture Business Plan
RecycleHub Background and background of the incident
Konoike Corporation Examples of Removal Businesses and Technology
Number of businesses that emit waste: approx. 12,000
Estimated illegal dumping amount: over 1 million cubic meters
This incident is not a forgotten place. Rather, it is a site that should continue to be talked about and reexamined as the starting point underlying current environmental policies.
埋もれた罪 山を越えて 青森 岩手県境産廃不法投棄事件の記憶と問いかけ 2007年6月
埋もれた罪 山を越えて 青森 岩手県境産廃不法投棄事件の記憶と問いかけ 2007年6月
青森県田子町と岩手県二戸市の県境の山あいに、人知れず積み重ねられていた産業廃棄物の山。それは自然の静けさの中にひそむ、巨大な環境犯罪の痕跡だった。2000年代初頭、日本の環境行政を根底から揺るがす事件が、この場所で静かに、しかし確実に発覚した。
第一幕:山に隠された黒い影
1999年11月、岩手 青森両県警の合同強制捜査によって、大量の産業廃棄物が不法投棄されていたことが明るみに出た。舞台は両県の県境、面積27ヘクタール以上に及ぶ広大な土地。廃棄物の総量は当初82万立方メートル、最終的には100万立方メートルを超え、焼却灰や汚泥、廃油入りドラム缶、医療系廃棄物まで多種多様だった。
それらは主に首都圏から運ばれたものであり、許可を受けていた堆肥施設が廃棄物の中継 隠蔽地点として機能していた事実が、のちに明らかとなる。まさに「許可の裏口」から、不法な処理が行われていたのである。
第二幕:企業の影と法の隙間
この事件に関与したのは、三栄化学工業株式会社とその関連会社三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社など。三栄化学は堆肥化施設の許可を得ていたが、実際には許可外の産廃を受け入れ、不正に堆積させていた。さらに岩手側の土地から採取した土砂を青森側の谷地に運び、廃棄物を覆って隠蔽。偽装のための「土の移動」が越境して行われていた。
企業だけでなく、排出事業者数は1万2千社を超えていたことから、責任の所在は不明瞭になり、行政処分や賠償の追及は困難を極めた。
第三幕:環境と人のあいだで
長期間にわたり放置された廃棄物からは、有害物質の漏出が進み、土壌や地下水への汚染が懸念された。2004年から青森県 岩手県は原状回復に着手し、撤去 焼却処理 土壌改良を進めているが、処理施設の不足や費用負担など、多くの障壁に直面している。
また、焼却 処理の過程で周辺地域の住民に心理的 社会的な負担がのしかかり、環境被害と社会不信という二重の影響を生んだ。
第四幕:問い続ける山の声
この事件は、見えない環境犯罪の象徴として、また、環境法の制度的限界を突きつけるものとして、日本社会に深い影を落とした。これを教訓に、電子マニフェスト制度や排出責任制度の強化が進められたが、完全な再発防止には至っていない。
静かにそびえる山々の緑の下に今も埋もれている罪は、私たちが何を見逃し、何を許してきたかを問い続けている。
関連情報 出典 企業 行政資料
関与企業:三栄化学工業株式会社、三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社
関連資料:
青森県庁 不法投棄アーカイブ
岩手県 事業計画資料
RecycleHub 事件の経緯と背景
鴻池組 撤去事業の実例と技術
排出事業者数:約12000社
推定不法投棄量:100万立方メートル以上
この事件は忘れられた場所ではない。むしろ、いまの環境政策の根底に流れる原点として、語り継がれ、再検証され続けるべき現場である。
青森県田子町と岩手県二戸市の県境の山あいに、人知れず積み重ねられていた産業廃棄物の山。それは自然の静けさの中にひそむ、巨大な環境犯罪の痕跡だった。2000年代初頭、日本の環境行政を根底から揺るがす事件が、この場所で静かに、しかし確実に発覚した。
第一幕:山に隠された黒い影
1999年11月、岩手 青森両県警の合同強制捜査によって、大量の産業廃棄物が不法投棄されていたことが明るみに出た。舞台は両県の県境、面積27ヘクタール以上に及ぶ広大な土地。廃棄物の総量は当初82万立方メートル、最終的には100万立方メートルを超え、焼却灰や汚泥、廃油入りドラム缶、医療系廃棄物まで多種多様だった。
それらは主に首都圏から運ばれたものであり、許可を受けていた堆肥施設が廃棄物の中継 隠蔽地点として機能していた事実が、のちに明らかとなる。まさに「許可の裏口」から、不法な処理が行われていたのである。
第二幕:企業の影と法の隙間
この事件に関与したのは、三栄化学工業株式会社とその関連会社三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社など。三栄化学は堆肥化施設の許可を得ていたが、実際には許可外の産廃を受け入れ、不正に堆積させていた。さらに岩手側の土地から採取した土砂を青森側の谷地に運び、廃棄物を覆って隠蔽。偽装のための「土の移動」が越境して行われていた。
企業だけでなく、排出事業者数は1万2千社を超えていたことから、責任の所在は不明瞭になり、行政処分や賠償の追及は困難を極めた。
第三幕:環境と人のあいだで
長期間にわたり放置された廃棄物からは、有害物質の漏出が進み、土壌や地下水への汚染が懸念された。2004年から青森県 岩手県は原状回復に着手し、撤去 焼却処理 土壌改良を進めているが、処理施設の不足や費用負担など、多くの障壁に直面している。
また、焼却 処理の過程で周辺地域の住民に心理的 社会的な負担がのしかかり、環境被害と社会不信という二重の影響を生んだ。
第四幕:問い続ける山の声
この事件は、見えない環境犯罪の象徴として、また、環境法の制度的限界を突きつけるものとして、日本社会に深い影を落とした。これを教訓に、電子マニフェスト制度や排出責任制度の強化が進められたが、完全な再発防止には至っていない。
静かにそびえる山々の緑の下に今も埋もれている罪は、私たちが何を見逃し、何を許してきたかを問い続けている。
関連情報 出典 企業 行政資料
関与企業:三栄化学工業株式会社、三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社
関連資料:
青森県庁 不法投棄アーカイブ
岩手県 事業計画資料
RecycleHub 事件の経緯と背景
鴻池組 撤去事業の実例と技術
排出事業者数:約12000社
推定不法投棄量:100万立方メートル以上
この事件は忘れられた場所ではない。むしろ、いまの環境政策の根底に流れる原点として、語り継がれ、再検証され続けるべき現場である。
Memories of Buried Crimes 1999-2007 Aomori Iwate Border Illegal Dumping Case Lessons Learned
Memories of Buried Crimes 1999-2007 Aomori Iwate Border Illegal Dumping Case Lessons Learned
In 1999, what is said to be one of the largest postwar incidents of illegal dumping of industrial waste was uncovered on the border between Tago Town, Aomori Prefecture and Ninohe City, Iwate Prefecture.
The waste included incinerator ash, sludge, medical waste, etc. Companies such as Sanei Chemical Industry and Agata Nansei were involved, and illegal dumping in a valley on the Aomori side was covered up with soil from the Iwate side.
In 2004, Aomori and Iwate prefectures began a restoration project to remove, incinerate, and improve soil conditions, but the cost and lack of disposal sites continue to be an issue.
This incident has made society realize the institutional limitations of waste management and the lack of environmental ethics, and the buried sins still lie beneath the quietly rising mountain.
In 1999, what is said to be one of the largest postwar incidents of illegal dumping of industrial waste was uncovered on the border between Tago Town, Aomori Prefecture and Ninohe City, Iwate Prefecture.
The waste included incinerator ash, sludge, medical waste, etc. Companies such as Sanei Chemical Industry and Agata Nansei were involved, and illegal dumping in a valley on the Aomori side was covered up with soil from the Iwate side.
In 2004, Aomori and Iwate prefectures began a restoration project to remove, incinerate, and improve soil conditions, but the cost and lack of disposal sites continue to be an issue.
This incident has made society realize the institutional limitations of waste management and the lack of environmental ethics, and the buried sins still lie beneath the quietly rising mountain.
埋もれた罪の記憶 1999〜2007年 青森 岩手県境 不法投棄事件の教訓
埋もれた罪の記憶 1999〜2007年 青森 岩手県境 不法投棄事件の教訓
1999年 青森県田子町と岩手県二戸市の県境で 戦後最大級とも言われる産業廃棄物の不法投棄事件が発覚した 100万立方メートルを超える廃棄物が山中に投棄されていたこの事件は 日本の環境行政に深い影を落とした
廃棄物は焼却灰 汚泥 医療系廃棄物など多岐にわたり 三栄化学工業や縣南衛生などの企業が関与 青森側の谷に違法投棄し 岩手側の土で覆い隠すという越境的な隠蔽行為も行われた 排出元企業は約12000社にのぼり 責任追及は困難を極めた
2004年からは青森 岩手両県による原状回復事業が開始され 撤去 焼却 土壌改善が進められているが 費用や処理先不足などの課題は続く 事件を機に 電子マニフェスト制度や排出者責任制度の整備が進められたが 制度の穴は残ったままである
この事件は 廃棄物行政の制度的限界と環境倫理の希薄さを社会に突きつけた 静かにそびえる山の下には 今なお埋もれた罪が眠っている そしてそれは 未来の環境政策の礎として語り継がれるべき教訓である
1999年 青森県田子町と岩手県二戸市の県境で 戦後最大級とも言われる産業廃棄物の不法投棄事件が発覚した 100万立方メートルを超える廃棄物が山中に投棄されていたこの事件は 日本の環境行政に深い影を落とした
廃棄物は焼却灰 汚泥 医療系廃棄物など多岐にわたり 三栄化学工業や縣南衛生などの企業が関与 青森側の谷に違法投棄し 岩手側の土で覆い隠すという越境的な隠蔽行為も行われた 排出元企業は約12000社にのぼり 責任追及は困難を極めた
2004年からは青森 岩手両県による原状回復事業が開始され 撤去 焼却 土壌改善が進められているが 費用や処理先不足などの課題は続く 事件を機に 電子マニフェスト制度や排出者責任制度の整備が進められたが 制度の穴は残ったままである
この事件は 廃棄物行政の制度的限界と環境倫理の希薄さを社会に突きつけた 静かにそびえる山の下には 今なお埋もれた罪が眠っている そしてそれは 未来の環境政策の礎として語り継がれるべき教訓である
Stalagmites Tell the Story of Sky Change--Acid Rain and Asian Environmental Impacts as Read from Iriomote Island - June 2007
Stalagmites Tell the Story of Sky Change--Acid Rain and Asian Environmental Impacts as Read from Iriomote Island - June 2007
Stalactite caves spread over Iriomote Island, Okinawa Prefecture. In 2007, a research team from Kyushu University and the Institute for Global Environmental Studies conducted a long-term analysis of acid rain using stalactites on Iriomote Island and provided the clearest evidence yet of environmental change.
By precisely measuring the isotopic ratios of sulfur and carbon in stalactites on Iriomote Island, the study revealed the intensity of acid rain and its factors over the past 40 years. In particular, they found that the concentration of sulfate ions in rainwater has increased sharply by two to three times since the 1990s. This period coincided with a sharp increase in SO2 (sulfur dioxide) emissions due to increased coal use in China and other East Asian countries.
Iriomote Island is located in the path of prevailing westerly winds, a geographical feature that facilitates the arrival of transboundary air pollutants from the Asian continent. Although stalagmites grow at a rate of less than 1 mm per year, they function as natural "environmental recorders" because the components in the growing layer reflect chemical changes in the atmosphere.
The results of this analysis highlight the fact that, along with global warming and PM2.5, atmospheric environmental changes that are difficult to see have a significant impact on the nature of distant islands. Increased acid rain may also lead to soil acidification and ecosystem collapse in tropical forests, and is increasingly recognized as an environmental risk that is not limited to local areas.
The study also suggests that the effects of acid rain are geographically unevenly distributed within Japan, with nature-rich islands such as Iriomote Island, Okinawa, being particularly vulnerable. The research team intends to further analyze the data in conjunction with meteorological and atmospheric data for Asia as a whole, with the aim of reflecting the results in environmental policies.
This achievement reaffirms the role of stalagmites as "silent recorders" of environmental destruction and demonstrates once again to society the power of scientific observation of nature.
Stalactite caves spread over Iriomote Island, Okinawa Prefecture. In 2007, a research team from Kyushu University and the Institute for Global Environmental Studies conducted a long-term analysis of acid rain using stalactites on Iriomote Island and provided the clearest evidence yet of environmental change.
By precisely measuring the isotopic ratios of sulfur and carbon in stalactites on Iriomote Island, the study revealed the intensity of acid rain and its factors over the past 40 years. In particular, they found that the concentration of sulfate ions in rainwater has increased sharply by two to three times since the 1990s. This period coincided with a sharp increase in SO2 (sulfur dioxide) emissions due to increased coal use in China and other East Asian countries.
Iriomote Island is located in the path of prevailing westerly winds, a geographical feature that facilitates the arrival of transboundary air pollutants from the Asian continent. Although stalagmites grow at a rate of less than 1 mm per year, they function as natural "environmental recorders" because the components in the growing layer reflect chemical changes in the atmosphere.
The results of this analysis highlight the fact that, along with global warming and PM2.5, atmospheric environmental changes that are difficult to see have a significant impact on the nature of distant islands. Increased acid rain may also lead to soil acidification and ecosystem collapse in tropical forests, and is increasingly recognized as an environmental risk that is not limited to local areas.
The study also suggests that the effects of acid rain are geographically unevenly distributed within Japan, with nature-rich islands such as Iriomote Island, Okinawa, being particularly vulnerable. The research team intends to further analyze the data in conjunction with meteorological and atmospheric data for Asia as a whole, with the aim of reflecting the results in environmental policies.
This achievement reaffirms the role of stalagmites as "silent recorders" of environmental destruction and demonstrates once again to society the power of scientific observation of nature.
石筍が語る空の変化――西表島から読み解く酸性雨とアジアの環境影響 - 2007年6月
石筍が語る空の変化――西表島から読み解く酸性雨とアジアの環境影響 - 2007年6月
沖縄県西表島に広がる鍾乳洞。その静かな石筍(せきじゅん)が、実は大気汚染の変遷を記録している。2007年、九州大学や総合地球環境学研究所の研究チームは、西表島の鍾乳石を用いた酸性雨の長期分析を行い、これまでにない明瞭な環境変化の証拠を提示した。
この研究では、西表島の鍾乳石に含まれる硫黄や炭素の同位体比を精密に測定することで、過去約40年間にわたる酸性雨の強度とその要因を明らかにした。特に1990年代以降、雨水中の硫酸イオン濃度が2~3倍に急増していることが判明。この時期は、中国をはじめとする東アジア諸国で石炭使用量が増加し、SO2(二酸化硫黄)の排出量が急増した時期と重なる。
西表島は偏西風の通り道に位置し、アジア大陸からの越境大気汚染物質が到達しやすい地理的特徴を持つ。石筍は年間1mm以下の速度で成長するが、成長層に含まれる成分が大気中の化学変化を反映しているため、天然の「環境記録装置」として機能する。
この分析結果は、温暖化やPM2.5などとともに、目に見えにくい大気環境変化が、遠く離れた島の自然にも大きな影響を与えている事実を浮き彫りにした。酸性雨の増加は、熱帯性樹林の土壌酸性化や生態系の崩壊にもつながるおそれがあり、地域限定ではない環境リスクとして認識されるようになっている。
本研究はまた、酸性雨の影響が日本国内でも地理的に偏っており、特に沖縄・西表島のような自然豊かな島嶼部が影響を受けやすいことを示唆。研究チームは、今後さらにアジア全体の気象・大気データとの連動分析を進め、環境政策への反映を目指している。
この成果は、環境破壊の「静かな記録者」としての石筍の役割を再認識させ、科学による自然観測が持つ力をあらためて社会に示すものとなった。
沖縄県西表島に広がる鍾乳洞。その静かな石筍(せきじゅん)が、実は大気汚染の変遷を記録している。2007年、九州大学や総合地球環境学研究所の研究チームは、西表島の鍾乳石を用いた酸性雨の長期分析を行い、これまでにない明瞭な環境変化の証拠を提示した。
この研究では、西表島の鍾乳石に含まれる硫黄や炭素の同位体比を精密に測定することで、過去約40年間にわたる酸性雨の強度とその要因を明らかにした。特に1990年代以降、雨水中の硫酸イオン濃度が2~3倍に急増していることが判明。この時期は、中国をはじめとする東アジア諸国で石炭使用量が増加し、SO2(二酸化硫黄)の排出量が急増した時期と重なる。
西表島は偏西風の通り道に位置し、アジア大陸からの越境大気汚染物質が到達しやすい地理的特徴を持つ。石筍は年間1mm以下の速度で成長するが、成長層に含まれる成分が大気中の化学変化を反映しているため、天然の「環境記録装置」として機能する。
この分析結果は、温暖化やPM2.5などとともに、目に見えにくい大気環境変化が、遠く離れた島の自然にも大きな影響を与えている事実を浮き彫りにした。酸性雨の増加は、熱帯性樹林の土壌酸性化や生態系の崩壊にもつながるおそれがあり、地域限定ではない環境リスクとして認識されるようになっている。
本研究はまた、酸性雨の影響が日本国内でも地理的に偏っており、特に沖縄・西表島のような自然豊かな島嶼部が影響を受けやすいことを示唆。研究チームは、今後さらにアジア全体の気象・大気データとの連動分析を進め、環境政策への反映を目指している。
この成果は、環境破壊の「静かな記録者」としての石筍の役割を再認識させ、科学による自然観測が持つ力をあらためて社会に示すものとなった。
Current status of waste oil adsorbent "Oilproc" in the 2020s - technology started in March 1999
Current status of waste oil adsorbent "Oilproc" in the 2020s - technology started in March 1999
In the 2020s, waste oil adsorbent "Oilproc" has undergone further technological innovation and is widely used in Japan and abroad. In Japan, "Eco-Refine" in Hokkaido, Japan, continues to produce this product and has responded effectively in oil spills in Tokyo Bay and Osaka Bay. In particular, in the 2021 tanker accident in Tokyo Bay, the company achieved a 60% cost reduction compared to conventional adsorbents and dramatically improved efficiency.
The latest "Oilproc" adsorption capacity has been enhanced seven times per gram through improved perlite sintering technology. As a result, the cost of adsorbing one liter of oil has dropped from 400 yen in 1999 to about 250 yen in the 2020s. This technology was also used in an oil spill in the waters near Ishigaki Island, Okinawa, successfully minimizing the impact on the marine ecosystem. It has also received high praise from international environmental groups.
Materials are also evolving. A new perlite material mixed with carbon nanotubes is used, and the adsorbent containing the waste oil after adsorption can be incinerated for highly efficient energy recovery. Energy efficiency has been improved by about 30%, and CO2 emissions during processing have been reduced by 25%.
This technology has been adopted by oil majors such as ExxonMobil and Chevron in the U.S. and is being used to respond to oil spills in the Gulf of Mexico. 30 percent faster recovery speed compared to conventional adsorbent was confirmed in the response to the 2022 accident in the Gulf of Mexico. The recovery operation was handled by Veolia, a leading environmental consulting firm, which also reduced treatment costs.
In Japan, ENEOS and Cosmo Oil have adopted Oilproc, and the ENEOS refinery in Kawasaki processes more than 1,000 tons of waste oil annually. In this way, Oilproc in the 2020s is playing an important role in Japan and abroad as a technology that reduces environmental impact and realizes more efficient waste oil treatment.
In the 2020s, waste oil adsorbent "Oilproc" has undergone further technological innovation and is widely used in Japan and abroad. In Japan, "Eco-Refine" in Hokkaido, Japan, continues to produce this product and has responded effectively in oil spills in Tokyo Bay and Osaka Bay. In particular, in the 2021 tanker accident in Tokyo Bay, the company achieved a 60% cost reduction compared to conventional adsorbents and dramatically improved efficiency.
The latest "Oilproc" adsorption capacity has been enhanced seven times per gram through improved perlite sintering technology. As a result, the cost of adsorbing one liter of oil has dropped from 400 yen in 1999 to about 250 yen in the 2020s. This technology was also used in an oil spill in the waters near Ishigaki Island, Okinawa, successfully minimizing the impact on the marine ecosystem. It has also received high praise from international environmental groups.
Materials are also evolving. A new perlite material mixed with carbon nanotubes is used, and the adsorbent containing the waste oil after adsorption can be incinerated for highly efficient energy recovery. Energy efficiency has been improved by about 30%, and CO2 emissions during processing have been reduced by 25%.
This technology has been adopted by oil majors such as ExxonMobil and Chevron in the U.S. and is being used to respond to oil spills in the Gulf of Mexico. 30 percent faster recovery speed compared to conventional adsorbent was confirmed in the response to the 2022 accident in the Gulf of Mexico. The recovery operation was handled by Veolia, a leading environmental consulting firm, which also reduced treatment costs.
In Japan, ENEOS and Cosmo Oil have adopted Oilproc, and the ENEOS refinery in Kawasaki processes more than 1,000 tons of waste oil annually. In this way, Oilproc in the 2020s is playing an important role in Japan and abroad as a technology that reduces environmental impact and realizes more efficient waste oil treatment.
廃油吸着材「オイルプロック」の2020年代現状 - 1999年3月開始技術
廃油吸着材「オイルプロック」の2020年代現状 - 1999年3月開始技術
2020年代に入って、廃油吸着材「オイルプロック」はさらなる技術革新を遂げ、国内外で広く利用されています。日本国内では、北海道の「エコリファイン社」がこの製品の生産を続け、東京湾や大阪湾での油流出事故において効果的な対応を行っています。特に、2021年の東京湾でのタンカー事故では、従来の吸着材に比べて60%のコスト削減が達成され、効率も飛躍的に向上しました。
最新の「オイルプロック」は、改良されたパーライト焼結技術により、吸着能力が1gあたり7倍に強化されています。これにより、1リットルの油を吸着するコストは、1999年時点の400円から、2020年代には250円程度にまで低下しました。沖縄の石垣島近海での流出油事故でも、この技術が使用され、海洋生態系への影響を最小限に抑えることに成功しました。国際的な環境保護団体からも高評価を受けています。
素材も進化しています。カーボンナノチューブを混合した新しいパーライト素材が使用され、吸着後の廃油を含んだ吸着材は、焼却処理で高効率のエネルギー回収が可能です。エネルギー効率は約30%向上し、処理時のCO2排出量も25%削減されました。
この技術は、アメリカの「エクソンモービル」や「シェブロン」などの石油メジャーによっても採用され、メキシコ湾での油流出対策に利用されています。2022年のメキシコ湾での事故対応では、従来の吸着材に比べ30%早い回収スピードが確認されました。回収作業は、大手環境コンサルティング企業「Veolia」が担当し、処理コストも削減されました。
国内でも「ENEOS」や「コスモ石油」がオイルプロックを採用し、川崎のENEOS製油所では年間1,000トン以上の廃油が処理されています。このように2020年代のオイルプロックは、環境負荷を軽減し、より効率的な廃油処理を実現する技術として国内外で重要な役割を果たしています。
2020年代に入って、廃油吸着材「オイルプロック」はさらなる技術革新を遂げ、国内外で広く利用されています。日本国内では、北海道の「エコリファイン社」がこの製品の生産を続け、東京湾や大阪湾での油流出事故において効果的な対応を行っています。特に、2021年の東京湾でのタンカー事故では、従来の吸着材に比べて60%のコスト削減が達成され、効率も飛躍的に向上しました。
最新の「オイルプロック」は、改良されたパーライト焼結技術により、吸着能力が1gあたり7倍に強化されています。これにより、1リットルの油を吸着するコストは、1999年時点の400円から、2020年代には250円程度にまで低下しました。沖縄の石垣島近海での流出油事故でも、この技術が使用され、海洋生態系への影響を最小限に抑えることに成功しました。国際的な環境保護団体からも高評価を受けています。
素材も進化しています。カーボンナノチューブを混合した新しいパーライト素材が使用され、吸着後の廃油を含んだ吸着材は、焼却処理で高効率のエネルギー回収が可能です。エネルギー効率は約30%向上し、処理時のCO2排出量も25%削減されました。
この技術は、アメリカの「エクソンモービル」や「シェブロン」などの石油メジャーによっても採用され、メキシコ湾での油流出対策に利用されています。2022年のメキシコ湾での事故対応では、従来の吸着材に比べ30%早い回収スピードが確認されました。回収作業は、大手環境コンサルティング企業「Veolia」が担当し、処理コストも削減されました。
国内でも「ENEOS」や「コスモ石油」がオイルプロックを採用し、川崎のENEOS製油所では年間1,000トン以上の廃油が処理されています。このように2020年代のオイルプロックは、環境負荷を軽減し、より効率的な廃油処理を実現する技術として国内外で重要な役割を果たしています。
Memories of Buried Crimes 1999-2007 Aomori Iwate Border Illegal Dumping Case Lessons Learned
Memories of Buried Crimes 1999-2007 Aomori Iwate Border Illegal Dumping Case Lessons Learned
In 1999, what is said to be one of the largest postwar incidents of illegal dumping of industrial waste was uncovered on the border between Tago Town, Aomori Prefecture and Ninohe City, Iwate Prefecture.
The waste included incinerator ash, sludge, medical waste, etc. Companies such as Sanei Chemical Industry and Agata Nansei were involved, and illegal dumping in a valley on the Aomori side was covered up with soil from the Iwate side.
In 2004, Aomori and Iwate prefectures began a restoration project to remove, incinerate, and improve soil conditions, but the cost and lack of disposal sites continue to be an issue.
This incident has made society realize the institutional limitations of waste management and the lack of environmental ethics, and the buried sins still lie beneath the quietly rising mountain.
In 1999, what is said to be one of the largest postwar incidents of illegal dumping of industrial waste was uncovered on the border between Tago Town, Aomori Prefecture and Ninohe City, Iwate Prefecture.
The waste included incinerator ash, sludge, medical waste, etc. Companies such as Sanei Chemical Industry and Agata Nansei were involved, and illegal dumping in a valley on the Aomori side was covered up with soil from the Iwate side.
In 2004, Aomori and Iwate prefectures began a restoration project to remove, incinerate, and improve soil conditions, but the cost and lack of disposal sites continue to be an issue.
This incident has made society realize the institutional limitations of waste management and the lack of environmental ethics, and the buried sins still lie beneath the quietly rising mountain.
埋もれた罪の記憶 1999〜2007年 青森 岩手県境 不法投棄事件の教訓
埋もれた罪の記憶 1999〜2007年 青森 岩手県境 不法投棄事件の教訓
1999年 青森県田子町と岩手県二戸市の県境で 戦後最大級とも言われる産業廃棄物の不法投棄事件が発覚した 100万立方メートルを超える廃棄物が山中に投棄されていたこの事件は 日本の環境行政に深い影を落とした
廃棄物は焼却灰 汚泥 医療系廃棄物など多岐にわたり 三栄化学工業や縣南衛生などの企業が関与 青森側の谷に違法投棄し 岩手側の土で覆い隠すという越境的な隠蔽行為も行われた 排出元企業は約12000社にのぼり 責任追及は困難を極めた
2004年からは青森 岩手両県による原状回復事業が開始され 撤去 焼却 土壌改善が進められているが 費用や処理先不足などの課題は続く 事件を機に 電子マニフェスト制度や排出者責任制度の整備が進められたが 制度の穴は残ったままである
この事件は 廃棄物行政の制度的限界と環境倫理の希薄さを社会に突きつけた 静かにそびえる山の下には 今なお埋もれた罪が眠っている そしてそれは 未来の環境政策の礎として語り継がれるべき教訓である
1999年 青森県田子町と岩手県二戸市の県境で 戦後最大級とも言われる産業廃棄物の不法投棄事件が発覚した 100万立方メートルを超える廃棄物が山中に投棄されていたこの事件は 日本の環境行政に深い影を落とした
廃棄物は焼却灰 汚泥 医療系廃棄物など多岐にわたり 三栄化学工業や縣南衛生などの企業が関与 青森側の谷に違法投棄し 岩手側の土で覆い隠すという越境的な隠蔽行為も行われた 排出元企業は約12000社にのぼり 責任追及は困難を極めた
2004年からは青森 岩手両県による原状回復事業が開始され 撤去 焼却 土壌改善が進められているが 費用や処理先不足などの課題は続く 事件を機に 電子マニフェスト制度や排出者責任制度の整備が進められたが 制度の穴は残ったままである
この事件は 廃棄物行政の制度的限界と環境倫理の希薄さを社会に突きつけた 静かにそびえる山の下には 今なお埋もれた罪が眠っている そしてそれは 未来の環境政策の礎として語り継がれるべき教訓である
Buried Crimes: Beyond the Mountains, Aomori: Memories and Questions about the Illegal Dumping of Industrial Waste at the Border of Iwate Prefecture, June 2007
Buried Crimes: Beyond the Mountains, Aomori: Memories and Questions about the Illegal Dumping of Industrial Waste at the Border of Iwate Prefecture, June 2007
In the mountains on the border between Tago Town, Aomori Prefecture, and Ninohe City, Iwate Prefecture, a mountain of industrial waste had been piled up, hidden from the public. In the early 2000s, an incident that shook Japan's environmental administration to its very foundations was quietly but surely uncovered at this location.
Act I: The Black Shadow Hidden in the Mountain
In November 1999, a joint investigation by the Iwate and Aomori prefectural police brought to light the illegal dumping of a large amount of industrial waste. The scene was a vast area of land covering more than 27 hectares on the border between the two prefectures. The total volume of waste was initially 820,000 cubic meters, but eventually exceeded 1,000,000 cubic meters, and included a wide variety of waste such as incinerator ash, sludge, drums containing waste oil, and medical waste.
The fact that the licensed composting facility functioned as a relay and concealment point for the waste was later revealed. The illegal processing was taking place through the "back door" of the permit.
Act II: Corporate Shadows and Gaps in the Law
The companies involved in this case included Sanei Chemical Industry, its affiliate Sanei Kogyo, and Agata Nan Sanitation Co. Sanei Chemical had obtained a permit for a composting facility, but in fact accepted industrial waste that was not permitted and deposited it illegally. Furthermore, soil and sand taken from the Iwate side of the land was transported to a valley on the Aomori side, covering and concealing the waste. The "moving of soil" for the purpose of disguise was taking place across the border.
Since the number of emitting companies as well as corporations exceeded 12,000, responsibility was unclear, making the pursuit of administrative punishment and compensation extremely difficult.
Act III: Between the Environment and People
After being abandoned for a long period of time, the waste began to leak toxic substances and there were concerns about contamination of soil and groundwater. 2004, Aomori and Iwate prefectures began restoring the waste to its original state, removing, incinerating, and improving the soil, but they faced many barriers, including a lack of treatment facilities and the burden of costs.
In addition, the incineration process has placed a psychological and social burden on residents in the surrounding areas, causing a dual impact of environmental damage and social distrust.
Act IV: The Mountain's Voice Continues to Ask Questions
This incident cast a deep shadow over Japanese society as a symbol of invisible environmental crimes and as a reminder of the institutional limits of environmental law. Lessons learned from this incident have led to the strengthening of the e-manifest system and the emissions liability system, but they have yet to completely prevent a recurrence.
The sins still buried beneath the green of the quietly towering mountains continue to question what we have missed and what we have allowed to happen.
Related Information Source Company Administrative Data
Companies involved: Sanei Chemical Industry Co.
Related materials:
Aomori Prefectural Government Illegal dumping archives
Iwate Prefecture Business Plan
RecycleHub Background and background of the incident
Konoike Corporation Examples of Removal Businesses and Technology
Number of businesses that emit waste: approx. 12,000
Estimated illegal dumping amount: over 1 million cubic meters
This incident is not a forgotten place. Rather, it is a site that should continue to be talked about and reexamined as the starting point underlying current environmental policies.
In the mountains on the border between Tago Town, Aomori Prefecture, and Ninohe City, Iwate Prefecture, a mountain of industrial waste had been piled up, hidden from the public. In the early 2000s, an incident that shook Japan's environmental administration to its very foundations was quietly but surely uncovered at this location.
Act I: The Black Shadow Hidden in the Mountain
In November 1999, a joint investigation by the Iwate and Aomori prefectural police brought to light the illegal dumping of a large amount of industrial waste. The scene was a vast area of land covering more than 27 hectares on the border between the two prefectures. The total volume of waste was initially 820,000 cubic meters, but eventually exceeded 1,000,000 cubic meters, and included a wide variety of waste such as incinerator ash, sludge, drums containing waste oil, and medical waste.
The fact that the licensed composting facility functioned as a relay and concealment point for the waste was later revealed. The illegal processing was taking place through the "back door" of the permit.
Act II: Corporate Shadows and Gaps in the Law
The companies involved in this case included Sanei Chemical Industry, its affiliate Sanei Kogyo, and Agata Nan Sanitation Co. Sanei Chemical had obtained a permit for a composting facility, but in fact accepted industrial waste that was not permitted and deposited it illegally. Furthermore, soil and sand taken from the Iwate side of the land was transported to a valley on the Aomori side, covering and concealing the waste. The "moving of soil" for the purpose of disguise was taking place across the border.
Since the number of emitting companies as well as corporations exceeded 12,000, responsibility was unclear, making the pursuit of administrative punishment and compensation extremely difficult.
Act III: Between the Environment and People
After being abandoned for a long period of time, the waste began to leak toxic substances and there were concerns about contamination of soil and groundwater. 2004, Aomori and Iwate prefectures began restoring the waste to its original state, removing, incinerating, and improving the soil, but they faced many barriers, including a lack of treatment facilities and the burden of costs.
In addition, the incineration process has placed a psychological and social burden on residents in the surrounding areas, causing a dual impact of environmental damage and social distrust.
Act IV: The Mountain's Voice Continues to Ask Questions
This incident cast a deep shadow over Japanese society as a symbol of invisible environmental crimes and as a reminder of the institutional limits of environmental law. Lessons learned from this incident have led to the strengthening of the e-manifest system and the emissions liability system, but they have yet to completely prevent a recurrence.
The sins still buried beneath the green of the quietly towering mountains continue to question what we have missed and what we have allowed to happen.
Related Information Source Company Administrative Data
Companies involved: Sanei Chemical Industry Co.
Related materials:
Aomori Prefectural Government Illegal dumping archives
Iwate Prefecture Business Plan
RecycleHub Background and background of the incident
Konoike Corporation Examples of Removal Businesses and Technology
Number of businesses that emit waste: approx. 12,000
Estimated illegal dumping amount: over 1 million cubic meters
This incident is not a forgotten place. Rather, it is a site that should continue to be talked about and reexamined as the starting point underlying current environmental policies.
埋もれた罪 山を越えて 青森 岩手県境産廃不法投棄事件の記憶と問いかけ 2007年6月
埋もれた罪 山を越えて 青森 岩手県境産廃不法投棄事件の記憶と問いかけ 2007年6月
青森県田子町と岩手県二戸市の県境の山あいに、人知れず積み重ねられていた産業廃棄物の山。それは自然の静けさの中にひそむ、巨大な環境犯罪の痕跡だった。2000年代初頭、日本の環境行政を根底から揺るがす事件が、この場所で静かに、しかし確実に発覚した。
第一幕:山に隠された黒い影
1999年11月、岩手 青森両県警の合同強制捜査によって、大量の産業廃棄物が不法投棄されていたことが明るみに出た。舞台は両県の県境、面積27ヘクタール以上に及ぶ広大な土地。廃棄物の総量は当初82万立方メートル、最終的には100万立方メートルを超え、焼却灰や汚泥、廃油入りドラム缶、医療系廃棄物まで多種多様だった。
それらは主に首都圏から運ばれたものであり、許可を受けていた堆肥施設が廃棄物の中継 隠蔽地点として機能していた事実が、のちに明らかとなる。まさに「許可の裏口」から、不法な処理が行われていたのである。
第二幕:企業の影と法の隙間
この事件に関与したのは、三栄化学工業株式会社とその関連会社三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社など。三栄化学は堆肥化施設の許可を得ていたが、実際には許可外の産廃を受け入れ、不正に堆積させていた。さらに岩手側の土地から採取した土砂を青森側の谷地に運び、廃棄物を覆って隠蔽。偽装のための「土の移動」が越境して行われていた。
企業だけでなく、排出事業者数は1万2千社を超えていたことから、責任の所在は不明瞭になり、行政処分や賠償の追及は困難を極めた。
第三幕:環境と人のあいだで
長期間にわたり放置された廃棄物からは、有害物質の漏出が進み、土壌や地下水への汚染が懸念された。2004年から青森県 岩手県は原状回復に着手し、撤去 焼却処理 土壌改良を進めているが、処理施設の不足や費用負担など、多くの障壁に直面している。
また、焼却 処理の過程で周辺地域の住民に心理的 社会的な負担がのしかかり、環境被害と社会不信という二重の影響を生んだ。
第四幕:問い続ける山の声
この事件は、見えない環境犯罪の象徴として、また、環境法の制度的限界を突きつけるものとして、日本社会に深い影を落とした。これを教訓に、電子マニフェスト制度や排出責任制度の強化が進められたが、完全な再発防止には至っていない。
静かにそびえる山々の緑の下に今も埋もれている罪は、私たちが何を見逃し、何を許してきたかを問い続けている。
関連情報 出典 企業 行政資料
関与企業:三栄化学工業株式会社、三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社
関連資料:
青森県庁 不法投棄アーカイブ
岩手県 事業計画資料
RecycleHub 事件の経緯と背景
鴻池組 撤去事業の実例と技術
排出事業者数:約12000社
推定不法投棄量:100万立方メートル以上
この事件は忘れられた場所ではない。むしろ、いまの環境政策の根底に流れる原点として、語り継がれ、再検証され続けるべき現場である。
青森県田子町と岩手県二戸市の県境の山あいに、人知れず積み重ねられていた産業廃棄物の山。それは自然の静けさの中にひそむ、巨大な環境犯罪の痕跡だった。2000年代初頭、日本の環境行政を根底から揺るがす事件が、この場所で静かに、しかし確実に発覚した。
第一幕:山に隠された黒い影
1999年11月、岩手 青森両県警の合同強制捜査によって、大量の産業廃棄物が不法投棄されていたことが明るみに出た。舞台は両県の県境、面積27ヘクタール以上に及ぶ広大な土地。廃棄物の総量は当初82万立方メートル、最終的には100万立方メートルを超え、焼却灰や汚泥、廃油入りドラム缶、医療系廃棄物まで多種多様だった。
それらは主に首都圏から運ばれたものであり、許可を受けていた堆肥施設が廃棄物の中継 隠蔽地点として機能していた事実が、のちに明らかとなる。まさに「許可の裏口」から、不法な処理が行われていたのである。
第二幕:企業の影と法の隙間
この事件に関与したのは、三栄化学工業株式会社とその関連会社三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社など。三栄化学は堆肥化施設の許可を得ていたが、実際には許可外の産廃を受け入れ、不正に堆積させていた。さらに岩手側の土地から採取した土砂を青森側の谷地に運び、廃棄物を覆って隠蔽。偽装のための「土の移動」が越境して行われていた。
企業だけでなく、排出事業者数は1万2千社を超えていたことから、責任の所在は不明瞭になり、行政処分や賠償の追及は困難を極めた。
第三幕:環境と人のあいだで
長期間にわたり放置された廃棄物からは、有害物質の漏出が進み、土壌や地下水への汚染が懸念された。2004年から青森県 岩手県は原状回復に着手し、撤去 焼却処理 土壌改良を進めているが、処理施設の不足や費用負担など、多くの障壁に直面している。
また、焼却 処理の過程で周辺地域の住民に心理的 社会的な負担がのしかかり、環境被害と社会不信という二重の影響を生んだ。
第四幕:問い続ける山の声
この事件は、見えない環境犯罪の象徴として、また、環境法の制度的限界を突きつけるものとして、日本社会に深い影を落とした。これを教訓に、電子マニフェスト制度や排出責任制度の強化が進められたが、完全な再発防止には至っていない。
静かにそびえる山々の緑の下に今も埋もれている罪は、私たちが何を見逃し、何を許してきたかを問い続けている。
関連情報 出典 企業 行政資料
関与企業:三栄化学工業株式会社、三栄興業、縣南衛生株式会社
関連資料:
青森県庁 不法投棄アーカイブ
岩手県 事業計画資料
RecycleHub 事件の経緯と背景
鴻池組 撤去事業の実例と技術
排出事業者数:約12000社
推定不法投棄量:100万立方メートル以上
この事件は忘れられた場所ではない。むしろ、いまの環境政策の根底に流れる原点として、語り継がれ、再検証され続けるべき現場である。
Tuesday, April 1, 2025
### History and current status of air pollution problems in Bali (1990s-2020s)
### History and current status of air pollution problems in Bali (1990s-2020s)
#### 1990s: Development of tourism and manifestation of air pollution
In 1998, with the rapid development of tourism in Bali, traffic increased in major tourist areas such as Denpasar, Kuta, and Ubud, and emissions from cars and motorcycles became the main source of air pollution. This led to increased concentrations of suspended particulate matter (PM10) and nitrogen oxides (NOx), which raised concerns about the health effects on residents and tourists. The government considered the introduction of emission standards and measures to reduce traffic, but failed to implement specific measures in view of the impact on the tourism industry.
---.
#### 2010s: Strengthening Environmental Measures and Challenges
The 2010s saw increased efforts to address Bali's air pollution problems, including tighter emission controls for the growing number of motorcycles in 2012 and the introduction of low-emission fuels and technologies. Regional cooperation was also called for as haze from forest and peatland fires contributed to high concentrations of suspended particulate matter and cross-border pollution to Singapore and Malaysia. However, new challenges emerged, such as increased traffic due to further development of tourism and a lack of waste disposal systems.
---.
#### 2020s: promoting sustainable tourism and environmental protection
Air pollution in Bali remains a challenge in the 2020s. Especially in urban areas such as Denpasar, Kuta, and Seminyak, emissions from transportation, industrial activities, and forest fires are the main sources of pollution, and harmful substances such as PM2.5, PM10, nitrogen dioxide (NO₂), and carbon monoxide (CO) are detected.
In April 2020, the Indonesian government announced a plan to significantly reduce plastic litter, with specific goals to reduce marine plastic litter by 70% by 2025 and zero plastic pollution by 2040. In addition, an initiative to ban the use of plastic bags and containers in the city of Denpasar has been in place since January 2019.
In addition, the environmental group Sungai Watch has been active since 2020, installing barriers to keep trash from spilling into the river. The organization reports that as of May 2024, it has prevented more than 1.7 million kilograms of trash from flowing out to sea.
However, increased traffic associated with the growth of tourism and the lack of adequate waste disposal systems remain a problem. Further measures are needed to promote sustainable tourism, introduce renewable energy, and improve public transportation systems.
---.
### Historical Assessment and Future Challenges
Although Bali has made gradual progress in addressing air pollution since the 1990s, striking a balance between tourism development and environmental protection remains a challenge. Lessons learned from the past must be applied to pursue sustainable solutions through international cooperation and technological innovation.
#### 1990s: Development of tourism and manifestation of air pollution
In 1998, with the rapid development of tourism in Bali, traffic increased in major tourist areas such as Denpasar, Kuta, and Ubud, and emissions from cars and motorcycles became the main source of air pollution. This led to increased concentrations of suspended particulate matter (PM10) and nitrogen oxides (NOx), which raised concerns about the health effects on residents and tourists. The government considered the introduction of emission standards and measures to reduce traffic, but failed to implement specific measures in view of the impact on the tourism industry.
---.
#### 2010s: Strengthening Environmental Measures and Challenges
The 2010s saw increased efforts to address Bali's air pollution problems, including tighter emission controls for the growing number of motorcycles in 2012 and the introduction of low-emission fuels and technologies. Regional cooperation was also called for as haze from forest and peatland fires contributed to high concentrations of suspended particulate matter and cross-border pollution to Singapore and Malaysia. However, new challenges emerged, such as increased traffic due to further development of tourism and a lack of waste disposal systems.
---.
#### 2020s: promoting sustainable tourism and environmental protection
Air pollution in Bali remains a challenge in the 2020s. Especially in urban areas such as Denpasar, Kuta, and Seminyak, emissions from transportation, industrial activities, and forest fires are the main sources of pollution, and harmful substances such as PM2.5, PM10, nitrogen dioxide (NO₂), and carbon monoxide (CO) are detected.
In April 2020, the Indonesian government announced a plan to significantly reduce plastic litter, with specific goals to reduce marine plastic litter by 70% by 2025 and zero plastic pollution by 2040. In addition, an initiative to ban the use of plastic bags and containers in the city of Denpasar has been in place since January 2019.
In addition, the environmental group Sungai Watch has been active since 2020, installing barriers to keep trash from spilling into the river. The organization reports that as of May 2024, it has prevented more than 1.7 million kilograms of trash from flowing out to sea.
However, increased traffic associated with the growth of tourism and the lack of adequate waste disposal systems remain a problem. Further measures are needed to promote sustainable tourism, introduce renewable energy, and improve public transportation systems.
---.
### Historical Assessment and Future Challenges
Although Bali has made gradual progress in addressing air pollution since the 1990s, striking a balance between tourism development and environmental protection remains a challenge. Lessons learned from the past must be applied to pursue sustainable solutions through international cooperation and technological innovation.
### バリ島の大気汚染問題の歴史と現状(1990年代~2020年代)
### バリ島の大気汚染問題の歴史と現状(1990年代~2020年代)
#### 1990年代:観光業の発展と大気汚染の顕在化
1998年、バリ島では観光業の急速な発展に伴い、デンパサールやクタ、ウブドなどの主要観光地で交通量が増加し、自動車やオートバイからの排出ガスが大気汚染の主な原因となりました。これにより、浮遊粒子状物質(PM10)や窒素酸化物(NOx)の濃度が上昇し、住民や観光客の健康への影響が懸念されました。政府は排ガス基準の導入や交通量削減策を検討しましたが、観光産業への影響を考慮し、具体的な対策の実施には至りませんでした。
---
#### 2010年代:環境対策の強化と課題
2010年代に入ると、バリ島の大気汚染問題に対する取り組みが強化されました。2012年には、増加するオートバイの排出ガス規制が強化され、低公害燃料や技術の導入が推進されました。また、森林火災や泥炭地火災による煙霧(ヘイズ)が高濃度の浮遊粒子状物質をもたらし、シンガポールやマレーシアへの越境汚染も発生したため、地域的な協力が求められました。しかし、観光業のさらなる発展に伴う交通量の増加や廃棄物処理システムの整備不足など、新たな課題も浮上しました。
---
#### 2020年代:持続可能な観光と環境保護の推進
2020年代においても、バリ島の大気汚染は依然として課題となっています。特にデンパサール、クタ、スミニャックなどの都市部では、交通機関からの排出ガスや産業活動、森林火災が主な汚染源となり、PM2.5やPM10、二酸化窒素(NO₂)、一酸化炭素(CO)などの有害物質が検出されています。
インドネシア政府は、2020年4月にプラスチックごみの大幅な削減を目指す計画を発表し、2025年までに海洋プラスチックごみを70%削減し、2040年までにプラスチック汚染をゼロにするという具体的な目標を掲げました。また、2019年1月からデンパサール市ではプラスチック製の袋や容器の使用を禁止する取り組みが行われています。
さらに、環境保護団体「スンガイ・ウォッチ」は2020年から活動を開始し、川にゴミを流出させないためのバリアを設置するなどの取り組みを行っています。この団体は、2024年5月時点で170万キログラム以上のゴミが海に流出するのを防いだと報告しています。
しかし、観光業の発展に伴う交通量の増加や、適切な廃棄物処理システムの不足が依然として問題視されています。持続可能な観光業の推進や、再生可能エネルギーの導入、公共交通機関の整備など、さらなる対策が求められています。
---
### 歴史的評価と今後の課題
バリ島の大気汚染対策は、1990年代から徐々に進展してきましたが、観光業の発展と環境保護のバランスを取ることは依然として課題です。過去の教訓を活かし、国際的な協力と技術革新を通じて、持続可能な解決策を追求する必要があります。
#### 1990年代:観光業の発展と大気汚染の顕在化
1998年、バリ島では観光業の急速な発展に伴い、デンパサールやクタ、ウブドなどの主要観光地で交通量が増加し、自動車やオートバイからの排出ガスが大気汚染の主な原因となりました。これにより、浮遊粒子状物質(PM10)や窒素酸化物(NOx)の濃度が上昇し、住民や観光客の健康への影響が懸念されました。政府は排ガス基準の導入や交通量削減策を検討しましたが、観光産業への影響を考慮し、具体的な対策の実施には至りませんでした。
---
#### 2010年代:環境対策の強化と課題
2010年代に入ると、バリ島の大気汚染問題に対する取り組みが強化されました。2012年には、増加するオートバイの排出ガス規制が強化され、低公害燃料や技術の導入が推進されました。また、森林火災や泥炭地火災による煙霧(ヘイズ)が高濃度の浮遊粒子状物質をもたらし、シンガポールやマレーシアへの越境汚染も発生したため、地域的な協力が求められました。しかし、観光業のさらなる発展に伴う交通量の増加や廃棄物処理システムの整備不足など、新たな課題も浮上しました。
---
#### 2020年代:持続可能な観光と環境保護の推進
2020年代においても、バリ島の大気汚染は依然として課題となっています。特にデンパサール、クタ、スミニャックなどの都市部では、交通機関からの排出ガスや産業活動、森林火災が主な汚染源となり、PM2.5やPM10、二酸化窒素(NO₂)、一酸化炭素(CO)などの有害物質が検出されています。
インドネシア政府は、2020年4月にプラスチックごみの大幅な削減を目指す計画を発表し、2025年までに海洋プラスチックごみを70%削減し、2040年までにプラスチック汚染をゼロにするという具体的な目標を掲げました。また、2019年1月からデンパサール市ではプラスチック製の袋や容器の使用を禁止する取り組みが行われています。
さらに、環境保護団体「スンガイ・ウォッチ」は2020年から活動を開始し、川にゴミを流出させないためのバリアを設置するなどの取り組みを行っています。この団体は、2024年5月時点で170万キログラム以上のゴミが海に流出するのを防いだと報告しています。
しかし、観光業の発展に伴う交通量の増加や、適切な廃棄物処理システムの不足が依然として問題視されています。持続可能な観光業の推進や、再生可能エネルギーの導入、公共交通機関の整備など、さらなる対策が求められています。
---
### 歴史的評価と今後の課題
バリ島の大気汚染対策は、1990年代から徐々に進展してきましたが、観光業の発展と環境保護のバランスを取ることは依然として課題です。過去の教訓を活かし、国際的な協力と技術革新を通じて、持続可能な解決策を追求する必要があります。
Comparative Summary of Food Waste Recycling in Tokyo - 2002 and 2022
Comparative Summary of Food Waste Recycling in Tokyo - 2002 and 2022
In 2002, Tokyo generated approximately 19 million tons of food waste annually. Recycling rates were low, with most being incinerated or disposed of in landfills. Recycling facilities in Koto-ku and elsewhere were limited and technologically less advanced; by 2022, food waste had decreased to about 5.5 million tons and recycling technology had advanced. A recycling plant in Koto-ku produces biogas through methane fermentation of 120,000 tons of waste per year to supply electricity to public facilities. Major companies such as 7-Eleven and FamilyMart are promoting projects to reuse waste food as feed and fertilizer in an effort to improve recycling rates. However, the cost of waste disposal, at approximately 50,000 yen per ton, remains high, making cost reduction a challenge.
In 2002, Tokyo generated approximately 19 million tons of food waste annually. Recycling rates were low, with most being incinerated or disposed of in landfills. Recycling facilities in Koto-ku and elsewhere were limited and technologically less advanced; by 2022, food waste had decreased to about 5.5 million tons and recycling technology had advanced. A recycling plant in Koto-ku produces biogas through methane fermentation of 120,000 tons of waste per year to supply electricity to public facilities. Major companies such as 7-Eleven and FamilyMart are promoting projects to reuse waste food as feed and fertilizer in an effort to improve recycling rates. However, the cost of waste disposal, at approximately 50,000 yen per ton, remains high, making cost reduction a challenge.
東京における食品廃棄物リサイクルの比較要約 - 2002年と2022年
東京における食品廃棄物リサイクルの比較要約 - 2002年と2022年
2002年、東京では年間約1900万トンの食品廃棄物が発生していました。リサイクル率は低く、ほとんどが焼却や埋め立て処理されていました。江東区などのリサイクル施設は限られており、技術的にも進んでいない状況でした。2022年になると、食品廃棄物は約550万トンに減少し、リサイクル技術も進展。江東区のリサイクルプラントでは年間12万トンの廃棄物をメタン発酵させてバイオガスを生成し、公共施設に電力を供給しています。セブンイレブンやファミリーマートなど大手企業は、廃棄食品を飼料や肥料として再利用するプロジェクトを推進し、リサイクル率の向上を目指しています。しかし、1トンあたり約5万円という廃棄物処理費用は依然高く、コスト削減が課題です。
2002年、東京では年間約1900万トンの食品廃棄物が発生していました。リサイクル率は低く、ほとんどが焼却や埋め立て処理されていました。江東区などのリサイクル施設は限られており、技術的にも進んでいない状況でした。2022年になると、食品廃棄物は約550万トンに減少し、リサイクル技術も進展。江東区のリサイクルプラントでは年間12万トンの廃棄物をメタン発酵させてバイオガスを生成し、公共施設に電力を供給しています。セブンイレブンやファミリーマートなど大手企業は、廃棄食品を飼料や肥料として再利用するプロジェクトを推進し、リサイクル率の向上を目指しています。しかし、1トンあたり約5万円という廃棄物処理費用は依然高く、コスト削減が課題です。
Promotion of Construction Sludge Recycling - Miyagino-ku, Sendai City
Promotion of Construction Sludge Recycling - Miyagino-ku, Sendai City
In the late 1990s, a recycling facility was established in Miyagino-ku, Sendai City, to process construction sludge and surplus soil. 100,000 tons of sludge and 200,000 tons of surplus soil are processed and recycled annually. In the 2010s, Kankyo Shisetsu Co., Ltd. introduced dewatering and drying technology, which greatly improved processing efficiency. In the 2020s, automation and AI-based quality control were introduced, and in FY2020, the actual processing volume reached 30,990 tons. Miyagino-ku is attracting attention as a national model region for a resource-recycling society and continues to contribute to the advancement of sustainable construction technology.
In the late 1990s, a recycling facility was established in Miyagino-ku, Sendai City, to process construction sludge and surplus soil. 100,000 tons of sludge and 200,000 tons of surplus soil are processed and recycled annually. In the 2010s, Kankyo Shisetsu Co., Ltd. introduced dewatering and drying technology, which greatly improved processing efficiency. In the 2020s, automation and AI-based quality control were introduced, and in FY2020, the actual processing volume reached 30,990 tons. Miyagino-ku is attracting attention as a national model region for a resource-recycling society and continues to contribute to the advancement of sustainable construction technology.
建設汚泥リサイクルの推進 - 仙台市宮城野区
建設汚泥リサイクルの推進 - 仙台市宮城野区
1990年代末、仙台市宮城野区では建設汚泥と余剰残土を処理するリサイクル施設が設立され、年間10万トンの汚泥と20万トンの残土を処理し再資源化を実現しました。再生資材として流動化処理土や改良土が公共工事に導入され、地元企業の仙台オデッサ株式会社や宮城リ・ソイルセンターが中心となりリサイクルが推進されました。2010年代には、環境施設株式会社が脱水・乾燥技術を導入し、処理効率が大幅に向上しました。2013年の東日本大震災では、復興需要を背景に再生資材の活用が急増し、リサイクル率は90パーセント近くに達しました。2020年代には自動化やAIによる品質管理が導入され、2020年度の処理実績は30990トンに達しました。宮城野区は資源循環型社会の全国的なモデル地域として注目され、持続可能な建設技術の進展
に貢献し続けています。
1990年代末、仙台市宮城野区では建設汚泥と余剰残土を処理するリサイクル施設が設立され、年間10万トンの汚泥と20万トンの残土を処理し再資源化を実現しました。再生資材として流動化処理土や改良土が公共工事に導入され、地元企業の仙台オデッサ株式会社や宮城リ・ソイルセンターが中心となりリサイクルが推進されました。2010年代には、環境施設株式会社が脱水・乾燥技術を導入し、処理効率が大幅に向上しました。2013年の東日本大震災では、復興需要を背景に再生資材の活用が急増し、リサイクル率は90パーセント近くに達しました。2020年代には自動化やAIによる品質管理が導入され、2020年度の処理実績は30990トンに達しました。宮城野区は資源循環型社会の全国的なモデル地域として注目され、持続可能な建設技術の進展
に貢献し続けています。
Silence Through the Lens--From the Memoirs of a Filmmaker
Silence Through the Lens--From the Memoirs of a Filmmaker
--At a roundtable discussion in the spring of 1969
In the spring of that year, I was invited to a roundtable discussion in a magazine. The topic was "documentary. But it was not just a technical or programmatic discussion. We were reexamining the roots of the question of whether video can approach the "truth.
I am the camera," said a man. I am the camera," he said in a play, and I was fascinated by the spirit of his words. I was attracted to the spirit of this phrase from a play. To observe reality through a lens. In a sense, it was an act that confronted me with what I myself was seeing and what I did not want to see.
But another participant objected. Another participant objected, saying that there were "too many words," and that "the narration compensated for the emotion." I wondered whether a documentary could really be made in an objective format, and whether we should let the "thing" itself speak, rather than someone else's story, or someone else's point of view.
One person said, "There are limitations to recording in a studio. This was certainly true. Light, sound, timing, ...... all become artificial, and the person being filmed also becomes poised in front of the camera. Unlike outdoor shooting, where you can capture a moment by chance, in a studio, "being filmed" itself distorts the reality.
Then, that program came up in the news. It was a documentary that followed a new singer for 30 minutes with a single camera. The stillness and tension. Her expression and voice were consistent, and there she was. When I saw that program, I was a little jealous. I knew how difficult it was to capture human time without adding or subtracting anything. I knew how difficult it was.
The term "cinéma vérité" was also used. But it is not just a style. Someone said, "Bringing a camera to the site itself deconstructs the culture. Someone said, "Bringing a camera to the site itself deconstructs the culture. This is certainly true. The photographer and the photographed. We knew how much that relationship generates a subtle gravity in space.
Or, holding a camera was like exposing a part of your nervous system. In the streets, on the battlefield, in the studio. Pain and displacement, which should have been invisible, are burned into the film.
Some people laughed and said, "This is the age of the 100 million documentarists. But I could not laugh. It was also the arrival of an age in which people only filmed what they wanted to see. Reality is sometimes unpleasant, ugly, and helpless. But that is precisely the point of our cameras.
After the discussion, the spring light shone through the window. We returned to our respective sites. But even now, the words from that place linger in my ears.
--"Are you really paying attention?" I asked myself, "Are you really paying attention?
It was an eternal question posed to the world and to myself through the documentary format.
--At a roundtable discussion in the spring of 1969
In the spring of that year, I was invited to a roundtable discussion in a magazine. The topic was "documentary. But it was not just a technical or programmatic discussion. We were reexamining the roots of the question of whether video can approach the "truth.
I am the camera," said a man. I am the camera," he said in a play, and I was fascinated by the spirit of his words. I was attracted to the spirit of this phrase from a play. To observe reality through a lens. In a sense, it was an act that confronted me with what I myself was seeing and what I did not want to see.
But another participant objected. Another participant objected, saying that there were "too many words," and that "the narration compensated for the emotion." I wondered whether a documentary could really be made in an objective format, and whether we should let the "thing" itself speak, rather than someone else's story, or someone else's point of view.
One person said, "There are limitations to recording in a studio. This was certainly true. Light, sound, timing, ...... all become artificial, and the person being filmed also becomes poised in front of the camera. Unlike outdoor shooting, where you can capture a moment by chance, in a studio, "being filmed" itself distorts the reality.
Then, that program came up in the news. It was a documentary that followed a new singer for 30 minutes with a single camera. The stillness and tension. Her expression and voice were consistent, and there she was. When I saw that program, I was a little jealous. I knew how difficult it was to capture human time without adding or subtracting anything. I knew how difficult it was.
The term "cinéma vérité" was also used. But it is not just a style. Someone said, "Bringing a camera to the site itself deconstructs the culture. Someone said, "Bringing a camera to the site itself deconstructs the culture. This is certainly true. The photographer and the photographed. We knew how much that relationship generates a subtle gravity in space.
Or, holding a camera was like exposing a part of your nervous system. In the streets, on the battlefield, in the studio. Pain and displacement, which should have been invisible, are burned into the film.
Some people laughed and said, "This is the age of the 100 million documentarists. But I could not laugh. It was also the arrival of an age in which people only filmed what they wanted to see. Reality is sometimes unpleasant, ugly, and helpless. But that is precisely the point of our cameras.
After the discussion, the spring light shone through the window. We returned to our respective sites. But even now, the words from that place linger in my ears.
--"Are you really paying attention?" I asked myself, "Are you really paying attention?
It was an eternal question posed to the world and to myself through the documentary format.
【レンズ越しの沈黙――ある映像制作者の記憶より】
【レンズ越しの沈黙――ある映像制作者の記憶より】
――1969年春の座談会にて
あの年の春、私はある雑誌の座談会に呼ばれた。話題は「ドキュメンタリー」。だがそれはただの技術論や番組論ではなかった。私たちは映像が"真実"に迫れるのか、その根源を問い直していた。
「私はカメラだ」と語った人物がいた。戯曲の中の言葉だが、その精神に私は惹かれた。主観を排し、ただ見つめること。現実をレンズを通じて観察するという姿勢。それはある意味で、私自身が何を見ているか、そして何を見たくないかを突きつけられる行為だった。
だが、別の参加者は異を唱えた。「言葉が多すぎる」「ナレーションで感情を補ってしまっている」と。ドキュメンタリーとは本当に客観の形式で成立するものなのか――誰かのストーリーではなく、誰かの視点ではなく、"もの"そのものに語らせるべきなのではないかと。
ある者は「スタジオでの収録には限界がある」と言った。確かにその通りだった。光 音 間合い……すべてが人工的になり 撮られる人もカメラの前で構えてしまう。偶然の一瞬を捉えることができた野外撮影とは異なり スタジオでは"撮られる"こと自体が現実を歪めてしまう。
そして あの番組が話題に上がった。ある新人歌手を30分間ワンカメラで追ったドキュメント。その静けさと緊張感。表情と声がずれず ただそこに"彼女"がいた。あの番組を見た時 私は少し嫉妬した。何も足さず 何も引かずに 人間の時間を映し出すこと。それがどれほど難しいかを知っていたから。
「シネマ・ヴェリテ」という言葉も出た。だがそれは単なる様式ではない。誰かは言った。「現地にカメラを持ち込むこと自体が文化を分解する」と。確かにそうだ。撮る者と撮られる者。その関係がどれほど微細な重力を空間に発生させるか 私たちは知っていた。
あるいは カメラを持つということは 神経の一部を露出させることに似ていた。街で 戦場で スタジオで。見えないはずの"痛み"や"ずれ"がフィルムに焼き付けられる。
「一億総ドキュメンタリストの時代だ」と笑った声もあった。だけど私は笑えなかった。それは 見たいものだけを撮る時代の到来でもあったから。現実は時に不快で 醜くて どうしようもない。だけどそこにこそ 私たちがカメラを向ける意味があった。
座談が終わって 春の光が窓から差し込んだ。私たちはそれぞれの現場へ戻っていった。けれど今でも あの場の言葉たちが耳に残る。
――「本当に お前はよく見ているのか?」と。
それは ドキュメンタリーという形式を通じて 世界と自分に向けられた永遠の問いだった。
――1969年春の座談会にて
あの年の春、私はある雑誌の座談会に呼ばれた。話題は「ドキュメンタリー」。だがそれはただの技術論や番組論ではなかった。私たちは映像が"真実"に迫れるのか、その根源を問い直していた。
「私はカメラだ」と語った人物がいた。戯曲の中の言葉だが、その精神に私は惹かれた。主観を排し、ただ見つめること。現実をレンズを通じて観察するという姿勢。それはある意味で、私自身が何を見ているか、そして何を見たくないかを突きつけられる行為だった。
だが、別の参加者は異を唱えた。「言葉が多すぎる」「ナレーションで感情を補ってしまっている」と。ドキュメンタリーとは本当に客観の形式で成立するものなのか――誰かのストーリーではなく、誰かの視点ではなく、"もの"そのものに語らせるべきなのではないかと。
ある者は「スタジオでの収録には限界がある」と言った。確かにその通りだった。光 音 間合い……すべてが人工的になり 撮られる人もカメラの前で構えてしまう。偶然の一瞬を捉えることができた野外撮影とは異なり スタジオでは"撮られる"こと自体が現実を歪めてしまう。
そして あの番組が話題に上がった。ある新人歌手を30分間ワンカメラで追ったドキュメント。その静けさと緊張感。表情と声がずれず ただそこに"彼女"がいた。あの番組を見た時 私は少し嫉妬した。何も足さず 何も引かずに 人間の時間を映し出すこと。それがどれほど難しいかを知っていたから。
「シネマ・ヴェリテ」という言葉も出た。だがそれは単なる様式ではない。誰かは言った。「現地にカメラを持ち込むこと自体が文化を分解する」と。確かにそうだ。撮る者と撮られる者。その関係がどれほど微細な重力を空間に発生させるか 私たちは知っていた。
あるいは カメラを持つということは 神経の一部を露出させることに似ていた。街で 戦場で スタジオで。見えないはずの"痛み"や"ずれ"がフィルムに焼き付けられる。
「一億総ドキュメンタリストの時代だ」と笑った声もあった。だけど私は笑えなかった。それは 見たいものだけを撮る時代の到来でもあったから。現実は時に不快で 醜くて どうしようもない。だけどそこにこそ 私たちがカメラを向ける意味があった。
座談が終わって 春の光が窓から差し込んだ。私たちはそれぞれの現場へ戻っていった。けれど今でも あの場の言葉たちが耳に残る。
――「本当に お前はよく見ているのか?」と。
それは ドキュメンタリーという形式を通じて 世界と自分に向けられた永遠の問いだった。
Trajectory of the Green Giant Dragon: The Development of China's Energy Conservation Policy (2000s-2020s)
Trajectory of the Green Giant Dragon: The Development of China's Energy Conservation Policy (2000s-2020s)
In the early 2000s, China's rapid economic growth led to worsening energy consumption and environmental pollution; the Energy Conservation Law enacted in 1997 was revised in 2006, imposing reporting requirements on companies to introduce energy-saving technologies, and establishing an incentive system and a local government responsibility structure. Tax incentives and subsidies were used to promote the introduction of energy-saving equipment and renewable energy.
In the 2010s, the "12th Five-Year Plan" (2011) was launched, setting a target of reducing CO₂ emissions per GDP by 40-45% from the 2010 level. Solar and wind power generation expanded rapidly, and China became the world's largest solar market in 2017. Smart grid and electric vehicle (EV) policies have also been strengthened, with EV infrastructure development and the introduction of subsidies stimulating the market for BYD, Tesla, and others.
In the 2020s, the "14th Five-Year Plan" set the goals of CO₂ peak out by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2060; by 2025, the installed capacity of wind and solar power will be expanded to more than 1.2 billion kilowatts and energy consumption intensity will be reduced by 13.5%. Beijing plans to use energy-efficient construction for more than 80% of new buildings, and Shanghai plans to convert half of its new car sales to EVs. The State Grid Corporation is promoting smart grid and renewable energy integration, and BYD is emerging as a global EV company based in Shenzhen.
Summary of related information
Legislation: The "14th Five-Year Plan" sets targets to reduce energy consumption intensity by 13.5% and CO₂ emissions by 18% by 2025.
Numerical targets: non-fossil fuel share to 20% by 2025 and 25% by 2030. Forest coverage to 24.1% by 2025.
Major locations and examples:
- Beijing: Over 80% of new buildings to be energy efficient.
- Shanghai: 50% of new cars sold will be EVs.
Major companies:
- State Grid Corporation: Promoting integration of renewable energy and smart grid.
- BYD: Based in Shenzhen, BYD has grown into a global EV company.
In the early 2000s, China's rapid economic growth led to worsening energy consumption and environmental pollution; the Energy Conservation Law enacted in 1997 was revised in 2006, imposing reporting requirements on companies to introduce energy-saving technologies, and establishing an incentive system and a local government responsibility structure. Tax incentives and subsidies were used to promote the introduction of energy-saving equipment and renewable energy.
In the 2010s, the "12th Five-Year Plan" (2011) was launched, setting a target of reducing CO₂ emissions per GDP by 40-45% from the 2010 level. Solar and wind power generation expanded rapidly, and China became the world's largest solar market in 2017. Smart grid and electric vehicle (EV) policies have also been strengthened, with EV infrastructure development and the introduction of subsidies stimulating the market for BYD, Tesla, and others.
In the 2020s, the "14th Five-Year Plan" set the goals of CO₂ peak out by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2060; by 2025, the installed capacity of wind and solar power will be expanded to more than 1.2 billion kilowatts and energy consumption intensity will be reduced by 13.5%. Beijing plans to use energy-efficient construction for more than 80% of new buildings, and Shanghai plans to convert half of its new car sales to EVs. The State Grid Corporation is promoting smart grid and renewable energy integration, and BYD is emerging as a global EV company based in Shenzhen.
Summary of related information
Legislation: The "14th Five-Year Plan" sets targets to reduce energy consumption intensity by 13.5% and CO₂ emissions by 18% by 2025.
Numerical targets: non-fossil fuel share to 20% by 2025 and 25% by 2030. Forest coverage to 24.1% by 2025.
Major locations and examples:
- Beijing: Over 80% of new buildings to be energy efficient.
- Shanghai: 50% of new cars sold will be EVs.
Major companies:
- State Grid Corporation: Promoting integration of renewable energy and smart grid.
- BYD: Based in Shenzhen, BYD has grown into a global EV company.
緑の巨龍の軌跡:中国の省エネ政策の展開(2000年代~2020年代)
緑の巨龍の軌跡:中国の省エネ政策の展開(2000年代~2020年代)
2000年代初頭、中国は急速な経済成長によりエネルギー消費と環境汚染が深刻化。1997年制定の省エネ法は2006年に改正され、企業に省エネ技術の導入報告義務を課し、インセンティブ制度や地方政府の責任体制が整備された。税制優遇や補助金を活用し、省エネ設備や再エネ導入が促進された。
2010年代には「第12次五カ年計画」(2011年)が打ち出され、GDPあたりのCO₂排出量を2010年比で40~45%削減する目標が設定された。太陽光・風力発電が急速に拡大し、2017年には中国が世界最大の太陽光市場に。スマートグリッドや電気自動車(EV)政策も強化され、EVインフラ整備や補助金導入により、BYDやテスラなどが市場を活性化。
2020年代には「第14次五カ年計画」により、2030年CO₂ピークアウト、2060年カーボンニュートラルが目標に掲げられた。2025年までに風力・太陽光の設備容量を12億キロワット以上に拡大し、エネルギー消費強度を13.5%削減予定。北京市では新築の80%以上を省エネ建築とする計画、上海市は新車販売の半数をEV化する方針。国家電網公司はスマートグリッドと再エネ統合を推進し、BYDは深圳市を拠点に世界的EV企業として台頭。
関連情報まとめ
法制度:「第14次五カ年計画」では、2025年までにエネルギー消費強度13.5%削減、CO₂排出量18%削減目標を設定。
数値目標:非化石燃料割合を2025年に20%、2030年に25%へ。森林被覆率を2025年までに24.1%に。
主な地名と事例:
- 北京市:新築建物の80%以上を省エネ型に。
- 上海市:新車販売の50%をEVに。
主要企業:
- 国家電網公司:再エネとスマートグリッドの統合を推進。
- 比亜迪(BYD):深圳市を拠点に世界的EV企業として成長。
2000年代初頭、中国は急速な経済成長によりエネルギー消費と環境汚染が深刻化。1997年制定の省エネ法は2006年に改正され、企業に省エネ技術の導入報告義務を課し、インセンティブ制度や地方政府の責任体制が整備された。税制優遇や補助金を活用し、省エネ設備や再エネ導入が促進された。
2010年代には「第12次五カ年計画」(2011年)が打ち出され、GDPあたりのCO₂排出量を2010年比で40~45%削減する目標が設定された。太陽光・風力発電が急速に拡大し、2017年には中国が世界最大の太陽光市場に。スマートグリッドや電気自動車(EV)政策も強化され、EVインフラ整備や補助金導入により、BYDやテスラなどが市場を活性化。
2020年代には「第14次五カ年計画」により、2030年CO₂ピークアウト、2060年カーボンニュートラルが目標に掲げられた。2025年までに風力・太陽光の設備容量を12億キロワット以上に拡大し、エネルギー消費強度を13.5%削減予定。北京市では新築の80%以上を省エネ建築とする計画、上海市は新車販売の半数をEV化する方針。国家電網公司はスマートグリッドと再エネ統合を推進し、BYDは深圳市を拠点に世界的EV企業として台頭。
関連情報まとめ
法制度:「第14次五カ年計画」では、2025年までにエネルギー消費強度13.5%削減、CO₂排出量18%削減目標を設定。
数値目標:非化石燃料割合を2025年に20%、2030年に25%へ。森林被覆率を2025年までに24.1%に。
主な地名と事例:
- 北京市:新築建物の80%以上を省エネ型に。
- 上海市:新車販売の50%をEVに。
主要企業:
- 国家電網公司:再エネとスマートグリッドの統合を推進。
- 比亜迪(BYD):深圳市を拠点に世界的EV企業として成長。
The Man Who Stole the Wind: The Betrayal Cycle of AMSC and Synobel (2008-2011)
The Man Who Stole the Wind: The Betrayal Cycle of AMSC and Synobel (2008-2011)
AMSC was known for developing control software and electronics, the heart of wind turbines, and was expanding internationally through its Austrian subsidiary Windtec. Its largest customer for its technology, Chinese wind power giant Sinovel (Sinovel Wind Group), was responsible for about half of AMSC's sales. However, this relationship of trust was soundly shattered by a betrayal by one of its engineers.
Dejan Karabasevic, a Serbian national, worked for AMSC's Austrian subsidiary, designing and developing the software at the heart of the wind control system. His position gave him unfettered access to the most sensitive source code and algorithms, knowledge that was a veritable lifeline for the company. However, after 2010, Karabasevich began to change under the surface.
He is approached by Sinovel and decides to illegally take the central code of AMSC's control software in exchange for a large reward and a position in China. After submitting his resignation, he uses his home PC and USB device to duplicate a vast amount of confidential code during his tenure, which he then sends to China. This act shook the very foundations of AMSC. During his interrogation, he said, "It was not a betrayal. He reportedly stated, "It was not a betrayal, I just cooperated with someone who valued me more fairly. He also said that AMSC had disregarded his talent. It is clear that personal frustration and vengeance were behind the international corporate espionage case.
In March 2011, Sinovel abruptly canceled all orders; AMSC suffered a severe drop in sales, and in April its stock price dropped 42% overnight. The total damage was estimated to be about $800 million (about 64 billion yen), resulting in massive layoffs and shaking the company's very foundations.
This betrayal was not limited to the theft of technology. Immediately after the incident, Sinovel cleverly utilized social networking services and technology forums in China and abroad to spread a series of posts claiming that the technology was the result of its own development, and manipulated information to give the impression that AMSC was the "loser" that failed to win the contract, causing confusion in international public opinion. These information tactics had the effect of diluting Sinovel's bad reputation and further damaging AMSC's credibility.
Karabasevich was arrested in Austria and sentenced to one year of suspended imprisonment and a fine in 2011; AMSC filed lawsuits against Sinovel in China and the U.S., and the U.S. Department of Justice indicted Sinovel and its executives for industrial espionage in 2013, but China has refused to extradite those involved, leaving justice in limbo ...
The case was a symbolic act that shows how a lack of personal emotion and ethics can lead to the downfall of entire companies in the global technology marketplace. At the same time, it was a sharp reminder of the vulnerability of corporations in the age of social networking and the reality of information warfare across nations. This story of a company that supposedly gave birth to technology to control the wind, only to be betrayed like the wind and hunted down by rumors, remains a prelude to the modern intellectual property wars.
AMSC was known for developing control software and electronics, the heart of wind turbines, and was expanding internationally through its Austrian subsidiary Windtec. Its largest customer for its technology, Chinese wind power giant Sinovel (Sinovel Wind Group), was responsible for about half of AMSC's sales. However, this relationship of trust was soundly shattered by a betrayal by one of its engineers.
Dejan Karabasevic, a Serbian national, worked for AMSC's Austrian subsidiary, designing and developing the software at the heart of the wind control system. His position gave him unfettered access to the most sensitive source code and algorithms, knowledge that was a veritable lifeline for the company. However, after 2010, Karabasevich began to change under the surface.
He is approached by Sinovel and decides to illegally take the central code of AMSC's control software in exchange for a large reward and a position in China. After submitting his resignation, he uses his home PC and USB device to duplicate a vast amount of confidential code during his tenure, which he then sends to China. This act shook the very foundations of AMSC. During his interrogation, he said, "It was not a betrayal. He reportedly stated, "It was not a betrayal, I just cooperated with someone who valued me more fairly. He also said that AMSC had disregarded his talent. It is clear that personal frustration and vengeance were behind the international corporate espionage case.
In March 2011, Sinovel abruptly canceled all orders; AMSC suffered a severe drop in sales, and in April its stock price dropped 42% overnight. The total damage was estimated to be about $800 million (about 64 billion yen), resulting in massive layoffs and shaking the company's very foundations.
This betrayal was not limited to the theft of technology. Immediately after the incident, Sinovel cleverly utilized social networking services and technology forums in China and abroad to spread a series of posts claiming that the technology was the result of its own development, and manipulated information to give the impression that AMSC was the "loser" that failed to win the contract, causing confusion in international public opinion. These information tactics had the effect of diluting Sinovel's bad reputation and further damaging AMSC's credibility.
Karabasevich was arrested in Austria and sentenced to one year of suspended imprisonment and a fine in 2011; AMSC filed lawsuits against Sinovel in China and the U.S., and the U.S. Department of Justice indicted Sinovel and its executives for industrial espionage in 2013, but China has refused to extradite those involved, leaving justice in limbo ...
The case was a symbolic act that shows how a lack of personal emotion and ethics can lead to the downfall of entire companies in the global technology marketplace. At the same time, it was a sharp reminder of the vulnerability of corporations in the age of social networking and the reality of information warfare across nations. This story of a company that supposedly gave birth to technology to control the wind, only to be betrayed like the wind and hunted down by rumors, remains a prelude to the modern intellectual property wars.
風を盗んだ男:AMSCとシノベルの裏切りの連鎖(2008–2011)
風を盗んだ男:AMSCとシノベルの裏切りの連鎖(2008–2011)
AMSCは、風力タービンの心臓部ともいえる制御ソフトウェアや電子機器の開発で知られ、オーストリアの子会社Windtecを通じて国際展開を進めていた。その技術の最大の顧客であり、中国の風力発電大手シノベル(Sinovel Wind Group)は、AMSCの売上の約半分を占めるほどの存在だった。だが、この信頼関係は、ひとりの技術者による裏切りによって音を立てて崩れていく。
セルビア出身のデヤン・カラバセヴィチは、AMSCのオーストリア子会社に勤務し、風力制御システムの中枢を担うソフトウェアの設計と開発に従事していた。彼はその職務上、最も機密性の高いソースコードやアルゴリズムに自由にアクセスできる立場にあり、その知識は企業にとってまさに命綱であった。2008年頃からシノベルとの関係が深まり、数年にわたって両社の提携は順調に見えた。しかし、2010年以降、カラバセヴィチは水面下で変化し始める。
彼は、シノベルからの接触を受け、多額の報酬と中国での地位を条件に、AMSCの制御ソフトウェアの中枢コードを不正に持ち出すことを決意する。辞表を提出したのち、在職中に自宅のPCやUSBデバイスを利用して膨大な量の機密コードを複製し、それを中国へ送付。この行為はAMSCの根幹を揺るがすこととなった。彼は取り調べで、「裏切りではない。より自分を正当に評価してくれる相手に協力しただけだ」と述べたと報じられている。さらには「AMSCは自分の才能を軽視した」とも語り、個人的な不満と復讐心が、国際的な企業スパイ事件へと発展した背景にあったことが明らかとなった。
シノベルは、入手した技術を用いてAMSCからの供給を絶ち、自社製造を続けた。2011年3月、シノベルは突然すべての注文をキャンセル。AMSCは激しい売上減に見舞われ、4月には株価が一夜にして42%も下落した。被害総額は約8億ドル(約640億円)にのぼるとされ、大規模なレイオフが発生し、企業の屋台骨が揺らぐ事態となった。
この裏切りは、技術の窃盗という形にとどまらなかった。シノベル側は事件直後から、中国国内外のSNSや技術フォーラムを巧妙に活用し、「技術は独自開発の成果」と主張する投稿を次々と拡散。AMSCを「契約に失敗した敗者」と印象付けるような情報操作が行われ、国際世論の混乱を招いた。これらの情報戦術は、シノベルの悪評を薄め、AMSCの信用をさらに傷つける効果を発揮した。
カラバセヴィチはオーストリアで逮捕され、2011年に執行猶予付き禁錮1年と罰金刑を受けた。AMSCは中国とアメリカでシノベルを提訴し、米司法省も2013年に産業スパイ罪でシノベルと幹部を起訴したが、中国は関係者の引き渡しを拒否し、法の裁きは宙に浮いたままである。
この事件は、グローバル技術市場において、個人の感情や倫理の欠如が、いかにして企業全体を破滅へと導くかを示す象徴的な一幕だった。同時に、SNS時代における企業の脆弱性、そして国家をまたいだ情報戦の現実を鋭く突きつけた。風を制御する技術を生んだはずの企業が、風のように裏切られ、風評によって追い詰められたこの物語は、現代の知的財産戦争の序章として、今もなお語り継がれている。
AMSCは、風力タービンの心臓部ともいえる制御ソフトウェアや電子機器の開発で知られ、オーストリアの子会社Windtecを通じて国際展開を進めていた。その技術の最大の顧客であり、中国の風力発電大手シノベル(Sinovel Wind Group)は、AMSCの売上の約半分を占めるほどの存在だった。だが、この信頼関係は、ひとりの技術者による裏切りによって音を立てて崩れていく。
セルビア出身のデヤン・カラバセヴィチは、AMSCのオーストリア子会社に勤務し、風力制御システムの中枢を担うソフトウェアの設計と開発に従事していた。彼はその職務上、最も機密性の高いソースコードやアルゴリズムに自由にアクセスできる立場にあり、その知識は企業にとってまさに命綱であった。2008年頃からシノベルとの関係が深まり、数年にわたって両社の提携は順調に見えた。しかし、2010年以降、カラバセヴィチは水面下で変化し始める。
彼は、シノベルからの接触を受け、多額の報酬と中国での地位を条件に、AMSCの制御ソフトウェアの中枢コードを不正に持ち出すことを決意する。辞表を提出したのち、在職中に自宅のPCやUSBデバイスを利用して膨大な量の機密コードを複製し、それを中国へ送付。この行為はAMSCの根幹を揺るがすこととなった。彼は取り調べで、「裏切りではない。より自分を正当に評価してくれる相手に協力しただけだ」と述べたと報じられている。さらには「AMSCは自分の才能を軽視した」とも語り、個人的な不満と復讐心が、国際的な企業スパイ事件へと発展した背景にあったことが明らかとなった。
シノベルは、入手した技術を用いてAMSCからの供給を絶ち、自社製造を続けた。2011年3月、シノベルは突然すべての注文をキャンセル。AMSCは激しい売上減に見舞われ、4月には株価が一夜にして42%も下落した。被害総額は約8億ドル(約640億円)にのぼるとされ、大規模なレイオフが発生し、企業の屋台骨が揺らぐ事態となった。
この裏切りは、技術の窃盗という形にとどまらなかった。シノベル側は事件直後から、中国国内外のSNSや技術フォーラムを巧妙に活用し、「技術は独自開発の成果」と主張する投稿を次々と拡散。AMSCを「契約に失敗した敗者」と印象付けるような情報操作が行われ、国際世論の混乱を招いた。これらの情報戦術は、シノベルの悪評を薄め、AMSCの信用をさらに傷つける効果を発揮した。
カラバセヴィチはオーストリアで逮捕され、2011年に執行猶予付き禁錮1年と罰金刑を受けた。AMSCは中国とアメリカでシノベルを提訴し、米司法省も2013年に産業スパイ罪でシノベルと幹部を起訴したが、中国は関係者の引き渡しを拒否し、法の裁きは宙に浮いたままである。
この事件は、グローバル技術市場において、個人の感情や倫理の欠如が、いかにして企業全体を破滅へと導くかを示す象徴的な一幕だった。同時に、SNS時代における企業の脆弱性、そして国家をまたいだ情報戦の現実を鋭く突きつけた。風を制御する技術を生んだはずの企業が、風のように裏切られ、風評によって追い詰められたこの物語は、現代の知的財産戦争の序章として、今もなお語り継がれている。
Trust Betrayed by the Wind: AMSC and Synovell's Chain of Collapse (2008-2011)
Trust Betrayed by the Wind: AMSC and Synovell's Chain of Collapse (2008-2011)
From 2008 to 2011, AMSC, an advanced technology company in the U.S., had a close working relationship with Sinovel, one of China's largest customers in the wind power sector. However, the relationship was dramatically disrupted by the betrayal of one of its engineers. Dejan Karabasevic, a Serbian engineer working for Windtec, an AMSC subsidiary in Austria, illegally copied and provided AMSC's confidential software at Sinovel's request in exchange for compensation and position. He said during his interrogation that he cooperated with a partner who valued him fairly, indicating that personal dissatisfaction and financial inducement were behind the crime.
Sinovel terminated its contract with AMSC based on the technology and continued to develop its own products using the illegally obtained software, and in March 2011, AMSC was shaken to its foundations when it suddenly canceled all orders. The stock price fell 42% overnight, and the final loss amounted to approximately $800 million. Numerous employees were laid off, and the company was on the verge of collapse.
In addition, Sinovel spread posts on social networking sites claiming that the company was the result of "proprietary development" and cleverly manipulated information to give the impression that AMSC was the "loser" in the contract dispute. Karabasevich was convicted in Austria, but the pursuit of responsibility against the Chinese officials has not been realized. This case is a modern tragedy that confronts the fragility of intellectual property in a globalized technological society and the dangers of information warfare in the age of social networking.
From 2008 to 2011, AMSC, an advanced technology company in the U.S., had a close working relationship with Sinovel, one of China's largest customers in the wind power sector. However, the relationship was dramatically disrupted by the betrayal of one of its engineers. Dejan Karabasevic, a Serbian engineer working for Windtec, an AMSC subsidiary in Austria, illegally copied and provided AMSC's confidential software at Sinovel's request in exchange for compensation and position. He said during his interrogation that he cooperated with a partner who valued him fairly, indicating that personal dissatisfaction and financial inducement were behind the crime.
Sinovel terminated its contract with AMSC based on the technology and continued to develop its own products using the illegally obtained software, and in March 2011, AMSC was shaken to its foundations when it suddenly canceled all orders. The stock price fell 42% overnight, and the final loss amounted to approximately $800 million. Numerous employees were laid off, and the company was on the verge of collapse.
In addition, Sinovel spread posts on social networking sites claiming that the company was the result of "proprietary development" and cleverly manipulated information to give the impression that AMSC was the "loser" in the contract dispute. Karabasevich was convicted in Austria, but the pursuit of responsibility against the Chinese officials has not been realized. This case is a modern tragedy that confronts the fragility of intellectual property in a globalized technological society and the dangers of information warfare in the age of social networking.
風に裏切られた信頼:AMSCとシノベルの崩壊の連鎖(2008–2011)
風に裏切られた信頼:AMSCとシノベルの崩壊の連鎖(2008–2011)
2008年から2011年にかけて、米国の先進技術企業AMSCは、風力発電分野で中国最大級の顧客であるシノベルと緊密な協力関係を築いていた。だがその関係は、ひとりの技術者の裏切りによって劇的に崩壊することとなる。オーストリアにあるAMSC子会社のWindtecで働いていたセルビア人技術者デヤン・カラバセヴィチは、報酬と地位を条件に、シノベルからの依頼でAMSCの機密ソフトウェアを不正にコピーし、提供した。彼は取り調べで「自分を正当に評価してくれる相手に協力した」と語っており、個人的な不満と金銭的誘引が犯行の背景にあったことが明らかとなった。
シノベルはその技術を基にAMSCとの契約を打ち切り、不正取得したソフトウェアを用いて独自の製品開発を継続。2011年3月、突然すべての注文をキャンセルしたことで、AMSCは経営の根幹を揺るがされた。株価は一夜にして42%も下落し、最終的な損害額は約8億ドルに達した。多数の従業員が解雇され、企業は崩壊寸前の危機に立たされた。
さらに、シノベル側はSNSを通じて「独自開発の成果」であると主張する投稿を拡散し、AMSC側を「契約トラブルの敗者」として印象づける巧妙な情報操作を行った。カラバセヴィチはオーストリアで有罪判決を受けたが、中国側の関係者への責任追及は実現していない。この事件は、グローバル化した技術社会における知的財産の脆さと、SNS時代の情報戦の危険性を突きつけた現代的な悲劇である。
2008年から2011年にかけて、米国の先進技術企業AMSCは、風力発電分野で中国最大級の顧客であるシノベルと緊密な協力関係を築いていた。だがその関係は、ひとりの技術者の裏切りによって劇的に崩壊することとなる。オーストリアにあるAMSC子会社のWindtecで働いていたセルビア人技術者デヤン・カラバセヴィチは、報酬と地位を条件に、シノベルからの依頼でAMSCの機密ソフトウェアを不正にコピーし、提供した。彼は取り調べで「自分を正当に評価してくれる相手に協力した」と語っており、個人的な不満と金銭的誘引が犯行の背景にあったことが明らかとなった。
シノベルはその技術を基にAMSCとの契約を打ち切り、不正取得したソフトウェアを用いて独自の製品開発を継続。2011年3月、突然すべての注文をキャンセルしたことで、AMSCは経営の根幹を揺るがされた。株価は一夜にして42%も下落し、最終的な損害額は約8億ドルに達した。多数の従業員が解雇され、企業は崩壊寸前の危機に立たされた。
さらに、シノベル側はSNSを通じて「独自開発の成果」であると主張する投稿を拡散し、AMSC側を「契約トラブルの敗者」として印象づける巧妙な情報操作を行った。カラバセヴィチはオーストリアで有罪判決を受けたが、中国側の関係者への責任追及は実現していない。この事件は、グローバル化した技術社会における知的財産の脆さと、SNS時代の情報戦の危険性を突きつけた現代的な悲劇である。
History of the Great Global Afforestation Program and the Fight Against Desertification - 1997 to the 2020s
History of the Great Global Afforestation Program and the Fight Against Desertification - 1997 to the 2020s
In 1997, as desertification became more serious on a global scale, the "World Afforestation Program" was proposed with the target year of 2010. This plan attracted attention as an international effort to prevent ecosystem destruction and soil degradation caused by deforestation and to realize a sustainable environment. In particular, activities in the Sahel region of Africa and the arid inland regions of Asia were promoted, with afforestation projects in Nigeria and Mongolia being prime examples.
In Japan, rooftop greening in urban areas and a satoyama restoration project in the Yoshino region of Nara Prefecture have also made progress. Companies such as Sumitomo Forestry and Mitsubishi Estate actively participated in the project, planting mainly cedar and cypress trees, which absorb carbon dioxide more efficiently. In addition, the National Institute of Agro-Environmental Sciences in Fujisawa City, Kanagawa Prefecture, conducted research on salt-tolerant tree species and promoted technological innovations aimed at enhancing adaptability in desertified areas.
In the 2020s, desertification remained a global challenge, with the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) reporting that approximately 12 million hectares of land are lost to desertification each year. This translates to 23 hectares of land disappearing every minute.
In response, Japanese companies have developed more concrete measures. Toyota Boshoku Corporation planted about 80,000 seedlings in the Tongri Desert in China's Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region from 2013 to 2020. ITOCHU Corporation has planted trees on about 250,000 hectares of land in Brazil, of which about 130,000 hectares are being used as reforestation land.
Furthermore, Japan's Ministry of the Environment implemented a model project in the Gobi region of Mongolia to improve the adaptive capacity of nomadic peoples to climate change, and promoted the development of sustainable pastureland use methods. These efforts have been highly evaluated for their contribution to increasing carbon dioxide absorption and preserving biodiversity, in addition to preventing desertification.
At the same time, the rate of progress of desertification remains high, and further cooperation by the international community as a whole is required. Efforts are underway to realize a sustainable future through a combination of technological innovation and region-specific measures.
In 1997, as desertification became more serious on a global scale, the "World Afforestation Program" was proposed with the target year of 2010. This plan attracted attention as an international effort to prevent ecosystem destruction and soil degradation caused by deforestation and to realize a sustainable environment. In particular, activities in the Sahel region of Africa and the arid inland regions of Asia were promoted, with afforestation projects in Nigeria and Mongolia being prime examples.
In Japan, rooftop greening in urban areas and a satoyama restoration project in the Yoshino region of Nara Prefecture have also made progress. Companies such as Sumitomo Forestry and Mitsubishi Estate actively participated in the project, planting mainly cedar and cypress trees, which absorb carbon dioxide more efficiently. In addition, the National Institute of Agro-Environmental Sciences in Fujisawa City, Kanagawa Prefecture, conducted research on salt-tolerant tree species and promoted technological innovations aimed at enhancing adaptability in desertified areas.
In the 2020s, desertification remained a global challenge, with the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) reporting that approximately 12 million hectares of land are lost to desertification each year. This translates to 23 hectares of land disappearing every minute.
In response, Japanese companies have developed more concrete measures. Toyota Boshoku Corporation planted about 80,000 seedlings in the Tongri Desert in China's Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region from 2013 to 2020. ITOCHU Corporation has planted trees on about 250,000 hectares of land in Brazil, of which about 130,000 hectares are being used as reforestation land.
Furthermore, Japan's Ministry of the Environment implemented a model project in the Gobi region of Mongolia to improve the adaptive capacity of nomadic peoples to climate change, and promoted the development of sustainable pastureland use methods. These efforts have been highly evaluated for their contribution to increasing carbon dioxide absorption and preserving biodiversity, in addition to preventing desertification.
At the same time, the rate of progress of desertification remains high, and further cooperation by the international community as a whole is required. Efforts are underway to realize a sustainable future through a combination of technological innovation and region-specific measures.
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