Illegal dumping of waste tires in a Tokyo suburb - December 1997
In December 1997, approximately 300,000 discarded tires were found illegally dumped in a mountainous area on the outskirts of Hachioji City, Tokyo. Approximately 30,000 of these tires spontaneously combusted, causing a large fire. The fire caused black smoke to spread throughout the surrounding area, and residents complained of health hazards and foul odors.
Details and Background of the Incident
It was revealed that the dumping of waste tires involved several contractors associated with a local waste disposal company, tentatively named Hachioji Environmental Service Co. In order to avoid the regular disposal costs, these contractors had undertaken to dispose of the waste tires for 20 yen per tire and left them illegally in a mountainous area.
Environmental Impact
The smoke emitted from the combustion contained carbon dioxide, sulfur oxides (SOx), nitrogen oxides (NOx), and dioxins, resulting in serious air pollution. There were also concerns about the potential for post-combustion residues to seep into soil and groundwater, and the impact on the agricultural and drinking water supplies of local residents was investigated.
Response and Disposal
As an emergency measure, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government hired a specialized contractor to collect and properly dispose of the dumped tires. Approximately 60 million yen was invested in this operation. About 70% of the tires were crushed at a recycling plant and reused as road pavement and building materials. The remaining tires were disposed of in a state-of-the-art incineration facility to minimize emissions of hazardous substances.
Measures to Prevent Recurrence
In response to this incident, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government significantly strengthened its waste management system. Registration requirements for waste disposal companies were tightened, and surveillance cameras were installed in areas where illegal dumping was suspected. In addition, a subsidy system was introduced to promote tire recycling, reducing disposal costs and encouraging the use of legal disposal.
Impact of the Incident
Approximately 2,000 households in the Hachioji area were forced to evacuate temporarily, and the economic loss from the fire is estimated at over 200 million yen. This incident highlighted the waste disposal problem in Japan and its social impact. It is a symbolic incident that reminded us of the importance of legal reform and educational activities to eradicate illegal dumping.
Monday, March 31, 2025
東京都郊外の廃タイヤ不法投棄事件-1997年12月
東京都郊外の廃タイヤ不法投棄事件-1997年12月
1997年12月、東京都八王子市郊外の山間部で、約30万本の廃タイヤが不法に投棄されているのが発見されました。このうち約3万本が自然発火し、大規模な火災が発生しました。火災によって、黒煙が周辺地域に拡散し、住民からは健康被害や悪臭への苦情が相次ぎました。
事件の詳細と背景
廃タイヤの投棄は、地元の廃棄物処理業者「八王子環境サービス」（仮称）と関連する複数の業者が関与していたことが明らかになりました。これらの業者は、正規の処理コストを回避するため、1本あたり20円で処分を請け負い、山間部に違法に放置していました。
環境への影響
燃焼により排出された煙には、二酸化炭素、硫黄酸化物（SOx）、窒素酸化物（NOx）、およびダイオキシン類が含まれており、大気汚染が深刻化しました。また、燃焼後の残留物が土壌や地下水に浸透する可能性が懸念され、地元住民の農業用水や飲用水への影響が調査されました。
対応と処理
東京都は緊急措置として、専門業者を雇い投棄された廃タイヤの回収と適正処理を開始しました。この作業には約6000万円が投じられました。タイヤの約70%はリサイクル工場でゴム粉砕され、道路舗装材や建材として再利用されました。残りのタイヤは最新設備を備えた焼却施設で処分され、有害物質の排出を最小限に抑える対策が講じられました。
再発防止策
この事件を受け、東京都は廃棄物管理体制を大幅に強化。廃棄物処理業者の登録要件を厳格化し、不法投棄が疑われる地域には監視カメラを設置しました。また、タイヤリサイクルを促進するための補助金制度が導入され、処理コストを削減し合法的な処理の利用が促進されました。
事件の影響
八王子市周辺の住民約2000世帯が、一時的に避難を余儀なくされる事態となり、火災による経済的損失は推定2億円以上とされています。この事件は、日本における廃棄物処理問題とその社会的影響を浮き彫りにしました。不法投棄の根絶に向けた法整備と啓発活動が重要であることを再認識させた象徴的な事件です。
1997年12月、東京都八王子市郊外の山間部で、約30万本の廃タイヤが不法に投棄されているのが発見されました。このうち約3万本が自然発火し、大規模な火災が発生しました。火災によって、黒煙が周辺地域に拡散し、住民からは健康被害や悪臭への苦情が相次ぎました。
事件の詳細と背景
廃タイヤの投棄は、地元の廃棄物処理業者「八王子環境サービス」（仮称）と関連する複数の業者が関与していたことが明らかになりました。これらの業者は、正規の処理コストを回避するため、1本あたり20円で処分を請け負い、山間部に違法に放置していました。
環境への影響
燃焼により排出された煙には、二酸化炭素、硫黄酸化物（SOx）、窒素酸化物（NOx）、およびダイオキシン類が含まれており、大気汚染が深刻化しました。また、燃焼後の残留物が土壌や地下水に浸透する可能性が懸念され、地元住民の農業用水や飲用水への影響が調査されました。
対応と処理
東京都は緊急措置として、専門業者を雇い投棄された廃タイヤの回収と適正処理を開始しました。この作業には約6000万円が投じられました。タイヤの約70%はリサイクル工場でゴム粉砕され、道路舗装材や建材として再利用されました。残りのタイヤは最新設備を備えた焼却施設で処分され、有害物質の排出を最小限に抑える対策が講じられました。
再発防止策
この事件を受け、東京都は廃棄物管理体制を大幅に強化。廃棄物処理業者の登録要件を厳格化し、不法投棄が疑われる地域には監視カメラを設置しました。また、タイヤリサイクルを促進するための補助金制度が導入され、処理コストを削減し合法的な処理の利用が促進されました。
事件の影響
八王子市周辺の住民約2000世帯が、一時的に避難を余儀なくされる事態となり、火災による経済的損失は推定2億円以上とされています。この事件は、日本における廃棄物処理問題とその社会的影響を浮き彫りにしました。不法投棄の根絶に向けた法整備と啓発活動が重要であることを再認識させた象徴的な事件です。
義を貫きて仏道へ――末次正宏の任侠と出家の決断（昭和63年）
義を貫きて仏道へ――末次正宏の任侠と出家の決断（昭和63年）
末次正宏は、三代目山口組の井志組舎弟頭や一和会の事務局長として活躍した任侠界の重鎮である。筋を通す義理堅い性格は右翼思想家・三上卓に評価され、「鉄砲に 守られし世に 義を通す」の一句が贈られた。昭和63年（1988年）、山口組と一和会の激しい抗争「山一抗争」のさなか、末次は突如として出家。法名「義真」を授かり、仏門に入った。この決断は、任侠の中枢にいた人物が暴力を離れ、義の精神を仏道へ昇華させた大きな転機であった。盛大な得度式には、かつての敵味方を問わず多くの関係者が集い、末次の生き様に敬意を表した。出家後の末次は、法衣に身を包みながら「義とは何か」を語り続けたという。
末次正宏は、三代目山口組の井志組舎弟頭や一和会の事務局長として活躍した任侠界の重鎮である。筋を通す義理堅い性格は右翼思想家・三上卓に評価され、「鉄砲に 守られし世に 義を通す」の一句が贈られた。昭和63年（1988年）、山口組と一和会の激しい抗争「山一抗争」のさなか、末次は突如として出家。法名「義真」を授かり、仏門に入った。この決断は、任侠の中枢にいた人物が暴力を離れ、義の精神を仏道へ昇華させた大きな転機であった。盛大な得度式には、かつての敵味方を問わず多くの関係者が集い、末次の生き様に敬意を表した。出家後の末次は、法衣に身を包みながら「義とは何か」を語り続けたという。
Summer Landscape Drawn by Green Curtains: Kawaguchi City's Challenge (2007-2009)
Summer Landscape Drawn by Green Curtains: Kawaguchi City's Challenge (2007-2009)
--- (Japanese only)
Kawaguchi City (Saitama Prefecture) - May 2007
Kawaguchi City launched "Operation Green Curtain" on April 24, 2007, in an attempt to block direct sunlight in summer and reduce the rise in room temperature by planting bitter gourd and other vine plants on the walls of the city hall building. This is expected to reduce the amount of air-conditioning used, resulting in an annual reduction of approximately 800 tons of CO₂ emissions. The project also attracted attention as a community-wide global warming countermeasure by encouraging citizens to install green curtains at their homes. In addition to the practice at the government building, cooking classes and other events were scheduled, showing the expansion of this participatory environmental awareness program.
This activity was highly praised by citizens and was selected as one of Kawaguchi City's "10 Greatest City Government News of 2007. The city has continued to promote "Operation Green Curtain" since then, and in 2009 held a seminar and hands-on training event at the Greening Center and Asahi Environmental Center. Participants experienced everything from making planters to planting seedlings, and the experience has been put to practical use at home.
--- "Green Curtain Project" (Japanese only)
Related Sources (noun):
- News report of the start of the initiative (April 2007)
- Kawaguchi City Ten Major News Items (2007)
- Green curtain workshop (2009)
--- (Japanese only)
Kawaguchi City (Saitama Prefecture) - May 2007
Kawaguchi City launched "Operation Green Curtain" on April 24, 2007, in an attempt to block direct sunlight in summer and reduce the rise in room temperature by planting bitter gourd and other vine plants on the walls of the city hall building. This is expected to reduce the amount of air-conditioning used, resulting in an annual reduction of approximately 800 tons of CO₂ emissions. The project also attracted attention as a community-wide global warming countermeasure by encouraging citizens to install green curtains at their homes. In addition to the practice at the government building, cooking classes and other events were scheduled, showing the expansion of this participatory environmental awareness program.
This activity was highly praised by citizens and was selected as one of Kawaguchi City's "10 Greatest City Government News of 2007. The city has continued to promote "Operation Green Curtain" since then, and in 2009 held a seminar and hands-on training event at the Greening Center and Asahi Environmental Center. Participants experienced everything from making planters to planting seedlings, and the experience has been put to practical use at home.
--- "Green Curtain Project" (Japanese only)
Related Sources (noun):
- News report of the start of the initiative (April 2007)
- Kawaguchi City Ten Major News Items (2007)
- Green curtain workshop (2009)
緑のカーテンが描く夏の風景―川口市の挑戦（2007年～2009年）
緑のカーテンが描く夏の風景―川口市の挑戦（2007年～2009年）
---
川口市（埼玉県）－2007年5月
川口市では、2007年4月24日から「グリーンカーテン大作戦」が始まり、市役所庁舎の壁面にゴーヤなどのつる性植物を植え付けることで、夏場の直射日光を遮断し、室温の上昇を抑える試みが行われた。これにより冷房の使用量が減り、年間で約800トンのCO₂排出量削減効果が見込まれている。また市民にも自宅でのグリーンカーテン設置を呼びかけ、地域ぐるみの温暖化対策として注目された。庁舎での実践に加え、料理教室なども予定され、参加型の環境啓発事業として広がりを見せていた。
この活動は市民からも高く評価され、川口市の「2007年市政10大ニュース」にも選ばれた。その後も市は継続的に「グリーンカーテン大作戦」を推進し、2009年には緑化センターや朝日環境センターで講習・実習イベントを開催。参加者はプランター作りから苗植えまで体験し、家庭での実践に活かされている。
---
関連情報源（名詞）：
- 取り組み開始報道（2007年4月）
- 川口市10大ニュース（2007年）
- グリーンカーテン講習会（2009年）
---
川口市（埼玉県）－2007年5月
川口市では、2007年4月24日から「グリーンカーテン大作戦」が始まり、市役所庁舎の壁面にゴーヤなどのつる性植物を植え付けることで、夏場の直射日光を遮断し、室温の上昇を抑える試みが行われた。これにより冷房の使用量が減り、年間で約800トンのCO₂排出量削減効果が見込まれている。また市民にも自宅でのグリーンカーテン設置を呼びかけ、地域ぐるみの温暖化対策として注目された。庁舎での実践に加え、料理教室なども予定され、参加型の環境啓発事業として広がりを見せていた。
この活動は市民からも高く評価され、川口市の「2007年市政10大ニュース」にも選ばれた。その後も市は継続的に「グリーンカーテン大作戦」を推進し、2009年には緑化センターや朝日環境センターで講習・実習イベントを開催。参加者はプランター作りから苗植えまで体験し、家庭での実践に活かされている。
---
関連情報源（名詞）：
- 取り組み開始報道（2007年4月）
- 川口市10大ニュース（2007年）
- グリーンカーテン講習会（2009年）
Passing Through Righteousness to Buddhism--Masahiro Suetsugu's Decisions on Chivalry and Ordination (1988)
Passing Through Righteousness to Buddhism--Masahiro Suetsugu's Decisions on Chivalry and Ordination (1988)
Masahiro Suetsugu is a leading figure in the world of ninkyo (chivalry), having served as the head of the Isshigumi-gumi disciples of the Yamaguchigumi III and as the secretary general of the Ichiwakai. His righteous character of following through with one's principles was appreciated by the right-wing thinker Taku Mikami, who presented him with a phrase, "In a world protected by guns, one must follow through with one's righteousness. In 1988, in the midst of the "Yamaichi War," a fierce feud between Yamaguchigumi and Ichiwakai, Suetsugu suddenly became a monk. He received the Buddhist name "Gishin" and entered Buddhism. This decision was a major turning point in the life of a man who had been at the center of the chivalry, and who had left violence behind to sublimate his righteous spirit to the Buddhist path. At the grand ordination ceremony, many people, both former friends and former enemies, gathered to pay their respects to Suetsugu's way of life. After being ordained,
Suetsugu continued to talk about "what is righteousness" while dressed in his vestments.
Masahiro Suetsugu is a leading figure in the world of ninkyo (chivalry), having served as the head of the Isshigumi-gumi disciples of the Yamaguchigumi III and as the secretary general of the Ichiwakai. His righteous character of following through with one's principles was appreciated by the right-wing thinker Taku Mikami, who presented him with a phrase, "In a world protected by guns, one must follow through with one's righteousness. In 1988, in the midst of the "Yamaichi War," a fierce feud between Yamaguchigumi and Ichiwakai, Suetsugu suddenly became a monk. He received the Buddhist name "Gishin" and entered Buddhism. This decision was a major turning point in the life of a man who had been at the center of the chivalry, and who had left violence behind to sublimate his righteous spirit to the Buddhist path. At the grand ordination ceremony, many people, both former friends and former enemies, gathered to pay their respects to Suetsugu's way of life. After being ordained,
Suetsugu continued to talk about "what is righteousness" while dressed in his vestments.
義を貫きて仏道へ――末次正宏の任侠と出家の決断（昭和63年）
義を貫きて仏道へ――末次正宏の任侠と出家の決断（昭和63年）
末次正宏は、三代目山口組の井志組舎弟頭や一和会の事務局長として活躍した任侠界の重鎮である。筋を通す義理堅い性格は右翼思想家・三上卓に評価され、「鉄砲に 守られし世に 義を通す」の一句が贈られた。昭和63年（1988年）、山口組と一和会の激しい抗争「山一抗争」のさなか、末次は突如として出家。法名「義真」を授かり、仏門に入った。この決断は、任侠の中枢にいた人物が暴力を離れ、義の精神を仏道へ昇華させた大きな転機であった。盛大な得度式には、かつての敵味方を問わず多くの関係者が集い、末次の生き様に敬意を表した。出家後の末次は、法衣に身を包みながら「義とは何か」を語り続けたという。
末次正宏は、三代目山口組の井志組舎弟頭や一和会の事務局長として活躍した任侠界の重鎮である。筋を通す義理堅い性格は右翼思想家・三上卓に評価され、「鉄砲に 守られし世に 義を通す」の一句が贈られた。昭和63年（1988年）、山口組と一和会の激しい抗争「山一抗争」のさなか、末次は突如として出家。法名「義真」を授かり、仏門に入った。この決断は、任侠の中枢にいた人物が暴力を離れ、義の精神を仏道へ昇華させた大きな転機であった。盛大な得度式には、かつての敵味方を問わず多くの関係者が集い、末次の生き様に敬意を表した。出家後の末次は、法衣に身を包みながら「義とは何か」を語り続けたという。
Lost Virtual Currency and the "Key to Hope"--The Mount Gox Case Trajectory (2011-2014)
Lost Virtual Currency and the "Key to Hope"--The Mount Gox Case Trajectory (2011-2014)
The Mt. Gox incident was the world's largest virtual currency outflow at the time, which occurred in 2014 at the Tokyo-based bitcoin exchange Mt. Mt. Gox was at one time the overwhelmingly influential exchange, accounting for about 70% of global bitcoin transactions, In February 2014, it suddenly stopped withdrawing bitcoin. A few weeks later, it suspended all trading, shut down its website, and eventually filed for civil rehabilitation proceedings with the Tokyo District Court. According to the exchange's announcement, a total of 850,000 bitcoins (750,000 bitcoins in customer assets and 100,000 bitcoins held by the company) were "lost," representing an unprecedented loss of approximately $475 million or 50 billion Japanese yen at that time.
This incident did not happen overnight. Subsequent investigations have revealed traces of unauthorized Bitcoin withdrawals from Mt. A vulnerability called "Transaction Malleability" was exploited to take advantage of Bitcoin's transaction characteristics, and it is believed that a method was also used to disguise duplicate transfers by manipulating money transfer records. More seriously, accounting and asset management within Mt. Whether the crime was hacking by an outside party, fraud by an insider, or both? The truth has never been fully revealed, but it was a quiet collapse, the result of a combination of technical vulnerabilities and poor management.
On February 7, 2014, Mt. Gox announced that it was suspending withdrawals "due to technical issues," but no specific explanation was given. Then on the 24th, all transactions were suspended, and on the 28th, the company filed for civil rehabilitation proceedings. The company later announced that 200,000 bitcoins had been found in the "old wallet," and the actual loss was revised to 650,000 bitcoins. However, the trust had already collapsed, and the bitcoin price plunged from about $800 before the incident to the $400 level at one point.
After the incident, former CEO Marc Karpres was arrested in 2015 on charges including embezzlement in the course of his duties, but was acquitted of the embezzlement charges in 2019. What became clear throughout the trial was the fact that even though he was a technician, he was inexperienced as a manager, and his security system and accounting controls were grossly inadequate. It can be said that the free spread of the new currency called Bitcoin, on the contrary, allowed the system and discipline to be underdeveloped.
This incident was both a test and a lesson for the new economic sphere of virtual currencies. The incident prompted the Japanese government to revise the Funds Settlement Law, requiring registration of virtual currency exchange operators and segregation of customer assets. At the same time, users themselves were made aware of the risks of relying on centralized management and the importance of self-asset custody (e.g., cold wallets).
Ironically, the post-incident surge in bitcoin prices prompted a change from bankruptcy to civil rehabilitation proceedings, and since 2023, court-led repayments to victims have been initiated in sequence, with repayments exceeding the losses assessed at the time. It took nearly a decade for hope to return to the "lost virtual currency. The Mount Gox case is a modern-day allegory that symbolizes both the potential and the peril of virtual currencies.
The Mt. Gox incident was the world's largest virtual currency outflow at the time, which occurred in 2014 at the Tokyo-based bitcoin exchange Mt. Mt. Gox was at one time the overwhelmingly influential exchange, accounting for about 70% of global bitcoin transactions, In February 2014, it suddenly stopped withdrawing bitcoin. A few weeks later, it suspended all trading, shut down its website, and eventually filed for civil rehabilitation proceedings with the Tokyo District Court. According to the exchange's announcement, a total of 850,000 bitcoins (750,000 bitcoins in customer assets and 100,000 bitcoins held by the company) were "lost," representing an unprecedented loss of approximately $475 million or 50 billion Japanese yen at that time.
This incident did not happen overnight. Subsequent investigations have revealed traces of unauthorized Bitcoin withdrawals from Mt. A vulnerability called "Transaction Malleability" was exploited to take advantage of Bitcoin's transaction characteristics, and it is believed that a method was also used to disguise duplicate transfers by manipulating money transfer records. More seriously, accounting and asset management within Mt. Whether the crime was hacking by an outside party, fraud by an insider, or both? The truth has never been fully revealed, but it was a quiet collapse, the result of a combination of technical vulnerabilities and poor management.
On February 7, 2014, Mt. Gox announced that it was suspending withdrawals "due to technical issues," but no specific explanation was given. Then on the 24th, all transactions were suspended, and on the 28th, the company filed for civil rehabilitation proceedings. The company later announced that 200,000 bitcoins had been found in the "old wallet," and the actual loss was revised to 650,000 bitcoins. However, the trust had already collapsed, and the bitcoin price plunged from about $800 before the incident to the $400 level at one point.
After the incident, former CEO Marc Karpres was arrested in 2015 on charges including embezzlement in the course of his duties, but was acquitted of the embezzlement charges in 2019. What became clear throughout the trial was the fact that even though he was a technician, he was inexperienced as a manager, and his security system and accounting controls were grossly inadequate. It can be said that the free spread of the new currency called Bitcoin, on the contrary, allowed the system and discipline to be underdeveloped.
This incident was both a test and a lesson for the new economic sphere of virtual currencies. The incident prompted the Japanese government to revise the Funds Settlement Law, requiring registration of virtual currency exchange operators and segregation of customer assets. At the same time, users themselves were made aware of the risks of relying on centralized management and the importance of self-asset custody (e.g., cold wallets).
Ironically, the post-incident surge in bitcoin prices prompted a change from bankruptcy to civil rehabilitation proceedings, and since 2023, court-led repayments to victims have been initiated in sequence, with repayments exceeding the losses assessed at the time. It took nearly a decade for hope to return to the "lost virtual currency. The Mount Gox case is a modern-day allegory that symbolizes both the potential and the peril of virtual currencies.
失われた仮想通貨と“希望の鍵”——マウントゴックス事件の軌跡（2011年〜2014年）
失われた仮想通貨と"希望の鍵"——マウントゴックス事件の軌跡（2011年〜2014年）
マウントゴックス事件は、2014年に東京を拠点とするビットコイン取引所「Mt.Gox（マウントゴックス）」で発生した、当時世界最大規模の仮想通貨流出事件である。Mt.Goxは一時、世界のビットコイン取引の約7割を占める圧倒的な影響力を持つ取引所であったが、2014年2月、突如としてビットコインの引き出しを停止した。その数週間後には全取引を停止、ウェブサイトも閉鎖され、最終的に東京地裁に民事再生手続きを申請するに至る。取引所側の発表では、顧客資産75万ビットコインと自社保有10万ビットコイン、計85万ビットコインが「失われた」とされ、当時の相場で総額約4億7500万ドル、日本円にして約500億円に相当する空前の損失であった。
この事件は決して一夜にして起きたものではなかった。後の調査によって、少なくとも2011年頃から、Mt.Goxのホットウォレット（インターネット接続された即時用の資金保管先）からビットコインが外部に不正に引き出されていた痕跡が明らかになっている。ビットコインの取引特性を逆手に取る「トランザクション可変性（Transaction Malleability）」という脆弱性を悪用し、送金記録を操作することで重複送金を装う手法も使われたとされる。さらに深刻だったのは、Mt.Gox内部の会計や資産管理がずさんであり、長期にわたり誰も資産の正確な残高を把握していなかったことである。犯行が外部によるハッキングなのか、内部者による不正なのか、あるいはその両方なのか。真相は完全には明かされていないが、技術的な脆弱性と運営の�
�さが重なった末の、静かな崩壊だった。
2014年2月7日、Mt.Goxは「技術的な問題により」引き出しを一時停止すると発表したが、具体的な説明はなされなかった。そして24日には全ての取引を停止し、28日には民事再生手続を申請。後日、同社は「旧ウォレット」から20万ビットコインが見つかったと発表し、実際の損失は65万ビットコインに修正された。しかし、すでに信用は崩壊し、ビットコイン価格は事件前の約800ドルから一時400ドル台まで急落した。
事件後、2015年には元CEOのマルク・カルプレス氏が業務上横領などの容疑で逮捕されるが、2019年には横領容疑については無罪判決が下された。裁判を通じて明らかになったのは、彼が技術者であっても経営者としては未熟であり、セキュリティ体制や会計管理が著しく不十分であったという事実である。ビットコインという新しい通貨の自由な広がりが、逆に制度や規律の未整備を許していたともいえる。
この事件は、仮想通貨という新たな経済圏にとっての試練であり、教訓であった。事件を契機に、日本政府は資金決済法を改正し、仮想通貨交換業者に対する登録制や顧客資産の分別管理を義務付けた。一方、ユーザー自身も、中央管理に依存するリスクや自己資産保管（コールドウォレット等）の重要性に気づかされることとなった。
そして皮肉にも、事件後のビットコイン価格の高騰が、破産手続きから民事再生手続きへの変更を促す結果となった。2023年以降、裁判所主導のもと、被害者たちへの弁済が順次開始され、当時の損失評価を上回る返済が実現しつつある。「失われた仮想通貨」に希望が戻るまでには、10年近い歳月が必要だった。マウントゴックス事件は、仮想通貨の可能性と危うさ、その両極を象徴する現代の寓話である。
マウントゴックス事件は、2014年に東京を拠点とするビットコイン取引所「Mt.Gox（マウントゴックス）」で発生した、当時世界最大規模の仮想通貨流出事件である。Mt.Goxは一時、世界のビットコイン取引の約7割を占める圧倒的な影響力を持つ取引所であったが、2014年2月、突如としてビットコインの引き出しを停止した。その数週間後には全取引を停止、ウェブサイトも閉鎖され、最終的に東京地裁に民事再生手続きを申請するに至る。取引所側の発表では、顧客資産75万ビットコインと自社保有10万ビットコイン、計85万ビットコインが「失われた」とされ、当時の相場で総額約4億7500万ドル、日本円にして約500億円に相当する空前の損失であった。
この事件は決して一夜にして起きたものではなかった。後の調査によって、少なくとも2011年頃から、Mt.Goxのホットウォレット（インターネット接続された即時用の資金保管先）からビットコインが外部に不正に引き出されていた痕跡が明らかになっている。ビットコインの取引特性を逆手に取る「トランザクション可変性（Transaction Malleability）」という脆弱性を悪用し、送金記録を操作することで重複送金を装う手法も使われたとされる。さらに深刻だったのは、Mt.Gox内部の会計や資産管理がずさんであり、長期にわたり誰も資産の正確な残高を把握していなかったことである。犯行が外部によるハッキングなのか、内部者による不正なのか、あるいはその両方なのか。真相は完全には明かされていないが、技術的な脆弱性と運営の�
�さが重なった末の、静かな崩壊だった。
2014年2月7日、Mt.Goxは「技術的な問題により」引き出しを一時停止すると発表したが、具体的な説明はなされなかった。そして24日には全ての取引を停止し、28日には民事再生手続を申請。後日、同社は「旧ウォレット」から20万ビットコインが見つかったと発表し、実際の損失は65万ビットコインに修正された。しかし、すでに信用は崩壊し、ビットコイン価格は事件前の約800ドルから一時400ドル台まで急落した。
事件後、2015年には元CEOのマルク・カルプレス氏が業務上横領などの容疑で逮捕されるが、2019年には横領容疑については無罪判決が下された。裁判を通じて明らかになったのは、彼が技術者であっても経営者としては未熟であり、セキュリティ体制や会計管理が著しく不十分であったという事実である。ビットコインという新しい通貨の自由な広がりが、逆に制度や規律の未整備を許していたともいえる。
この事件は、仮想通貨という新たな経済圏にとっての試練であり、教訓であった。事件を契機に、日本政府は資金決済法を改正し、仮想通貨交換業者に対する登録制や顧客資産の分別管理を義務付けた。一方、ユーザー自身も、中央管理に依存するリスクや自己資産保管（コールドウォレット等）の重要性に気づかされることとなった。
そして皮肉にも、事件後のビットコイン価格の高騰が、破産手続きから民事再生手続きへの変更を促す結果となった。2023年以降、裁判所主導のもと、被害者たちへの弁済が順次開始され、当時の損失評価を上回る返済が実現しつつある。「失われた仮想通貨」に希望が戻るまでには、10年近い歳月が必要だった。マウントゴックス事件は、仮想通貨の可能性と危うさ、その両極を象徴する現代の寓話である。
Living Righteously and Leaving Righteously: Masahiro Suetsugu's Chivalry and Ordained Life (Showa to 1988)
Living Righteously and Leaving Righteously: Masahiro Suetsugu's Chivalry and Ordained Life (Showa to 1988)
Masahiro Suetsugu was a prominent figure in the world of Japanese chivalry, serving as the head of the Isshigumi disciples of the Yamaguchigumi (Yamaguchigumi III) and as the secretary general of the Ichiwakai. His conviction and respect for righteousness are reflected in a poem by the right-wing thinker Taku Mikami.
> "In a world protected by guns, I will be righteous.
This phrase symbolizes Suetsugu's stance of "righteousness" even in a world confronted with violence. Although Mikami was a thinker who evaluated people based on nationalistic values, it is said that he strongly resonated with Suetsugu's righteous attitude and presented him with this phrase.
In 1988, Masahiro Suetsugu was ordained and received the Buddhist name "Gishin. It is said that the reason behind his ordination was his strong desire to put an end to his long life of chivalry and sublimate his belief in "righteousness" to the Buddhist path.
It should be noted that this ordination took place in the midst of the so-called "Yamaichi War," a blood feud between the Yamaguchigumi and the Ichiwakai. At the time, Suetsugu was in a very central position as the head of the Ichiwakai's secretariat, and he was also a person at the forefront of the conflict. His decision to step out of the public eye and enter Buddhism at such a time sent shockwaves throughout Japan and abroad.
At the time of his ordination, an unusually grand ceremony was held in which people from all over Japan involved in chivalry and right-wing thinkers gathered. It is said that his comrades from the Ichi-wakai era and even his enemies came to the ceremony to pay their respects to Suetsugu.
This ordination was not a mere retirement, but an expression of his determination to "show the world through righteousness, without resorting to violence," an event that could be seen as the culmination of his outlook on life. It is said that Suetsugu continued to preach what chivalry is and what righteousness means through religious activities and lectures, while dressed in vestments.
Masahiro Suetsugu was a prominent figure in the world of Japanese chivalry, serving as the head of the Isshigumi disciples of the Yamaguchigumi (Yamaguchigumi III) and as the secretary general of the Ichiwakai. His conviction and respect for righteousness are reflected in a poem by the right-wing thinker Taku Mikami.
> "In a world protected by guns, I will be righteous.
This phrase symbolizes Suetsugu's stance of "righteousness" even in a world confronted with violence. Although Mikami was a thinker who evaluated people based on nationalistic values, it is said that he strongly resonated with Suetsugu's righteous attitude and presented him with this phrase.
In 1988, Masahiro Suetsugu was ordained and received the Buddhist name "Gishin. It is said that the reason behind his ordination was his strong desire to put an end to his long life of chivalry and sublimate his belief in "righteousness" to the Buddhist path.
It should be noted that this ordination took place in the midst of the so-called "Yamaichi War," a blood feud between the Yamaguchigumi and the Ichiwakai. At the time, Suetsugu was in a very central position as the head of the Ichiwakai's secretariat, and he was also a person at the forefront of the conflict. His decision to step out of the public eye and enter Buddhism at such a time sent shockwaves throughout Japan and abroad.
At the time of his ordination, an unusually grand ceremony was held in which people from all over Japan involved in chivalry and right-wing thinkers gathered. It is said that his comrades from the Ichi-wakai era and even his enemies came to the ceremony to pay their respects to Suetsugu.
This ordination was not a mere retirement, but an expression of his determination to "show the world through righteousness, without resorting to violence," an event that could be seen as the culmination of his outlook on life. It is said that Suetsugu continued to preach what chivalry is and what righteousness means through religious activities and lectures, while dressed in vestments.
義に生き、義に去る――末次正宏の任侠と出家の軌跡（昭和〜昭和63年）
義に生き、義に去る――末次正宏の任侠と出家の軌跡（昭和〜昭和63年）
末次正宏氏は、日本の任侠界における著名な人物であり、三代目山口組の井志組舎弟頭や一和会の事務局長などを務めました。その信念と義理を重んじる姿勢は、右翼思想家・三上卓が詠んだ一句にも表れています。
> 「鉄砲に 守られし世に 義を通す」
この句は、暴力と対峙する世界においても「義」を貫く末次の姿勢を象徴するものです。三上は国家主義的な価値観をもって人を評価する思想家でしたが、末次の筋を通す態度に強く共鳴し、この一句を贈ったとされています。
昭和63年（1988年）、末次正宏は出家し、法名「義真（ぎしん）」を授かりました。出家の背景には、長年にわたる任侠人生に一区切りをつけ、自身の「義」の信念を仏道に昇華させたいという強い思いがあったとされています。
特筆すべきは、この出家が山口組と一和会の血で血を洗う抗争、いわゆる「山一抗争」のさなかであったことです。当時、末次は一和会の事務局長という極めて中枢的な立場にあり、抗争の最前線にいた人物でもありました。そのような時期に敢えて表舞台から身を引き、仏門に入った決断は、内外に大きな衝撃を与えました。
出家の際には、全国の任侠関係者や右翼思想家たちが一堂に会し、異例の盛大な得度式が行われました。この場には、一和会時代の同志や敵対していた人物すら駆けつけ、末次の歩みに敬意を表したと言われています。
この出家は単なる引退ではなく、「暴力に頼らず、義をもって世に示す」覚悟の表明であり、彼の人生観の到達点ともいえる出来事でした。その後の末次は法衣に身を包み、宗教活動や講演などを通じて、任侠とは何か、義とは何かを説き続けたと伝えられています。
末次正宏氏は、日本の任侠界における著名な人物であり、三代目山口組の井志組舎弟頭や一和会の事務局長などを務めました。その信念と義理を重んじる姿勢は、右翼思想家・三上卓が詠んだ一句にも表れています。
> 「鉄砲に 守られし世に 義を通す」
この句は、暴力と対峙する世界においても「義」を貫く末次の姿勢を象徴するものです。三上は国家主義的な価値観をもって人を評価する思想家でしたが、末次の筋を通す態度に強く共鳴し、この一句を贈ったとされています。
昭和63年（1988年）、末次正宏は出家し、法名「義真（ぎしん）」を授かりました。出家の背景には、長年にわたる任侠人生に一区切りをつけ、自身の「義」の信念を仏道に昇華させたいという強い思いがあったとされています。
特筆すべきは、この出家が山口組と一和会の血で血を洗う抗争、いわゆる「山一抗争」のさなかであったことです。当時、末次は一和会の事務局長という極めて中枢的な立場にあり、抗争の最前線にいた人物でもありました。そのような時期に敢えて表舞台から身を引き、仏門に入った決断は、内外に大きな衝撃を与えました。
出家の際には、全国の任侠関係者や右翼思想家たちが一堂に会し、異例の盛大な得度式が行われました。この場には、一和会時代の同志や敵対していた人物すら駆けつけ、末次の歩みに敬意を表したと言われています。
この出家は単なる引退ではなく、「暴力に頼らず、義をもって世に示す」覚悟の表明であり、彼の人生観の到達点ともいえる出来事でした。その後の末次は法衣に身を包み、宗教活動や講演などを通じて、任侠とは何か、義とは何かを説き続けたと伝えられています。
The Missing $50 Billion and Virtual Currency Crossroads: The Mount Gox Incident (2011-2014)
The Missing $50 Billion and Virtual Currency Crossroads: The Mount Gox Incident (2011-2014)
In 2014, approximately 850,000 bitcoins (worth about 50 billion yen at that time) suddenly disappeared from the Tokyo-based bitcoin exchange Mount Gox. The company, which was responsible for about 70% of the world's bitcoin transactions, failed to prevent the crisis due to several years of unauthorized transfers from outside parties, exploitation of a vulnerability in the system known as "transaction variability," and sloppy asset management.
The damage was done to users around the world, and the price of bitcoin fell sharply. The incident shook confidence in virtual currency itself, and the Japanese government amended the Funds Settlement Law to tighten regulations. The incident exposed the risks behind technological innovation and the fragility of the invisible foundation of trust.
Since then, bitcoin prices have risen, and the change from bankruptcy proceedings to civil rehabilitation proceedings has been approved, with repayments to victims beginning in 2023. The Mount Gox case remains a story of humanity at the crossroads of the dream and reality of virtual currency.
In 2014, approximately 850,000 bitcoins (worth about 50 billion yen at that time) suddenly disappeared from the Tokyo-based bitcoin exchange Mount Gox. The company, which was responsible for about 70% of the world's bitcoin transactions, failed to prevent the crisis due to several years of unauthorized transfers from outside parties, exploitation of a vulnerability in the system known as "transaction variability," and sloppy asset management.
The damage was done to users around the world, and the price of bitcoin fell sharply. The incident shook confidence in virtual currency itself, and the Japanese government amended the Funds Settlement Law to tighten regulations. The incident exposed the risks behind technological innovation and the fragility of the invisible foundation of trust.
Since then, bitcoin prices have risen, and the change from bankruptcy proceedings to civil rehabilitation proceedings has been approved, with repayments to victims beginning in 2023. The Mount Gox case remains a story of humanity at the crossroads of the dream and reality of virtual currency.
消えた500億円と仮想通貨の十字路 マウントゴックス事件（2011年〜2014年）
消えた500億円と仮想通貨の十字路 マウントゴックス事件（2011年〜2014年）
2014年、東京に拠点を置くビットコイン取引所マウントゴックスで、約85万ビットコイン（当時の価格で約500億円相当）が突如消失する事件が発生した。世界のビットコイン取引の約7割を担っていた同社は、数年にわたる外部からの不正送金や、「トランザクション可変性」と呼ばれる仕組みの脆弱性の悪用、さらに杜撰な資産管理によって、危機を未然に防ぐことができなかった。
被害は世界中の利用者に及び、ビットコイン価格は大きく下落。事件は仮想通貨そのものへの信頼を揺るがし、日本政府は資金決済法を改正して規制を強化した。事件を通じて、技術革新の裏に潜むリスクと、信用という不可視の基盤の脆さが露わになった。
その後、ビットコイン価格は上昇し、破産手続きから民事再生手続きへの変更が認められ、2023年以降、被害者への返済が始まっている。マウントゴックス事件は、仮想通貨という夢と現実の交差点に立たされた人類の物語として、今もなお語り継がれている。
2014年、東京に拠点を置くビットコイン取引所マウントゴックスで、約85万ビットコイン（当時の価格で約500億円相当）が突如消失する事件が発生した。世界のビットコイン取引の約7割を担っていた同社は、数年にわたる外部からの不正送金や、「トランザクション可変性」と呼ばれる仕組みの脆弱性の悪用、さらに杜撰な資産管理によって、危機を未然に防ぐことができなかった。
被害は世界中の利用者に及び、ビットコイン価格は大きく下落。事件は仮想通貨そのものへの信頼を揺るがし、日本政府は資金決済法を改正して規制を強化した。事件を通じて、技術革新の裏に潜むリスクと、信用という不可視の基盤の脆さが露わになった。
その後、ビットコイン価格は上昇し、破産手続きから民事再生手続きへの変更が認められ、2023年以降、被害者への返済が始まっている。マウントゴックス事件は、仮想通貨という夢と現実の交差点に立たされた人類の物語として、今もなお語り継がれている。
Lost Virtual Currency and the "Key to Hope": The Trajectory of the Mount Gox Case (2011-2014)
Lost Virtual Currency and the "Key to Hope": The Trajectory of the Mount Gox Case (2011-2014)
The Mt. Gox incident was the world's largest virtual currency outflow at the time, which occurred in 2014 at the Tokyo-based bitcoin exchange Mt, In February 2014, it suddenly stopped withdrawing bitcoin. A few weeks later, it suspended all trading, shut down its website, and eventually filed for civil rehabilitation proceedings with the Tokyo District Court. According to the exchange's announcement, a total of 850,000 bitcoins (750,000 bitcoins in customer assets and 100,000 bitcoins held by the company) were "lost," representing an unprecedented loss of approximately $475 million or 50 billion Japanese yen at that time.
This incident did not happen overnight. Subsequent investigations have revealed traces of unauthorized Bitcoin withdrawals from Mt. A vulnerability called "Transaction Malleability" was exploited to take advantage of Bitcoin's transaction characteristics, and it is believed that a method was also used to disguise duplicate transfers by manipulating money transfer records. More seriously, accounting and asset management within Mt. Whether the crime was hacking by an outside party, fraud by an insider, or both? The truth has never been fully revealed, but it was a quiet collapse, the result of a combination of technical vulnerabilities and poor management.
On February 7, 2014, Mt. Gox announced that it was suspending withdrawals "due to technical issues," but no specific explanation was given. Then on the 24th, all transactions were suspended, and on the 28th, the company filed for civil rehabilitation proceedings. The company later announced that 200,000 bitcoins had been found in the "old wallet," and the actual loss was revised to 650,000 bitcoins. However, the trust had already collapsed, and the bitcoin price plunged from about $800 before the incident to the $400 level at one point.
After the incident, former CEO Marc Karpres was arrested in 2015 on charges including embezzlement in the course of his duties, but was acquitted of the embezzlement charges in 2019. What became clear throughout the trial was the fact that even though he was a technician, he was inexperienced as a manager, and his security system and accounting controls were grossly inadequate. It can be said that the free spread of the new currency called Bitcoin, on the contrary, allowed the system and discipline to be underdeveloped.
This incident was both a test and a lesson for the new economic sphere of virtual currencies. The incident prompted the Japanese government to revise the Funds Settlement Law, requiring registration of virtual currency exchange operators and segregation of customer assets. At the same time, users themselves were made aware of the risks of relying on centralized management and the importance of self-asset custody (e.g., cold wallets).
Ironically, the post-incident surge in bitcoin prices prompted a change from bankruptcy to civil rehabilitation proceedings, and since 2023, court-led repayments to victims have been initiated in sequence, with repayments exceeding the losses assessed at the time. It took nearly a decade for hope to return to the "lost virtual currency. The Mount Gox case is a modern-day allegory that symbolizes both the potential and the peril of virtual currencies.
The Mt. Gox incident was the world's largest virtual currency outflow at the time, which occurred in 2014 at the Tokyo-based bitcoin exchange Mt, In February 2014, it suddenly stopped withdrawing bitcoin. A few weeks later, it suspended all trading, shut down its website, and eventually filed for civil rehabilitation proceedings with the Tokyo District Court. According to the exchange's announcement, a total of 850,000 bitcoins (750,000 bitcoins in customer assets and 100,000 bitcoins held by the company) were "lost," representing an unprecedented loss of approximately $475 million or 50 billion Japanese yen at that time.
This incident did not happen overnight. Subsequent investigations have revealed traces of unauthorized Bitcoin withdrawals from Mt. A vulnerability called "Transaction Malleability" was exploited to take advantage of Bitcoin's transaction characteristics, and it is believed that a method was also used to disguise duplicate transfers by manipulating money transfer records. More seriously, accounting and asset management within Mt. Whether the crime was hacking by an outside party, fraud by an insider, or both? The truth has never been fully revealed, but it was a quiet collapse, the result of a combination of technical vulnerabilities and poor management.
On February 7, 2014, Mt. Gox announced that it was suspending withdrawals "due to technical issues," but no specific explanation was given. Then on the 24th, all transactions were suspended, and on the 28th, the company filed for civil rehabilitation proceedings. The company later announced that 200,000 bitcoins had been found in the "old wallet," and the actual loss was revised to 650,000 bitcoins. However, the trust had already collapsed, and the bitcoin price plunged from about $800 before the incident to the $400 level at one point.
After the incident, former CEO Marc Karpres was arrested in 2015 on charges including embezzlement in the course of his duties, but was acquitted of the embezzlement charges in 2019. What became clear throughout the trial was the fact that even though he was a technician, he was inexperienced as a manager, and his security system and accounting controls were grossly inadequate. It can be said that the free spread of the new currency called Bitcoin, on the contrary, allowed the system and discipline to be underdeveloped.
This incident was both a test and a lesson for the new economic sphere of virtual currencies. The incident prompted the Japanese government to revise the Funds Settlement Law, requiring registration of virtual currency exchange operators and segregation of customer assets. At the same time, users themselves were made aware of the risks of relying on centralized management and the importance of self-asset custody (e.g., cold wallets).
Ironically, the post-incident surge in bitcoin prices prompted a change from bankruptcy to civil rehabilitation proceedings, and since 2023, court-led repayments to victims have been initiated in sequence, with repayments exceeding the losses assessed at the time. It took nearly a decade for hope to return to the "lost virtual currency. The Mount Gox case is a modern-day allegory that symbolizes both the potential and the peril of virtual currencies.
失われた仮想通貨と“希望の鍵” マウントゴックス事件の軌跡（2011年〜2014年）
失われた仮想通貨と"希望の鍵" マウントゴックス事件の軌跡（2011年〜2014年）
マウントゴックス事件は、2014年に東京を拠点とするビットコイン取引所「Mt.Gox（マウントゴックス）」で発生した、当時世界最大規模の仮想通貨流出事件である。Mt.Goxは一時、世界のビットコイン取引の約7割を占める圧倒的な影響力を持つ取引所であったが、2014年2月、突如としてビットコインの引き出しを停止した。その数週間後には全取引を停止、ウェブサイトも閉鎖され、最終的に東京地裁に民事再生手続きを申請するに至る。取引所側の発表では、顧客資産75万ビットコインと自社保有10万ビットコイン、計85万ビットコインが「失われた」とされ、当時の相場で総額約4億7500万ドル、日本円にして約500億円に相当する空前の損失であった。
この事件は決して一夜にして起きたものではなかった。後の調査によって、少なくとも2011年頃から、Mt.Goxのホットウォレット（インターネット接続された即時用の資金保管先）からビットコインが外部に不正に引き出されていた痕跡が明らかになっている。ビットコインの取引特性を逆手に取る「トランザクション可変性（Transaction Malleability）」という脆弱性を悪用し、送金記録を操作することで重複送金を装う手法も使われたとされる。さらに深刻だったのは、Mt.Gox内部の会計や資産管理がずさんであり、長期にわたり誰も資産の正確な残高を把握していなかったことである。犯行が外部によるハッキングなのか、内部者による不正なのか、あるいはその両方なのか。真相は完全には明かされていないが、技術的な脆弱性と運営の�
�さが重なった末の、静かな崩壊だった。
2014年2月7日、Mt.Goxは「技術的な問題により」引き出しを一時停止すると発表したが、具体的な説明はなされなかった。そして24日には全ての取引を停止し、28日には民事再生手続を申請。後日、同社は「旧ウォレット」から20万ビットコインが見つかったと発表し、実際の損失は65万ビットコインに修正された。しかし、すでに信用は崩壊し、ビットコイン価格は事件前の約800ドルから一時400ドル台まで急落した。
事件後、2015年には元CEOのマルク・カルプレス氏が業務上横領などの容疑で逮捕されるが、2019年には横領容疑については無罪判決が下された。裁判を通じて明らかになったのは、彼が技術者であっても経営者としては未熟であり、セキュリティ体制や会計管理が著しく不十分であったという事実である。ビットコインという新しい通貨の自由な広がりが、逆に制度や規律の未整備を許していたともいえる。
この事件は、仮想通貨という新たな経済圏にとっての試練であり、教訓であった。事件を契機に、日本政府は資金決済法を改正し、仮想通貨交換業者に対する登録制や顧客資産の分別管理を義務付けた。一方、ユーザー自身も、中央管理に依存するリスクや自己資産保管（コールドウォレット等）の重要性に気づかされることとなった。
そして皮肉にも、事件後のビットコイン価格の高騰が、破産手続きから民事再生手続きへの変更を促す結果となった。2023年以降、裁判所主導のもと、被害者たちへの弁済が順次開始され、当時の損失評価を上回る返済が実現しつつある。「失われた仮想通貨」に希望が戻るまでには、10年近い歳月が必要だった。マウントゴックス事件は、仮想通貨の可能性と危うさ、その両極を象徴する現代の寓話である。
マウントゴックス事件は、2014年に東京を拠点とするビットコイン取引所「Mt.Gox（マウントゴックス）」で発生した、当時世界最大規模の仮想通貨流出事件である。Mt.Goxは一時、世界のビットコイン取引の約7割を占める圧倒的な影響力を持つ取引所であったが、2014年2月、突如としてビットコインの引き出しを停止した。その数週間後には全取引を停止、ウェブサイトも閉鎖され、最終的に東京地裁に民事再生手続きを申請するに至る。取引所側の発表では、顧客資産75万ビットコインと自社保有10万ビットコイン、計85万ビットコインが「失われた」とされ、当時の相場で総額約4億7500万ドル、日本円にして約500億円に相当する空前の損失であった。
この事件は決して一夜にして起きたものではなかった。後の調査によって、少なくとも2011年頃から、Mt.Goxのホットウォレット（インターネット接続された即時用の資金保管先）からビットコインが外部に不正に引き出されていた痕跡が明らかになっている。ビットコインの取引特性を逆手に取る「トランザクション可変性（Transaction Malleability）」という脆弱性を悪用し、送金記録を操作することで重複送金を装う手法も使われたとされる。さらに深刻だったのは、Mt.Gox内部の会計や資産管理がずさんであり、長期にわたり誰も資産の正確な残高を把握していなかったことである。犯行が外部によるハッキングなのか、内部者による不正なのか、あるいはその両方なのか。真相は完全には明かされていないが、技術的な脆弱性と運営の�
�さが重なった末の、静かな崩壊だった。
2014年2月7日、Mt.Goxは「技術的な問題により」引き出しを一時停止すると発表したが、具体的な説明はなされなかった。そして24日には全ての取引を停止し、28日には民事再生手続を申請。後日、同社は「旧ウォレット」から20万ビットコインが見つかったと発表し、実際の損失は65万ビットコインに修正された。しかし、すでに信用は崩壊し、ビットコイン価格は事件前の約800ドルから一時400ドル台まで急落した。
事件後、2015年には元CEOのマルク・カルプレス氏が業務上横領などの容疑で逮捕されるが、2019年には横領容疑については無罪判決が下された。裁判を通じて明らかになったのは、彼が技術者であっても経営者としては未熟であり、セキュリティ体制や会計管理が著しく不十分であったという事実である。ビットコインという新しい通貨の自由な広がりが、逆に制度や規律の未整備を許していたともいえる。
この事件は、仮想通貨という新たな経済圏にとっての試練であり、教訓であった。事件を契機に、日本政府は資金決済法を改正し、仮想通貨交換業者に対する登録制や顧客資産の分別管理を義務付けた。一方、ユーザー自身も、中央管理に依存するリスクや自己資産保管（コールドウォレット等）の重要性に気づかされることとなった。
そして皮肉にも、事件後のビットコイン価格の高騰が、破産手続きから民事再生手続きへの変更を促す結果となった。2023年以降、裁判所主導のもと、被害者たちへの弁済が順次開始され、当時の損失評価を上回る返済が実現しつつある。「失われた仮想通貨」に希望が戻るまでには、10年近い歳月が必要だった。マウントゴックス事件は、仮想通貨の可能性と危うさ、その両極を象徴する現代の寓話である。
The Lament of the White Ears of Rice: Memories of the 2022 Summer Heat Wave and Rice Shortages
The Lament of the White Ears of Rice: Memories of the 2022 Summer Heat Wave and Rice Shortages
In 2023, Japan experienced a heat wave that continued throughout the country. The effects were particularly severe in the rice-growing regions of Miyakonojo City, Miyazaki Prefecture, and Kirishima City, Kagoshima Prefecture, where the growth of rice was hampered. The brown rice harvest decreased by about 15% from the previous year, and specifically, the total national harvest dropped significantly from 6 million tons to 5.1 million tons. As a result of the decrease in early rice shipments, consumers became increasingly concerned about rice shortages.
The intense heat made the ears of rice unable to withstand the harsh temperatures, resulting in an increase in low-quality rice, known as white unripe grains. In the Shonai region of Yamagata Prefecture, sake rice "Dewa Sanzu" resulted in white unripe grains accounting for about 30% of the total rice harvested, and the quality of Koshihikari rice from Uonuma City, Niigata Prefecture, was 10% lower than in previous years. This had a significant impact on the sake brewing and related industries.
In the Tokyo metropolitan area, a rice shortage became apparent, causing some stores to empty their rice shelves. The price of Koshihikari rice from Niigata jumped to 25,000 yen per bale (60 kg) from 17,000 yen the previous year, an increase of about 47%. The government released 10,000 tons of stockpiled rice, but this was insufficient to meet market demand. This delay in response has led to increased confusion in the market, further fueling consumer anxiety.
Meanwhile, the actions of major trading companies and wholesalers also became problematic. JA Zen-Noh attempted to respond quickly, but its plan fell behind and was criticized for its "slow response.
In Chikusei City, Ibaraki Prefecture, the price of Hitomebore increased approximately 35% over the previous year, reaching 15,000 to 23,000 yen per bale. Local farmers stated that production costs have increased by about 20% due to soaring fuel and fertilizer prices. In addition, in Kikuchi, Kumamoto Prefecture, rice cultivation using groundwater from the Aso region was severely affected by the heat wave, causing the crop to miss the "Special A" rating.
Rice shortages also had a major impact on households. Alternative products such as frozen preserved rice and rice-flour bread rapidly gained popularity, and sales increased by about 40% over the previous year. In Sagamihara City, Kanagawa Prefecture, an attempt was made to curb the rising price of rice by holding a "direct from production area fair" where locally grown rice was sold directly to the public.
This "rice panic" is a crisis created by climate change and agricultural challenges. The need for food security has been recognized anew, and the government has indicated that it will introduce a new subsidy system starting in FY2024, focusing support on areas that were severely damaged, such as Daisen City in Akita Prefecture.
In 2023, Japan experienced a heat wave that continued throughout the country. The effects were particularly severe in the rice-growing regions of Miyakonojo City, Miyazaki Prefecture, and Kirishima City, Kagoshima Prefecture, where the growth of rice was hampered. The brown rice harvest decreased by about 15% from the previous year, and specifically, the total national harvest dropped significantly from 6 million tons to 5.1 million tons. As a result of the decrease in early rice shipments, consumers became increasingly concerned about rice shortages.
The intense heat made the ears of rice unable to withstand the harsh temperatures, resulting in an increase in low-quality rice, known as white unripe grains. In the Shonai region of Yamagata Prefecture, sake rice "Dewa Sanzu" resulted in white unripe grains accounting for about 30% of the total rice harvested, and the quality of Koshihikari rice from Uonuma City, Niigata Prefecture, was 10% lower than in previous years. This had a significant impact on the sake brewing and related industries.
In the Tokyo metropolitan area, a rice shortage became apparent, causing some stores to empty their rice shelves. The price of Koshihikari rice from Niigata jumped to 25,000 yen per bale (60 kg) from 17,000 yen the previous year, an increase of about 47%. The government released 10,000 tons of stockpiled rice, but this was insufficient to meet market demand. This delay in response has led to increased confusion in the market, further fueling consumer anxiety.
Meanwhile, the actions of major trading companies and wholesalers also became problematic. JA Zen-Noh attempted to respond quickly, but its plan fell behind and was criticized for its "slow response.
In Chikusei City, Ibaraki Prefecture, the price of Hitomebore increased approximately 35% over the previous year, reaching 15,000 to 23,000 yen per bale. Local farmers stated that production costs have increased by about 20% due to soaring fuel and fertilizer prices. In addition, in Kikuchi, Kumamoto Prefecture, rice cultivation using groundwater from the Aso region was severely affected by the heat wave, causing the crop to miss the "Special A" rating.
Rice shortages also had a major impact on households. Alternative products such as frozen preserved rice and rice-flour bread rapidly gained popularity, and sales increased by about 40% over the previous year. In Sagamihara City, Kanagawa Prefecture, an attempt was made to curb the rising price of rice by holding a "direct from production area fair" where locally grown rice was sold directly to the public.
This "rice panic" is a crisis created by climate change and agricultural challenges. The need for food security has been recognized anew, and the government has indicated that it will introduce a new subsidy system starting in FY2024, focusing support on areas that were severely damaged, such as Daisen City in Akita Prefecture.
白き稲穂の嘆き――令和猛暑と米不足の記憶
白き稲穂の嘆き――令和猛暑と米不足の記憶
2023年、日本全土で猛暑が続きました。この影響は特に宮崎県都城市や鹿児島県霧島市の稲作地域で深刻で、稲の生育が妨げられました。玄米の収穫量は前年比約15％減少し、具体的には全国の総収穫量が600万トンから510万トンへと大きく落ち込みました。早場米の出荷量が減少した結果、消費者の間では米不足への不安が広がりました。
猛暑の影響で稲穂は過酷な気温に耐えきれず、白未熟粒と呼ばれる品質の低い米が増加しました。山形県庄内地方の酒米「出羽燦々」では、収穫された米のうち白未熟粒が全体の約30％を占める結果となり、新潟県魚沼市のコシヒカリでも例年より10％以上品質が低下しました。これにより、酒造業や関連産業にも大きな影響が出ました。
首都圏では米不足が顕在化し、一部の店舗では米の棚が空になる事態が起きました。新潟産コシヒカリの価格は1俵（60kg）あたり前年の1万7000円から2万5000円に跳ね上がり、約47％の上昇となりました。政府は備蓄米を1万トン放出しましたが、市場の需要を満たすには不十分でした。この対応の遅れが市場の混乱を拡大させ、消費者の不安をさらに煽る結果となりました。
一方、大手商社や卸売業者の動きも問題となりました。三井物産や丸紅株式会社などの商社が供給不足を見越して農家と直接契約を結び、年間約20万トンもの米を事前に確保したことで、流通量の偏りが深刻化しました。JA全農も迅速な対応を試みましたが、計画が後手に回り、「対応が遅い」との批判を浴びました。
茨城県筑西市では、ひとめぼれの価格が前年比で約35％上昇し、1俵あたり1万5000円から2万3000円に達しました。地元の農家は燃料費や肥料価格の高騰により、生産コストが約20％増加していると述べています。また、熊本県菊池市では阿蘇地域の地下水を利用した稲作が猛暑の影響で大きな打撃を受け、「特A」の評価を逃す結果となりました。
家庭でも米不足が大きな影響を及ぼしました。冷凍保存米や米粉パンなどの代替品が急速に人気を集め、売り上げが前年比で約40％増加しました。神奈川県相模原市では、地元産米を直接販売する「産地直送フェア」が開催され、米の価格高騰を抑える試みも見られました。
この「米パニック」は、気候変動と農業の課題が生み出した危機です。食料安全保障の必要性が改めて認識され、政府は2024年度から新たな補助金制度を導入し、秋田県大仙市など被害の大きかった地域を重点的に支援する方針を示しています。
2023年、日本全土で猛暑が続きました。この影響は特に宮崎県都城市や鹿児島県霧島市の稲作地域で深刻で、稲の生育が妨げられました。玄米の収穫量は前年比約15％減少し、具体的には全国の総収穫量が600万トンから510万トンへと大きく落ち込みました。早場米の出荷量が減少した結果、消費者の間では米不足への不安が広がりました。
猛暑の影響で稲穂は過酷な気温に耐えきれず、白未熟粒と呼ばれる品質の低い米が増加しました。山形県庄内地方の酒米「出羽燦々」では、収穫された米のうち白未熟粒が全体の約30％を占める結果となり、新潟県魚沼市のコシヒカリでも例年より10％以上品質が低下しました。これにより、酒造業や関連産業にも大きな影響が出ました。
首都圏では米不足が顕在化し、一部の店舗では米の棚が空になる事態が起きました。新潟産コシヒカリの価格は1俵（60kg）あたり前年の1万7000円から2万5000円に跳ね上がり、約47％の上昇となりました。政府は備蓄米を1万トン放出しましたが、市場の需要を満たすには不十分でした。この対応の遅れが市場の混乱を拡大させ、消費者の不安をさらに煽る結果となりました。
一方、大手商社や卸売業者の動きも問題となりました。三井物産や丸紅株式会社などの商社が供給不足を見越して農家と直接契約を結び、年間約20万トンもの米を事前に確保したことで、流通量の偏りが深刻化しました。JA全農も迅速な対応を試みましたが、計画が後手に回り、「対応が遅い」との批判を浴びました。
茨城県筑西市では、ひとめぼれの価格が前年比で約35％上昇し、1俵あたり1万5000円から2万3000円に達しました。地元の農家は燃料費や肥料価格の高騰により、生産コストが約20％増加していると述べています。また、熊本県菊池市では阿蘇地域の地下水を利用した稲作が猛暑の影響で大きな打撃を受け、「特A」の評価を逃す結果となりました。
家庭でも米不足が大きな影響を及ぼしました。冷凍保存米や米粉パンなどの代替品が急速に人気を集め、売り上げが前年比で約40％増加しました。神奈川県相模原市では、地元産米を直接販売する「産地直送フェア」が開催され、米の価格高騰を抑える試みも見られました。
この「米パニック」は、気候変動と農業の課題が生み出した危機です。食料安全保障の必要性が改めて認識され、政府は2024年度から新たな補助金制度を導入し、秋田県大仙市など被害の大きかった地域を重点的に支援する方針を示しています。
PCB problem due to Fukuoka Kanemi Oil Incident
PCB problem due to Fukuoka Kanemi Oil Incident
The 1968 Kanemi Oil Sickness Incident centered in Fukuoka Prefecture was an event that brought widespread awareness of the dangers of polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) in Japan. Approximately 14,000 people developed symptoms of poisoning, known as oil sickness, after Kanecrol, a thermal medium containing PCBs, was mixed with rice bran oil produced by Kanemi Warehouse Co. Serious health problems such as rashes, fatigue, and liver dysfunction were reported. After the incident, the Japanese government banned the production and use of PCBs in 1972, but some 40,000 tons of PCBs remain in Japan and are stored untreated. The government plans to eliminate all PCBs by 2027.
The 1968 Kanemi Oil Sickness Incident centered in Fukuoka Prefecture was an event that brought widespread awareness of the dangers of polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) in Japan. Approximately 14,000 people developed symptoms of poisoning, known as oil sickness, after Kanecrol, a thermal medium containing PCBs, was mixed with rice bran oil produced by Kanemi Warehouse Co. Serious health problems such as rashes, fatigue, and liver dysfunction were reported. After the incident, the Japanese government banned the production and use of PCBs in 1972, but some 40,000 tons of PCBs remain in Japan and are stored untreated. The government plans to eliminate all PCBs by 2027.
福岡県カネミ油症事件によるPCB問題
福岡県カネミ油症事件によるPCB問題
1968年に発生した福岡県を中心としたカネミ油症事件は、日本におけるPCB（ポリ塩化ビフェニル）の危険性を広く認識させる出来事でした。カネミ倉庫株式会社が製造した米ぬか油に、PCBを含む熱媒体「カネクロール」が混入し、約1万4千人が油症と呼ばれる中毒症状を発症。発疹、倦怠感、肝機能障害などの深刻な健康被害が報告されました。事件後、日本政府は1972年にPCBの製造・使用を禁止しましたが、約4万トンものPCBが国内に残留し、未処理のまま保管されています。PCBは分解に100年以上かかるため、環境への影響が懸念されています。現在は、高温焼却処理による無害化が進められていますが、ダイオキシン発生の問題もあり、処理施設の整備は遅れています。2027年までに全廃が計画されています。
1968年に発生した福岡県を中心としたカネミ油症事件は、日本におけるPCB（ポリ塩化ビフェニル）の危険性を広く認識させる出来事でした。カネミ倉庫株式会社が製造した米ぬか油に、PCBを含む熱媒体「カネクロール」が混入し、約1万4千人が油症と呼ばれる中毒症状を発症。発疹、倦怠感、肝機能障害などの深刻な健康被害が報告されました。事件後、日本政府は1972年にPCBの製造・使用を禁止しましたが、約4万トンものPCBが国内に残留し、未処理のまま保管されています。PCBは分解に100年以上かかるため、環境への影響が懸念されています。現在は、高温焼却処理による無害化が進められていますが、ダイオキシン発生の問題もあり、処理施設の整備は遅れています。2027年までに全廃が計画されています。
Japan's Waste Recycling: A History from 2000 to the 2020s
Japan's Waste Recycling: A History from 2000 to the 2020s
---
#### Situation and Challenges in 2000
In 2000, Japan aimed to build a "recycling-oriented society" to address the rapid increase in waste. The total waste generated that year amounted to 52 million tons, of which 9 million tons were plastic waste. The government set a target to increase the plastic recycling rate to 25% by 2005 and promoted the adoption of recycling technologies.
Efforts to reuse organic waste were also advanced. In Sapporo, 8,000 tons of food waste were composted annually and supplied to local farmers. Additionally, in Tokyo, biogas generated from waste was used as fuel for city buses, reducing waste and CO₂ emissions. To address the shortage of recycling facilities in rural areas, the government expanded its subsidy program to support effective waste management.
---
#### Current State and Progress in the 2020s
Entering the 2020s, Japan continued to reduce waste. In 2021, total waste generation decreased to 40.95 million tons. The amount of waste generated per person per day also fell to 890 grams, thanks to increased public awareness and government efforts promoting waste separation. However, 87% of plastic recycling was achieved through energy recovery, raising concerns about decarbonization efforts.
Companies have been developing new technologies to enhance recycling. Sekisui Chemical is advancing a project to produce 2,000 liters of ethanol annually from waste. Mitsubishi Electric has introduced efficient plastic recycling through electrostatic separation technology at its Chiba plant, streamlining the recycling process by eliminating the need for manual sorting.
Urban areas are also adopting waste-to-energy technologies. In Tokyo, incineration facilities process 171 tons of waste per day, and 38.5% of these facilities have power generation capabilities. This initiative strengthens the city's waste reduction efforts while contributing to renewable energy supply.
---
#### Situation and Challenges in 2000
In 2000, Japan aimed to build a "recycling-oriented society" to address the rapid increase in waste. The total waste generated that year amounted to 52 million tons, of which 9 million tons were plastic waste. The government set a target to increase the plastic recycling rate to 25% by 2005 and promoted the adoption of recycling technologies.
Efforts to reuse organic waste were also advanced. In Sapporo, 8,000 tons of food waste were composted annually and supplied to local farmers. Additionally, in Tokyo, biogas generated from waste was used as fuel for city buses, reducing waste and CO₂ emissions. To address the shortage of recycling facilities in rural areas, the government expanded its subsidy program to support effective waste management.
---
#### Current State and Progress in the 2020s
Entering the 2020s, Japan continued to reduce waste. In 2021, total waste generation decreased to 40.95 million tons. The amount of waste generated per person per day also fell to 890 grams, thanks to increased public awareness and government efforts promoting waste separation. However, 87% of plastic recycling was achieved through energy recovery, raising concerns about decarbonization efforts.
Companies have been developing new technologies to enhance recycling. Sekisui Chemical is advancing a project to produce 2,000 liters of ethanol annually from waste. Mitsubishi Electric has introduced efficient plastic recycling through electrostatic separation technology at its Chiba plant, streamlining the recycling process by eliminating the need for manual sorting.
Urban areas are also adopting waste-to-energy technologies. In Tokyo, incineration facilities process 171 tons of waste per day, and 38.5% of these facilities have power generation capabilities. This initiative strengthens the city's waste reduction efforts while contributing to renewable energy supply.
Japan's Waste Recycling: A History from 2000 to the 2020s
Japan's Waste Recycling: A History from 2000 to the 2020s
---
#### Situation and Challenges in 2000
In 2000, Japan aimed to build a "recycling-oriented society" to address the rapid increase in waste. The total waste generated that year amounted to 52 million tons, of which 9 million tons were plastic waste. The government set a target to increase the plastic recycling rate to 25% by 2005 and promoted the adoption of recycling technologies.
Efforts to reuse organic waste were also advanced. In Sapporo, 8,000 tons of food waste were composted annually and supplied to local farmers. Additionally, in Tokyo, biogas generated from waste was used as fuel for city buses, reducing waste and CO₂ emissions. To address the shortage of recycling facilities in rural areas, the government expanded its subsidy program to support effective waste management.
---
#### Current State and Progress in the 2020s
Entering the 2020s, Japan continued to reduce waste. In 2021, total waste generation decreased to 40.95 million tons. The amount of waste generated per person per day also fell to 890 grams, thanks to increased public awareness and government efforts promoting waste separation. However, 87% of plastic recycling was achieved through energy recovery, raising concerns about decarbonization efforts.
Companies have been developing new technologies to enhance recycling. Sekisui Chemical is advancing a project to produce 2,000 liters of ethanol annually from waste. Mitsubishi Electric has introduced efficient plastic recycling through electrostatic separation technology at its Chiba plant, streamlining the recycling process by eliminating the need for manual sorting.
Urban areas are also adopting waste-to-energy technologies. In Tokyo, incineration facilities process 171 tons of waste per day, and 38.5% of these facilities have power generation capabilities. This initiative strengthens the city's waste reduction efforts while contributing to renewable energy supply.
---
#### Situation and Challenges in 2000
In 2000, Japan aimed to build a "recycling-oriented society" to address the rapid increase in waste. The total waste generated that year amounted to 52 million tons, of which 9 million tons were plastic waste. The government set a target to increase the plastic recycling rate to 25% by 2005 and promoted the adoption of recycling technologies.
Efforts to reuse organic waste were also advanced. In Sapporo, 8,000 tons of food waste were composted annually and supplied to local farmers. Additionally, in Tokyo, biogas generated from waste was used as fuel for city buses, reducing waste and CO₂ emissions. To address the shortage of recycling facilities in rural areas, the government expanded its subsidy program to support effective waste management.
---
#### Current State and Progress in the 2020s
Entering the 2020s, Japan continued to reduce waste. In 2021, total waste generation decreased to 40.95 million tons. The amount of waste generated per person per day also fell to 890 grams, thanks to increased public awareness and government efforts promoting waste separation. However, 87% of plastic recycling was achieved through energy recovery, raising concerns about decarbonization efforts.
Companies have been developing new technologies to enhance recycling. Sekisui Chemical is advancing a project to produce 2,000 liters of ethanol annually from waste. Mitsubishi Electric has introduced efficient plastic recycling through electrostatic separation technology at its Chiba plant, streamlining the recycling process by eliminating the need for manual sorting.
Urban areas are also adopting waste-to-energy technologies. In Tokyo, incineration facilities process 171 tons of waste per day, and 38.5% of these facilities have power generation capabilities. This initiative strengthens the city's waste reduction efforts while contributing to renewable energy supply.
Summary of illegal dumping of construction waste
Summary of illegal dumping of construction waste
Illegal dumping of construction waste has become a serious social problem throughout Japan since the early 2000s. 85000000 tons of construction waste was generated in FY2000, and it is estimated that about 90% of this amount was dumped illegally. This is especially true in urban areas such as the Tokyo metropolitan area, Osaka, and Aichi, where waste containing PCBs and asbestos causes soil and groundwater contamination. However, the tightness and high cost of final disposal sites is a challenge.
Illegal dumping of construction waste has become a serious social problem throughout Japan since the early 2000s. 85000000 tons of construction waste was generated in FY2000, and it is estimated that about 90% of this amount was dumped illegally. This is especially true in urban areas such as the Tokyo metropolitan area, Osaka, and Aichi, where waste containing PCBs and asbestos causes soil and groundwater contamination. However, the tightness and high cost of final disposal sites is a challenge.
建設廃棄物の不法投棄問題要約
建設廃棄物の不法投棄問題要約
2000年代初頭から、日本全国で建設廃棄物の不法投棄が深刻な社会問題となっています。2000年度には建設廃棄物の排出量が85000000トンに達し、その約90%が不法投棄されたと推定されています。特に首都圏や大阪、愛知などの都市部で顕著であり、PCBやアスベストを含む廃棄物が土壌や地下水汚染の原因となっています。2020年代には、不法投棄対策としてGPSを活用した輸送管理システムやリサイクル法の強化が進められていますが、最終処分場の逼迫と高コストが課題となっています。
2000年代初頭から、日本全国で建設廃棄物の不法投棄が深刻な社会問題となっています。2000年度には建設廃棄物の排出量が85000000トンに達し、その約90%が不法投棄されたと推定されています。特に首都圏や大阪、愛知などの都市部で顕著であり、PCBやアスベストを含む廃棄物が土壌や地下水汚染の原因となっています。2020年代には、不法投棄対策としてGPSを活用した輸送管理システムやリサイクル法の強化が進められていますが、最終処分場の逼迫と高コストが課題となっています。
1. Business Opportunities in the Venous Industry. The venous industry in industrial waste disposal represents a huge business opportunity for logistics providers. The venous industry is about to develop in line with the transition to a recycling-oriented society. The background is the demand of the times for a recycling-oriented society. Eiji Abo, director of the Institute of Logistics Management, says, "Venous logistics, which collects and transports waste from all over the world, will become a huge business opportunity.
1. Business Opportunities in the Venous Industry. The venous industry in industrial waste disposal represents a huge business opportunity for logistics providers. The venous industry is about to develop in line with the transition to a recycling-oriented society. The background is the demand of the times for a recycling-oriented society. Eiji Abo, director of the Institute of Logistics Management, says, "Venous logistics, which collects and transports waste from all over the world, will become a huge business opportunity.
In fact, more than 1,500 waste transporters entered the venous logistics market as soon as the Circular Economy and Waste Act came into effect in Germany in 1994. Based on the results of research related to venous logistics in the U.S., it is estimated that about 30% of the waste treatment market, including recycling, is accounted for by collection and transportation costs.
From arterial logistics to venous logistics
On the other hand, we can also make the following prediction. Currently, the Japanese trucking market is estimated to be 12-13 trillion yen, almost 100% of which is for arterial logistics to supply products and goods. If venous logistics is promoted in all areas in the future, products and other goods sold will flow back into the veins from the arteries. There is a great possibility that a venous logistics market comparable to the current arterial logistics market will emerge.
Nippon Express, which has partially succeeded in entering the venous logistics market in Japan, divides venous logistics into three business fields: (1) services for regional environmental conservation, such as transportation of surplus soil and collection of spilled heavy oil, (2) specialized processing transportation for specific items, such as mercury and waste oil, and (3) recycling logistics for used products. The company is currently engaged in the collection and transportation of industrial waste. Currently, there are more than 90,000 industrial waste collection and transportation companies throughout Japan, the majority of which are small-scale operations such as sole proprietorships. Nippon Express is uniquely positioned to take advantage of its nationwide network.
The Future of Venous Logistics" As we move toward a recycling-oriented society, venous logistics will play an increasingly important role. In the future, when the collection and transportation of general waste is also eased, the venous logistics market will further expand its base. Considering that the basis of a recycling-oriented society is local and regional completion, there are still many commercial opportunities for small and medium-sized companies to enter the local collection and transportation business. Who will ride this new wave?
Venous logistics will develop into a major industry.
With the promotion of a recycling-oriented society in Japan, venous logistics is attracting attention as a new business opportunity. According to Eiji Abo, director of the Institute for Logisitic Management, the venous industry has become a huge business opportunity for logistics providers. In Germany, the Circular Economy and Waste Act was enacted in 1994, and more than 1,500 new companies have entered the venous logistics market.
The size of the venous logistics market in Japan is estimated to be just under 30 trillion yen in early 2000, of which collection and transportation costs account for about 30%. The Japanese trucking market is 12-13 trillion yen, and while until now almost 100% of the market has been concentrated in arterial logistics for product supply, it is increasingly likely that venous logistics will have a market of similar size in the future.
In venous logistics, Nippon Express is expanding in three business areas: regional environmental conservation, specialized processing and transportation of specific items, and end-of-life product recycling logistics. Currently, there are more than 90,000 industrial waste collectors and transporters in Japan, the majority of which are small-scale operations such as sole proprietorships, but Nippon Express is uniquely positioned to take advantage of its nationwide network.
With the transition to a recycling-oriented society, the role of venous logistics is becoming increasingly important, leaving many commercial opportunities for new entrants into local and regionally complete collection and transportation. It remains to be seen who will ride this new wave.
In fact, more than 1,500 waste transporters entered the venous logistics market as soon as the Circular Economy and Waste Act came into effect in Germany in 1994. Based on the results of research related to venous logistics in the U.S., it is estimated that about 30% of the waste treatment market, including recycling, is accounted for by collection and transportation costs.
From arterial logistics to venous logistics
On the other hand, we can also make the following prediction. Currently, the Japanese trucking market is estimated to be 12-13 trillion yen, almost 100% of which is for arterial logistics to supply products and goods. If venous logistics is promoted in all areas in the future, products and other goods sold will flow back into the veins from the arteries. There is a great possibility that a venous logistics market comparable to the current arterial logistics market will emerge.
Nippon Express, which has partially succeeded in entering the venous logistics market in Japan, divides venous logistics into three business fields: (1) services for regional environmental conservation, such as transportation of surplus soil and collection of spilled heavy oil, (2) specialized processing transportation for specific items, such as mercury and waste oil, and (3) recycling logistics for used products. The company is currently engaged in the collection and transportation of industrial waste. Currently, there are more than 90,000 industrial waste collection and transportation companies throughout Japan, the majority of which are small-scale operations such as sole proprietorships. Nippon Express is uniquely positioned to take advantage of its nationwide network.
The Future of Venous Logistics" As we move toward a recycling-oriented society, venous logistics will play an increasingly important role. In the future, when the collection and transportation of general waste is also eased, the venous logistics market will further expand its base. Considering that the basis of a recycling-oriented society is local and regional completion, there are still many commercial opportunities for small and medium-sized companies to enter the local collection and transportation business. Who will ride this new wave?
Venous logistics will develop into a major industry.
With the promotion of a recycling-oriented society in Japan, venous logistics is attracting attention as a new business opportunity. According to Eiji Abo, director of the Institute for Logisitic Management, the venous industry has become a huge business opportunity for logistics providers. In Germany, the Circular Economy and Waste Act was enacted in 1994, and more than 1,500 new companies have entered the venous logistics market.
The size of the venous logistics market in Japan is estimated to be just under 30 trillion yen in early 2000, of which collection and transportation costs account for about 30%. The Japanese trucking market is 12-13 trillion yen, and while until now almost 100% of the market has been concentrated in arterial logistics for product supply, it is increasingly likely that venous logistics will have a market of similar size in the future.
In venous logistics, Nippon Express is expanding in three business areas: regional environmental conservation, specialized processing and transportation of specific items, and end-of-life product recycling logistics. Currently, there are more than 90,000 industrial waste collectors and transporters in Japan, the majority of which are small-scale operations such as sole proprietorships, but Nippon Express is uniquely positioned to take advantage of its nationwide network.
With the transition to a recycling-oriented society, the role of venous logistics is becoming increasingly important, leaving many commercial opportunities for new entrants into local and regionally complete collection and transportation. It remains to be seen who will ride this new wave.
1.静脈産業のビジネスチャンス.産業廃棄物処理における静脈産業は物流業者にとって巨大なビジネスチャンスになっている。静脈産業は、循環型社会への移行に伴い、発展しようとしている。背景には循環型社会への時代の要請がある。「世界中の廃棄物を収集、運送する静脈物流が大きなビジネスチャンスになる」というのは、ロジスティック・マネジメント研究所の阿保栄治所長の言葉だ。
1.静脈産業のビジネスチャンス.産業廃棄物処理における静脈産業は物流業者にとって巨大なビジネスチャンスになっている。静脈産業は、循環型社会への移行に伴い、発展しようとしている。背景には循環型社会への時代の要請がある。「世界中の廃棄物を収集、運送する静脈物流が大きなビジネスチャンスになる」というのは、ロジスティック・マネジメント研究所の阿保栄治所長の言葉だ。
「静脈物流の市場規模」実際のところ、1994年にドイツで循環経済・廃棄物法が施行されると同時に、静脈物流への新規参入を果たした廃棄物輸送業者は1500社を超えた。米国の静脈物流関連の研究成果から推測すると、リサイクルを含む廃棄物処理市場の約30％が回収・輸送コストに占めると言われる。2000年初頭、日本における市場規模を30兆円弱と見積もると、静脈物流市場はおおよそ10兆円規模という計算が立つ。
「動脈物流から静脈物流へ」
一方、こんな予測もできる。現在、日本のトラック運送事業の市場は12〜13兆円といわれ、ほぼ100％が製品および商品供給のための動脈物流だ。今後、あらゆる分野で静脈物流の整備が促進されると、販売された製品などが動脈から静脈へ逆流する。現在の動脈物流に匹敵する静脈物流の市場が誕生する可能性は大きい。
「日本通運の取り組み」日本で静脈物流への参入を一部成功させた日本通運は、静脈物流について、①残土運送や流出重油の回収など地域環境保全のためのサービス、②水銀や廃油など特定品目を対象とした専門処理運送、③使用済み製品のリサイクル物流、と3つの事業分野に分けている。現在、産業廃棄物の収集運搬は日本全土に9万社以上あるといわれ、大半が個人事業者などの小規模経営だ。日本通運は全国ネットワークを生かした独自の展開をしている。
「静脈物流の未来」循環型社会への移行に伴い、ますます静脈物流の果たす役割は大きくなる。将来、一般廃棄物の収集運搬も緩和されると、静脈物流市場はさらに裾野を広げる。循環型社会の基本は地方・地域完結と考えると、地域発の収集運搬への中小企業の新規参入の商機はたくさん残されている。こうしたニューウェーブに誰が乗るのだろうか。
「静脈物流が大きな産業に発展」
日本国内で循環型社会の推進に伴い、静脈物流が新たなビジネスチャンスとして注目されています。ロジステック・マネジメント研究所の阿保栄治所長によれば、静脈産業は物流業者にとって巨大なビジネスチャンスとなっており、ドイツでは1994年に循環経済・廃棄物法が施行され、静脈物流への新規参入業者は1500社以上にのぼりました。
日本における静脈物流市場の規模は、2000年初頭の予測で30兆円弱とされ、そのうち回収・輸送コストが約30％を占めるとされています。日本のトラック運送事業の市場は12〜13兆円で、これまでほぼ100％が製品供給のための動脈物流に集中していましたが、今後は静脈物流が同程度の市場規模を持つ可能性が高まっています。
日本通運は静脈物流において地域環境保全、特定品目の専門処理輸送、使用済み製品のリサイクル物流の3つの事業分野で展開を進めています。現在、日本には産業廃棄物の収集運搬業者が9万社以上存在し、大半が個人事業者などの小規模経営ですが、日本通運は全国ネットワークを活かした独自の展開を図っています。
循環型社会への移行に伴い、静脈物流の役割はますます重要となり、地方・地域完結型の収集運搬への新規参入の商機が多く残されています。この新たな波に誰が乗るかが注目されるところです。
「静脈物流の市場規模」実際のところ、1994年にドイツで循環経済・廃棄物法が施行されると同時に、静脈物流への新規参入を果たした廃棄物輸送業者は1500社を超えた。米国の静脈物流関連の研究成果から推測すると、リサイクルを含む廃棄物処理市場の約30％が回収・輸送コストに占めると言われる。2000年初頭、日本における市場規模を30兆円弱と見積もると、静脈物流市場はおおよそ10兆円規模という計算が立つ。
「動脈物流から静脈物流へ」
一方、こんな予測もできる。現在、日本のトラック運送事業の市場は12〜13兆円といわれ、ほぼ100％が製品および商品供給のための動脈物流だ。今後、あらゆる分野で静脈物流の整備が促進されると、販売された製品などが動脈から静脈へ逆流する。現在の動脈物流に匹敵する静脈物流の市場が誕生する可能性は大きい。
「日本通運の取り組み」日本で静脈物流への参入を一部成功させた日本通運は、静脈物流について、①残土運送や流出重油の回収など地域環境保全のためのサービス、②水銀や廃油など特定品目を対象とした専門処理運送、③使用済み製品のリサイクル物流、と3つの事業分野に分けている。現在、産業廃棄物の収集運搬は日本全土に9万社以上あるといわれ、大半が個人事業者などの小規模経営だ。日本通運は全国ネットワークを生かした独自の展開をしている。
「静脈物流の未来」循環型社会への移行に伴い、ますます静脈物流の果たす役割は大きくなる。将来、一般廃棄物の収集運搬も緩和されると、静脈物流市場はさらに裾野を広げる。循環型社会の基本は地方・地域完結と考えると、地域発の収集運搬への中小企業の新規参入の商機はたくさん残されている。こうしたニューウェーブに誰が乗るのだろうか。
「静脈物流が大きな産業に発展」
日本国内で循環型社会の推進に伴い、静脈物流が新たなビジネスチャンスとして注目されています。ロジステック・マネジメント研究所の阿保栄治所長によれば、静脈産業は物流業者にとって巨大なビジネスチャンスとなっており、ドイツでは1994年に循環経済・廃棄物法が施行され、静脈物流への新規参入業者は1500社以上にのぼりました。
日本における静脈物流市場の規模は、2000年初頭の予測で30兆円弱とされ、そのうち回収・輸送コストが約30％を占めるとされています。日本のトラック運送事業の市場は12〜13兆円で、これまでほぼ100％が製品供給のための動脈物流に集中していましたが、今後は静脈物流が同程度の市場規模を持つ可能性が高まっています。
日本通運は静脈物流において地域環境保全、特定品目の専門処理輸送、使用済み製品のリサイクル物流の3つの事業分野で展開を進めています。現在、日本には産業廃棄物の収集運搬業者が9万社以上存在し、大半が個人事業者などの小規模経営ですが、日本通運は全国ネットワークを活かした独自の展開を図っています。
循環型社会への移行に伴い、静脈物流の役割はますます重要となり、地方・地域完結型の収集運搬への新規参入の商機が多く残されています。この新たな波に誰が乗るかが注目されるところです。
### Asakusa Roku-gu and the Transition of Popular Culture (1890s-1950s)
### Asakusa Roku-gu and the Transition of Popular Culture (1890s-1950s)
From the late Meiji period to the early Showa period, Asakusa Roku-gu developed as the center of Japanese entertainment culture. In particular, theaters, movie theaters, and the "Asakusa Opera" became popular entertainment for the common people, and stars such as Yoshie Fujiwara and Kenichi Enomoto were active. In the Taisho era (1912-1926), movies developed as "Japan's Hollywood," and in the early Showa era (1926-1989), reviews and comedies were added, creating a diverse culture. However, the entertainment center shifted to other areas during the period of rapid economic growth. Nevertheless, the Yose and Asakusa Engei Halls have kept the cultural lights on and continue to be pillars of tourism and local revitalization. Asakusa Roku-gu is a symbol of Japan's modern entertainment history.
From the late Meiji period to the early Showa period, Asakusa Roku-gu developed as the center of Japanese entertainment culture. In particular, theaters, movie theaters, and the "Asakusa Opera" became popular entertainment for the common people, and stars such as Yoshie Fujiwara and Kenichi Enomoto were active. In the Taisho era (1912-1926), movies developed as "Japan's Hollywood," and in the early Showa era (1926-1989), reviews and comedies were added, creating a diverse culture. However, the entertainment center shifted to other areas during the period of rapid economic growth. Nevertheless, the Yose and Asakusa Engei Halls have kept the cultural lights on and continue to be pillars of tourism and local revitalization. Asakusa Roku-gu is a symbol of Japan's modern entertainment history.
### 浅草六区と大衆文化の変遷（1890年代～1950年代）
### 浅草六区と大衆文化の変遷（1890年代～1950年代）
浅草六区は明治末期から昭和初期にかけて、日本の娯楽文化の中心地として発展しました。特に芝居小屋や映画館、「浅草オペラ」などが庶民の娯楽として人気を博し、藤原義江や榎本健一といったスターが活躍しました。大正時代には映画が「日本のハリウッド」として発展し、昭和初期にはレビューやコメディも加わり多彩な文化が生まれました。しかし、関東大震災や戦争を経て衰退し、高度経済成長期に娯楽の中心は他地域へ移行しました。それでも寄席や浅草演芸ホールは文化の灯を保ち、現在も観光や地域活性化の柱となっています。浅草六区は、日本の近代娯楽史を象徴する存在です。
浅草六区は明治末期から昭和初期にかけて、日本の娯楽文化の中心地として発展しました。特に芝居小屋や映画館、「浅草オペラ」などが庶民の娯楽として人気を博し、藤原義江や榎本健一といったスターが活躍しました。大正時代には映画が「日本のハリウッド」として発展し、昭和初期にはレビューやコメディも加わり多彩な文化が生まれました。しかし、関東大震災や戦争を経て衰退し、高度経済成長期に娯楽の中心は他地域へ移行しました。それでも寄席や浅草演芸ホールは文化の灯を保ち、現在も観光や地域活性化の柱となっています。浅草六区は、日本の近代娯楽史を象徴する存在です。
Sunday, March 30, 2025
History of Beijing's Environmental Pollution Control Plan (From the 1990s to 2024 in Detail)
History of Beijing's Environmental Pollution Control Plan (From the 1990s to 2024 in Detail)
Situation and Measures in the 1990s
In the 1990s| Beijing faced severe air pollution caused by rapid urbanization and industrialization. Coal was the primary energy source| leading to high levels of PM2.5 and SO₂| with winter health hazards becoming a serious issue. In 1996| the "Coal-to-Electricity" project was launched| replacing over 100 coal-fired boilers with natural gas boilers. Additionally| low-emission vehicles were introduced to public transportation to reduce exhaust emissions.
Improvement Plans in the 2000s
The 2008 Beijing Olympics triggered stricter environmental regulations. The transition from coal to natural gas advanced| and major power plants underwent upgrades. During the Olympics| temporary shutdowns of factories led to improved PM2.5 levels| though long-term efforts remained necessary. The electrification of urban transportation accelerated| with the support of Toyota and Volkswagen| promoting eco-car adoption.
Intensified Efforts in the 2010s
In 2013| severe air pollution became a nationwide issue| prompting Beijing to formulate the "Air Pollution Control Action Plan." The decommissioning of coal boilers continued| and the electrification of public transport was further promoted. By 2017| 60% of major bus routes were replaced with electric buses. A target was set to keep the annual PM2.5 concentration below 70µg/m³ to mitigate health risks.
Progress in the 2020s
By 2024| PM2.5 levels decreased to 34µg/m³| achieving an 81% reduction from the previous year. A total of 845|000 electric vehicles were introduced| with 40% of new vehicles being electric. Additionally| 23 fuel-fired boilers were converted to natural gas| enhancing gas treatment capacity by 490 tons. Climate-adaptive urban pilot projects were carried out in Mentougou| Tongzhou| and Yanqing districts| along with efforts to protect urban biodiversity. Beijing aims to reduce PM2.5 levels to below 25µg/m³ by 2035.
Situation and Measures in the 1990s
In the 1990s| Beijing faced severe air pollution caused by rapid urbanization and industrialization. Coal was the primary energy source| leading to high levels of PM2.5 and SO₂| with winter health hazards becoming a serious issue. In 1996| the "Coal-to-Electricity" project was launched| replacing over 100 coal-fired boilers with natural gas boilers. Additionally| low-emission vehicles were introduced to public transportation to reduce exhaust emissions.
Improvement Plans in the 2000s
The 2008 Beijing Olympics triggered stricter environmental regulations. The transition from coal to natural gas advanced| and major power plants underwent upgrades. During the Olympics| temporary shutdowns of factories led to improved PM2.5 levels| though long-term efforts remained necessary. The electrification of urban transportation accelerated| with the support of Toyota and Volkswagen| promoting eco-car adoption.
Intensified Efforts in the 2010s
In 2013| severe air pollution became a nationwide issue| prompting Beijing to formulate the "Air Pollution Control Action Plan." The decommissioning of coal boilers continued| and the electrification of public transport was further promoted. By 2017| 60% of major bus routes were replaced with electric buses. A target was set to keep the annual PM2.5 concentration below 70µg/m³ to mitigate health risks.
Progress in the 2020s
By 2024| PM2.5 levels decreased to 34µg/m³| achieving an 81% reduction from the previous year. A total of 845|000 electric vehicles were introduced| with 40% of new vehicles being electric. Additionally| 23 fuel-fired boilers were converted to natural gas| enhancing gas treatment capacity by 490 tons. Climate-adaptive urban pilot projects were carried out in Mentougou| Tongzhou| and Yanqing districts| along with efforts to protect urban biodiversity. Beijing aims to reduce PM2.5 levels to below 25µg/m³ by 2035.
History of Beijing's Environmental Pollution Control Plan (From the 1990s to 2024 in Detail)
History of Beijing's Environmental Pollution Control Plan (From the 1990s to 2024 in Detail)
Situation and Measures in the 1990s
In the 1990s| Beijing faced severe air pollution caused by rapid urbanization and industrialization. Coal was the primary energy source| leading to high levels of PM2.5 and SO₂| with winter health hazards becoming a serious issue. In 1996| the "Coal-to-Electricity" project was launched| replacing over 100 coal-fired boilers with natural gas boilers. Additionally| low-emission vehicles were introduced to public transportation to reduce exhaust emissions.
Improvement Plans in the 2000s
The 2008 Beijing Olympics triggered stricter environmental regulations. The transition from coal to natural gas advanced| and major power plants underwent upgrades. During the Olympics| temporary shutdowns of factories led to improved PM2.5 levels| though long-term efforts remained necessary. The electrification of urban transportation accelerated| with the support of Toyota and Volkswagen| promoting eco-car adoption.
Intensified Efforts in the 2010s
In 2013| severe air pollution became a nationwide issue| prompting Beijing to formulate the "Air Pollution Control Action Plan." The decommissioning of coal boilers continued| and the electrification of public transport was further promoted. By 2017| 60% of major bus routes were replaced with electric buses. A target was set to keep the annual PM2.5 concentration below 70µg/m³ to mitigate health risks.
Progress in the 2020s
By 2024| PM2.5 levels decreased to 34µg/m³| achieving an 81% reduction from the previous year. A total of 845|000 electric vehicles were introduced| with 40% of new vehicles being electric. Additionally| 23 fuel-fired boilers were converted to natural gas| enhancing gas treatment capacity by 490 tons. Climate-adaptive urban pilot projects were carried out in Mentougou| Tongzhou| and Yanqing districts| along with efforts to protect urban biodiversity. Beijing aims to reduce PM2.5 levels to below 25µg/m³ by 2035.
Situation and Measures in the 1990s
In the 1990s| Beijing faced severe air pollution caused by rapid urbanization and industrialization. Coal was the primary energy source| leading to high levels of PM2.5 and SO₂| with winter health hazards becoming a serious issue. In 1996| the "Coal-to-Electricity" project was launched| replacing over 100 coal-fired boilers with natural gas boilers. Additionally| low-emission vehicles were introduced to public transportation to reduce exhaust emissions.
Improvement Plans in the 2000s
The 2008 Beijing Olympics triggered stricter environmental regulations. The transition from coal to natural gas advanced| and major power plants underwent upgrades. During the Olympics| temporary shutdowns of factories led to improved PM2.5 levels| though long-term efforts remained necessary. The electrification of urban transportation accelerated| with the support of Toyota and Volkswagen| promoting eco-car adoption.
Intensified Efforts in the 2010s
In 2013| severe air pollution became a nationwide issue| prompting Beijing to formulate the "Air Pollution Control Action Plan." The decommissioning of coal boilers continued| and the electrification of public transport was further promoted. By 2017| 60% of major bus routes were replaced with electric buses. A target was set to keep the annual PM2.5 concentration below 70µg/m³ to mitigate health risks.
Progress in the 2020s
By 2024| PM2.5 levels decreased to 34µg/m³| achieving an 81% reduction from the previous year. A total of 845|000 electric vehicles were introduced| with 40% of new vehicles being electric. Additionally| 23 fuel-fired boilers were converted to natural gas| enhancing gas treatment capacity by 490 tons. Climate-adaptive urban pilot projects were carried out in Mentougou| Tongzhou| and Yanqing districts| along with efforts to protect urban biodiversity. Beijing aims to reduce PM2.5 levels to below 25µg/m³ by 2035.
Ginza of Blood: Kobayashi Kai and the Rikidozan Stabbing Incident: Memories from 1963 to 2013
Ginza of Blood: Kobayashi Kai and the Rikidozan Stabbing Incident: Memories from 1963 to 2013
Katsushi Murata (b. 1939 - d. 2013) was a gangster from Tsukiji, Tokyo, who was an executive of the Sumiyoshi-kai affiliated Kobayashi Kai and is known for stabbing professional wrestler Rikidozan in 1963. An argument at an Akasaka nightclub led to the stabbing, and Rikidozan, who was stabbed in the abdomen, returned home once but died on December 15 after suffering septicemia from peritonitis. Murata was sentenced to seven years in prison for manslaughter and continued to be active in the Kobayashi Kai. He was a heavyweight under Kobayashi Kusufu, the president of the Kobayashi Kai, and also served as secretary general and chairman of the board. In his later years, he suffered from diabetes and died at the age of 74. His daughter was Hikaru Shinohara, a female mixed martial artist. In 2022, Shukan Shincho reexamined the incident, and the testimonies of those involved are being transmitted on YouTube.
Katsushi Murata (b. 1939 - d. 2013) was a gangster from Tsukiji, Tokyo, who was an executive of the Sumiyoshi-kai affiliated Kobayashi Kai and is known for stabbing professional wrestler Rikidozan in 1963. An argument at an Akasaka nightclub led to the stabbing, and Rikidozan, who was stabbed in the abdomen, returned home once but died on December 15 after suffering septicemia from peritonitis. Murata was sentenced to seven years in prison for manslaughter and continued to be active in the Kobayashi Kai. He was a heavyweight under Kobayashi Kusufu, the president of the Kobayashi Kai, and also served as secretary general and chairman of the board. In his later years, he suffered from diabetes and died at the age of 74. His daughter was Hikaru Shinohara, a female mixed martial artist. In 2022, Shukan Shincho reexamined the incident, and the testimonies of those involved are being transmitted on YouTube.
血の銀座：小林会と力道山刺傷事件－1963年から2013年の記憶－
血の銀座：小林会と力道山刺傷事件－1963年から2013年の記憶－
村田勝志（1939年生～2013年没）は東京・築地出身の暴力団員で、住吉会系小林会の幹部として活動し、1963年にプロレスラー力道山を刺傷したことで知られる。赤坂のナイトクラブでの口論が発端で、腹部を刺された力道山は一度帰宅したが、腹膜炎から敗血症を起こし、12月15日に死去した。村田は傷害致死罪で懲役7年の刑に服し、その後も小林会で活動を続けた。彼は小林会会長・小林楠扶の配下として、幹事長や理事長も務めた重鎮であった。晩年は糖尿病を患い、74歳で亡くなった。娘は女子総合格闘家・篠原光。事件は銀座で勢力を争っていた東声会と住吉会の対立を背景にしており、山平重樹『力道山を刺した男 村田勝志』ではその詳細が描かれている。2022年には週刊新潮が事件を再検証し、YouTubeでは関係者の証言も発信�
�れている。
村田勝志（1939年生～2013年没）は東京・築地出身の暴力団員で、住吉会系小林会の幹部として活動し、1963年にプロレスラー力道山を刺傷したことで知られる。赤坂のナイトクラブでの口論が発端で、腹部を刺された力道山は一度帰宅したが、腹膜炎から敗血症を起こし、12月15日に死去した。村田は傷害致死罪で懲役7年の刑に服し、その後も小林会で活動を続けた。彼は小林会会長・小林楠扶の配下として、幹事長や理事長も務めた重鎮であった。晩年は糖尿病を患い、74歳で亡くなった。娘は女子総合格闘家・篠原光。事件は銀座で勢力を争っていた東声会と住吉会の対立を背景にしており、山平重樹『力道山を刺した男 村田勝志』ではその詳細が描かれている。2022年には週刊新潮が事件を再検証し、YouTubeでは関係者の証言も発信�
�れている。
Flags of Fire, Silenced Oil Fields Swords of Justice and the Shamoon Raid, August 2012
Flags of Fire, Silenced Oil Fields Swords of Justice and the Shamoon Raid, August 2012
In August 2012, an unprecedented large-scale cyber attack was launched against Saudi Arabia's state-owned oil company, Saudi Aramco. The hacker group that came forward to carry out this attack was named Cutting Sword of Justice. They claimed to have carried out the attack in retaliation for the Saudi government's oppression of the Shiite population and human rights abuses in the Middle East, and their statement was posted on online forums and on Pastebin.
The attack used a destructive malware called Shamoon. Shamoon is very sophisticated in design and consists of three main components. The first is the Dropper, the main body of malware that serves as the starting point for infection. Once inside the system, the Dropper gains administrative privileges and deploys the other two components. The Dropper also uses hard-coded network credentials to spread the infection to other PCs in the local network.
The second component, Wiper, serves the central function of Shamoon. It overwrites files in the infected PC one by one, eventually destroying the Master Boot Record (MBR) and rendering it unbootable. File deletion is performed sector by sector with zero writes and nonsensical pattern insertions that are difficult to recover. The destroyed PCs were crafted to display an image of a burning American flag instead of the normal Windows OS after rebooting. This was staged to visually emphasize the political intent.
The third component, Reporter, is responsible for reporting the progress of the infection and the success or failure of the operation to the attacker's C2 server. Shamoon also includes a timer function that automatically triggers at a specific time, and was designed to launch the attack simultaneously at 11:00 p.m. on August 15, 2012. As a result, approximately 30,000 Saudi Aramco PCs were destroyed simultaneously, and it took several weeks to recover them. The estimated damage was in the hundreds of millions of dollars.
This incident showed the world that a nation's critical infrastructure is extremely vulnerable to cyber attacks, and symbolized the arrival of the era of cyber warfare. While it is not clear whether the Sword of Justice was a real, independent group of hackers or a state-sponsored cover name, many U.S. intelligence officials and experts suspect the involvement of the Iranian government, particularly the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps.
Against this background, there are many other state-sponsored hacker groups in Iran. APT33 (Elfin), for example, is known for its espionage activities against the aerospace and energy industries; APT34 (Oil Rig) targets financial institutions and government organizations, using custom malware to steal sensitive information; APT35 (Charming Kitten) uses social networking and fake APT35 (Charming Kitten) uses social networking and fake news sites to launch targeted attacks against human rights activists, academics, diplomats, and others. TortoiseShell (TortoiseShell) uses malware on recruiting websites to lure targets, while StaticKitung (FoxKitung) exploits vulnerabilities in VPNs and security equipment to infiltrate internal networks.
What these activities have in common is that they are not limited to mere information gathering, but have political and strategic objectives that are directly related to the offensive and defense between nations in cyberspace. The emergence of destructive malware such as Shamoon demonstrates that cyber attacks are no longer just about causing temporary disruption, but are now used as a weapon to inflict serious damage to a nation's economy and security. Shamoon has since been improved upon and new versions such as Shamoon 2 (2016) and Shamoon 3 (2018) have been discovered and continue to pose a serious threat to infrastructure in the Middle East region.
In August 2012, an unprecedented large-scale cyber attack was launched against Saudi Arabia's state-owned oil company, Saudi Aramco. The hacker group that came forward to carry out this attack was named Cutting Sword of Justice. They claimed to have carried out the attack in retaliation for the Saudi government's oppression of the Shiite population and human rights abuses in the Middle East, and their statement was posted on online forums and on Pastebin.
The attack used a destructive malware called Shamoon. Shamoon is very sophisticated in design and consists of three main components. The first is the Dropper, the main body of malware that serves as the starting point for infection. Once inside the system, the Dropper gains administrative privileges and deploys the other two components. The Dropper also uses hard-coded network credentials to spread the infection to other PCs in the local network.
The second component, Wiper, serves the central function of Shamoon. It overwrites files in the infected PC one by one, eventually destroying the Master Boot Record (MBR) and rendering it unbootable. File deletion is performed sector by sector with zero writes and nonsensical pattern insertions that are difficult to recover. The destroyed PCs were crafted to display an image of a burning American flag instead of the normal Windows OS after rebooting. This was staged to visually emphasize the political intent.
The third component, Reporter, is responsible for reporting the progress of the infection and the success or failure of the operation to the attacker's C2 server. Shamoon also includes a timer function that automatically triggers at a specific time, and was designed to launch the attack simultaneously at 11:00 p.m. on August 15, 2012. As a result, approximately 30,000 Saudi Aramco PCs were destroyed simultaneously, and it took several weeks to recover them. The estimated damage was in the hundreds of millions of dollars.
This incident showed the world that a nation's critical infrastructure is extremely vulnerable to cyber attacks, and symbolized the arrival of the era of cyber warfare. While it is not clear whether the Sword of Justice was a real, independent group of hackers or a state-sponsored cover name, many U.S. intelligence officials and experts suspect the involvement of the Iranian government, particularly the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps.
Against this background, there are many other state-sponsored hacker groups in Iran. APT33 (Elfin), for example, is known for its espionage activities against the aerospace and energy industries; APT34 (Oil Rig) targets financial institutions and government organizations, using custom malware to steal sensitive information; APT35 (Charming Kitten) uses social networking and fake APT35 (Charming Kitten) uses social networking and fake news sites to launch targeted attacks against human rights activists, academics, diplomats, and others. TortoiseShell (TortoiseShell) uses malware on recruiting websites to lure targets, while StaticKitung (FoxKitung) exploits vulnerabilities in VPNs and security equipment to infiltrate internal networks.
What these activities have in common is that they are not limited to mere information gathering, but have political and strategic objectives that are directly related to the offensive and defense between nations in cyberspace. The emergence of destructive malware such as Shamoon demonstrates that cyber attacks are no longer just about causing temporary disruption, but are now used as a weapon to inflict serious damage to a nation's economy and security. Shamoon has since been improved upon and new versions such as Shamoon 2 (2016) and Shamoon 3 (2018) have been discovered and continue to pose a serious threat to infrastructure in the Middle East region.
炎の旗、沈黙する油田 正義の剣とシャムーンの襲撃 2012年8月
炎の旗、沈黙する油田 正義の剣とシャムーンの襲撃 2012年8月
2012年8月、サウジアラビアの国営石油企業サウジアラムコに対して、過去に例を見ない大規模なサイバー攻撃が行われました。この攻撃を実行したと名乗り出たのが、「正義の剣（Cutting Sword of Justice）」という名のハッカー集団です。彼らは、サウジアラビア政府によるシーア派住民への抑圧や、中東地域における人権侵害に対する報復として攻撃を行ったと主張し、その声明はオンライン掲示板やPastebin上に掲載されました。
この攻撃には、シャムーン（Shamoon）と呼ばれる破壊型のマルウェアが使用されました。シャムーンは非常に高度に設計されており、3つの主要なコンポーネントで構成されています。第一はドロッパー（Dropper）で、感染の起点となるマルウェア本体です。ドロッパーはシステム内に入り込むと、管理者権限を取得し、他の二つのコンポーネントを展開します。また、ドロッパーはハードコードされたネットワーク認証情報を使って、ローカルネットワーク内の他のPCにも感染を広げていきます。
第二のコンポーネントであるワイパー（Wiper）は、シャムーンの中心的な機能を果たします。これは感染PC内のファイルを一つずつ上書きし、最終的にはマスターブートレコード（MBR）を破壊して再起動不能にします。ファイルの削除は、セクタ単位でゼロ書き込みや無意味なパターンの挿入を行い、復元が困難な形で実行されます。破壊されたPCは再起動後に、通常のWindows OSではなく、燃えるアメリカ国旗の画像を表示させられるよう細工されていました。これは、政治的意図を視覚的に強調するための演出です。
第三のコンポーネントであるレポーター（Reporter）は、感染の進行状況や操作の成否などを攻撃者のC2サーバーに報告する機能を担っています。シャムーンにはまた、特定の時刻に自動的に発動するタイマー機能が搭載されており、2012年8月15日午後11時に一斉に攻撃が発動されるように設計されていました。これにより、約3万台のサウジアラムコ社内のPCが同時に破壊され、復旧には数週間を要しました。推定される被害額は、数億ドル規模にのぼるとされています。
この事件は、国家の重要インフラがサイバー攻撃に対して極めて脆弱であることを世界に知らしめ、サイバー戦争時代の到来を象徴する事件となりました。正義の剣が実在の独立したハッカー集団なのか、それとも国家の支援を受けた偽装名義だったのかは明らかではありませんが、米国の情報当局や専門家の多くは、イラン政府、特にイラン革命防衛隊の関与を疑っています。
このような背景から、イランには他にも多くの国家支援型ハッカー集団が存在しています。たとえばAPT33（エルフィン）は、航空宇宙やエネルギー産業に対する諜報活動で知られており、APT34（オイルリグ）は金融機関や政府組織をターゲットに、カスタムマルウェアを用いて機密情報を窃取しています。APT35（チャーミングキトゥン）は、SNSや偽装ニュースサイトを使い、人権活動家や学者、外交官などへの標的型攻撃を仕掛けています。トータスシェルは採用サイトにマルウェアを仕込んで標的を誘導し、スタティックキトゥン（フォックスキトゥン）はVPNやセキュリティ機器の脆弱性を突いて内部ネットワークへ侵入するなど、さまざまな手法を駆使しています。
これらの活動に共通しているのは、単なる情報収集にとどまらず、政治的かつ戦略的な目的を持ち、サイバー空間を舞台とした国家間の攻防に直結している点です。シャムーンのような破壊型マルウェアの登場は、もはやサイバー攻撃が一時的な混乱を引き起こすだけではなく、国家の経済や安全保障に深刻なダメージを与える兵器として用いられている現実を示しています。シャムーンはその後も改良を重ね、シャムーン2（2016年）、シャムーン3（2018年）といった新バージョンが発見され、依然として中東地域のインフラに対する深刻な脅威となり続けています。
2012年8月、サウジアラビアの国営石油企業サウジアラムコに対して、過去に例を見ない大規模なサイバー攻撃が行われました。この攻撃を実行したと名乗り出たのが、「正義の剣（Cutting Sword of Justice）」という名のハッカー集団です。彼らは、サウジアラビア政府によるシーア派住民への抑圧や、中東地域における人権侵害に対する報復として攻撃を行ったと主張し、その声明はオンライン掲示板やPastebin上に掲載されました。
この攻撃には、シャムーン（Shamoon）と呼ばれる破壊型のマルウェアが使用されました。シャムーンは非常に高度に設計されており、3つの主要なコンポーネントで構成されています。第一はドロッパー（Dropper）で、感染の起点となるマルウェア本体です。ドロッパーはシステム内に入り込むと、管理者権限を取得し、他の二つのコンポーネントを展開します。また、ドロッパーはハードコードされたネットワーク認証情報を使って、ローカルネットワーク内の他のPCにも感染を広げていきます。
第二のコンポーネントであるワイパー（Wiper）は、シャムーンの中心的な機能を果たします。これは感染PC内のファイルを一つずつ上書きし、最終的にはマスターブートレコード（MBR）を破壊して再起動不能にします。ファイルの削除は、セクタ単位でゼロ書き込みや無意味なパターンの挿入を行い、復元が困難な形で実行されます。破壊されたPCは再起動後に、通常のWindows OSではなく、燃えるアメリカ国旗の画像を表示させられるよう細工されていました。これは、政治的意図を視覚的に強調するための演出です。
第三のコンポーネントであるレポーター（Reporter）は、感染の進行状況や操作の成否などを攻撃者のC2サーバーに報告する機能を担っています。シャムーンにはまた、特定の時刻に自動的に発動するタイマー機能が搭載されており、2012年8月15日午後11時に一斉に攻撃が発動されるように設計されていました。これにより、約3万台のサウジアラムコ社内のPCが同時に破壊され、復旧には数週間を要しました。推定される被害額は、数億ドル規模にのぼるとされています。
この事件は、国家の重要インフラがサイバー攻撃に対して極めて脆弱であることを世界に知らしめ、サイバー戦争時代の到来を象徴する事件となりました。正義の剣が実在の独立したハッカー集団なのか、それとも国家の支援を受けた偽装名義だったのかは明らかではありませんが、米国の情報当局や専門家の多くは、イラン政府、特にイラン革命防衛隊の関与を疑っています。
このような背景から、イランには他にも多くの国家支援型ハッカー集団が存在しています。たとえばAPT33（エルフィン）は、航空宇宙やエネルギー産業に対する諜報活動で知られており、APT34（オイルリグ）は金融機関や政府組織をターゲットに、カスタムマルウェアを用いて機密情報を窃取しています。APT35（チャーミングキトゥン）は、SNSや偽装ニュースサイトを使い、人権活動家や学者、外交官などへの標的型攻撃を仕掛けています。トータスシェルは採用サイトにマルウェアを仕込んで標的を誘導し、スタティックキトゥン（フォックスキトゥン）はVPNやセキュリティ機器の脆弱性を突いて内部ネットワークへ侵入するなど、さまざまな手法を駆使しています。
これらの活動に共通しているのは、単なる情報収集にとどまらず、政治的かつ戦略的な目的を持ち、サイバー空間を舞台とした国家間の攻防に直結している点です。シャムーンのような破壊型マルウェアの登場は、もはやサイバー攻撃が一時的な混乱を引き起こすだけではなく、国家の経済や安全保障に深刻なダメージを与える兵器として用いられている現実を示しています。シャムーンはその後も改良を重ね、シャムーン2（2016年）、シャムーン3（2018年）といった新バージョンが発見され、依然として中東地域のインフラに対する深刻な脅威となり続けています。
Ginza of Blood: Kobayashi Kai and the Rikidozan Stabbing Incident -Memories from 1963 to 2013-.
Ginza of Blood: Kobayashi Kai and the Rikidozan Stabbing Incident -Memories from 1963 to 2013-.
Katsushi Murata (April 1, 1939 - April 9, 2013) was a legendary gangster who made his mark on the Showa-era underworld. Born and raised in Tsukiji, Tokyo, he was steeped in delinquency at a young age and joined the Sumiyoshi-kai affiliated Kobayashi Kai. He was known as "Razor Murata" for his temperament and prowess, and eventually rose to important positions such as secretary general and chairman of the board of directors. The period surrounding him was one of rapid economic growth, when the struggle for power among gangsters was intensifying, and in particular, the war over Ginza shook the power map of Tokyo's underworld.
The leader of the Kobayashi Kai at that time was Kusufu Kobayashi. In the 1960s, the Sumiyoshikai-affiliated Kobayashi Kai was at odds with the Toseikai (now Toakai), which was growing in power in the Ginza area, and the two groups were in a state of tension.
On December 8, 1963, an argument broke out between Murata and professional wrestler Rikidozan at the New Latin Quarter nightclub in Akasaka. Rikidozan was a close friend of the Toseikai, and it is said that this background sparked the confrontation with Murata. After an argument, Murata took out a knife and stabbed Rikidozan in the abdomen. Immediately after the incident, Rikidozan temporarily returned home, but developed peritonitis, and his condition worsened after hospitalization. On December 15, one week after the stab wound, he died of septicemia. The cause of death was clearly attributed to the stab wound, which shocked the whole country.
Murata was charged with manslaughter and sentenced to seven years in prison. After his release from prison, he once again continued his activities with the Sumiyoshikai organization, but despite his former stormy success, he suffered from diabetes in his later years and passed away on April 9, 2013, at the age of 74. His daughter, Hikaru Shinohara, who inherited his blood, will take on a new life in the ring as a female mixed martial artist.
What emerges from the story of one man, Katsushi Murata, is a section of Japan's postwar history that shows the intersection of gangsters, entertainment, sports, and society. The author Shigeki Yamadaira's critical biography "Katsushi Murata, the Man Who Stabbed Rikidozan" (Tokuma Shoten, 2023) painstakingly depicts the shadows of this story. The book clearly describes the truth behind the Rikidozan incident, the dark struggle over Ginza, and even the real image of the Kobayashi Kai organization. In December 2022, a retrospective article by "Shukan Shincho" (Daily Shincho) was published, reevaluating the incident and bringing out the testimonies of those involved at the time.
In addition, testimonies and video evidence of Katsushi Murata are now available on YouTube, and what was once a legend is once again being shared with society in the form of video footage. These records accurately record the past, which is often dismissed as a mere incident of violence, in the lives and deaths of individuals and in the fraying of the times.
Related Information
Shigeki Yamahira, "The Man Who Stabbed Rikidozan: Murata Katsushi" (Tokuma Shoten, 2023)
Wikipedia, "Katsushi Murata."
Daily Shincho (December 15, 2022) "The Truth of the Rikidozan Stabbing Incident"
Livedoor Blog, "Ninkyo Jidai Kenkyu: Kobayashi Kai" (Japanese only)
YouTube "Interview with Katsushi Murata Oyakata, 'The Legendary Yakuza Who Stabbed Rikidozan"
Katsushi Murata (April 1, 1939 - April 9, 2013) was a legendary gangster who made his mark on the Showa-era underworld. Born and raised in Tsukiji, Tokyo, he was steeped in delinquency at a young age and joined the Sumiyoshi-kai affiliated Kobayashi Kai. He was known as "Razor Murata" for his temperament and prowess, and eventually rose to important positions such as secretary general and chairman of the board of directors. The period surrounding him was one of rapid economic growth, when the struggle for power among gangsters was intensifying, and in particular, the war over Ginza shook the power map of Tokyo's underworld.
The leader of the Kobayashi Kai at that time was Kusufu Kobayashi. In the 1960s, the Sumiyoshikai-affiliated Kobayashi Kai was at odds with the Toseikai (now Toakai), which was growing in power in the Ginza area, and the two groups were in a state of tension.
On December 8, 1963, an argument broke out between Murata and professional wrestler Rikidozan at the New Latin Quarter nightclub in Akasaka. Rikidozan was a close friend of the Toseikai, and it is said that this background sparked the confrontation with Murata. After an argument, Murata took out a knife and stabbed Rikidozan in the abdomen. Immediately after the incident, Rikidozan temporarily returned home, but developed peritonitis, and his condition worsened after hospitalization. On December 15, one week after the stab wound, he died of septicemia. The cause of death was clearly attributed to the stab wound, which shocked the whole country.
Murata was charged with manslaughter and sentenced to seven years in prison. After his release from prison, he once again continued his activities with the Sumiyoshikai organization, but despite his former stormy success, he suffered from diabetes in his later years and passed away on April 9, 2013, at the age of 74. His daughter, Hikaru Shinohara, who inherited his blood, will take on a new life in the ring as a female mixed martial artist.
What emerges from the story of one man, Katsushi Murata, is a section of Japan's postwar history that shows the intersection of gangsters, entertainment, sports, and society. The author Shigeki Yamadaira's critical biography "Katsushi Murata, the Man Who Stabbed Rikidozan" (Tokuma Shoten, 2023) painstakingly depicts the shadows of this story. The book clearly describes the truth behind the Rikidozan incident, the dark struggle over Ginza, and even the real image of the Kobayashi Kai organization. In December 2022, a retrospective article by "Shukan Shincho" (Daily Shincho) was published, reevaluating the incident and bringing out the testimonies of those involved at the time.
In addition, testimonies and video evidence of Katsushi Murata are now available on YouTube, and what was once a legend is once again being shared with society in the form of video footage. These records accurately record the past, which is often dismissed as a mere incident of violence, in the lives and deaths of individuals and in the fraying of the times.
Related Information
Shigeki Yamahira, "The Man Who Stabbed Rikidozan: Murata Katsushi" (Tokuma Shoten, 2023)
Wikipedia, "Katsushi Murata."
Daily Shincho (December 15, 2022) "The Truth of the Rikidozan Stabbing Incident"
Livedoor Blog, "Ninkyo Jidai Kenkyu: Kobayashi Kai" (Japanese only)
YouTube "Interview with Katsushi Murata Oyakata, 'The Legendary Yakuza Who Stabbed Rikidozan"
血の銀座：小林会と力道山刺傷事件 －1963年から2013年の記憶－
血の銀座：小林会と力道山刺傷事件 －1963年から2013年の記憶－
村田勝志（むらた かつし、1939年4月1日〜2013年4月9日）は、昭和の裏社会にその名を刻んだ伝説的な暴力団員である。東京・築地で生まれ育ち、若くして非行に染まり、住吉会系の小林会に加入。「カミソリ村田」と呼ばれたほどの気性と腕っぷしで、やがて幹事長や理事長といった要職にまで上り詰めた。彼を取り巻く時代は、暴力団同士の勢力争いが激しさを増す高度経済成長の只中であり、特に銀座をめぐる抗争は東京の裏の権力地図を揺るがすものだった。
当時の小林会を率いていたのが、小林楠扶（こばやし くすお）である。住吉会の重鎮として知られ、配下の村田もまた、その忠実な幹部として働いていた。1960年代当時、住吉会系の小林会は、銀座界隈を拠点に勢力を伸ばしていた東声会（現・東亜会）と対立関係にあり、両者は一触即発の緊張状態にあった。
1963年12月8日、赤坂のナイトクラブ「ニューラテンクォーター」において、村田とプロレスラー・力道山との間で口論が発生する。力道山は東声会と親交が深く、その背景が村田との対立に火をつけたとされている。口論の末、村田はナイフを取り出し、力道山の腹部を刺傷した。事件直後、力道山は一旦自宅に戻ったが、腹膜炎を発症し、入院後も症状は悪化。刺傷から1週間後の12月15日、敗血症により死去するに至った。死因は明確に刺傷に起因するものであり、日本中に衝撃を与えた。
村田はこの事件により傷害致死罪で起訴され、懲役7年の刑を受けて服役する。出所後は再び住吉会系の組織で活動を続けたが、かつての暴風のような活躍とは裏腹に、晩年は糖尿病に苦しめられ、2013年4月9日、74歳でこの世を去った。彼の血を受け継いだ娘・篠原光は、女子総合格闘家として新たなリングでの人生を歩むことになる。
村田勝志という一人の男を軸に浮かび上がるのは、暴力団と芸能、スポーツ、社会の接点という日本戦後史の一断面である。その陰影を丹念に描いたのが、作家・山平重樹による評伝『力道山を刺した男 村田勝志』（徳間書店、2023年）である。力道山事件の真相、銀座をめぐる暗闘、そして小林会という組織の実像までもが克明に描かれている。また、2022年12月には『週刊新潮』（デイリー新潮）による回顧記事が発表され、事件の再評価とともに当時の関係者の証言が世に出された。
さらにYouTube上では、村田勝志に関する証言や証拠映像が公開されており、伝説として語られていた事実が、映像というかたちで再び社会に共有され始めている。こうした記録は、ただの暴力事件として片付けられがちな過去を、個人の生と死、時代の軋みの中に正確に刻みつけるものである。
【関連情報】
山平重樹『力道山を刺した男 村田勝志』（徳間書店、2023年）
Wikipedia「村田勝志」
デイリー新潮（2022年12月15日）「力道山刺傷事件の真相」
ライブドアブログ「任侠時代考察：小林会」
YouTube「村田勝志親分インタビュー『力道山を刺した伝説のヤクザ』」
村田勝志（むらた かつし、1939年4月1日〜2013年4月9日）は、昭和の裏社会にその名を刻んだ伝説的な暴力団員である。東京・築地で生まれ育ち、若くして非行に染まり、住吉会系の小林会に加入。「カミソリ村田」と呼ばれたほどの気性と腕っぷしで、やがて幹事長や理事長といった要職にまで上り詰めた。彼を取り巻く時代は、暴力団同士の勢力争いが激しさを増す高度経済成長の只中であり、特に銀座をめぐる抗争は東京の裏の権力地図を揺るがすものだった。
当時の小林会を率いていたのが、小林楠扶（こばやし くすお）である。住吉会の重鎮として知られ、配下の村田もまた、その忠実な幹部として働いていた。1960年代当時、住吉会系の小林会は、銀座界隈を拠点に勢力を伸ばしていた東声会（現・東亜会）と対立関係にあり、両者は一触即発の緊張状態にあった。
1963年12月8日、赤坂のナイトクラブ「ニューラテンクォーター」において、村田とプロレスラー・力道山との間で口論が発生する。力道山は東声会と親交が深く、その背景が村田との対立に火をつけたとされている。口論の末、村田はナイフを取り出し、力道山の腹部を刺傷した。事件直後、力道山は一旦自宅に戻ったが、腹膜炎を発症し、入院後も症状は悪化。刺傷から1週間後の12月15日、敗血症により死去するに至った。死因は明確に刺傷に起因するものであり、日本中に衝撃を与えた。
村田はこの事件により傷害致死罪で起訴され、懲役7年の刑を受けて服役する。出所後は再び住吉会系の組織で活動を続けたが、かつての暴風のような活躍とは裏腹に、晩年は糖尿病に苦しめられ、2013年4月9日、74歳でこの世を去った。彼の血を受け継いだ娘・篠原光は、女子総合格闘家として新たなリングでの人生を歩むことになる。
村田勝志という一人の男を軸に浮かび上がるのは、暴力団と芸能、スポーツ、社会の接点という日本戦後史の一断面である。その陰影を丹念に描いたのが、作家・山平重樹による評伝『力道山を刺した男 村田勝志』（徳間書店、2023年）である。力道山事件の真相、銀座をめぐる暗闘、そして小林会という組織の実像までもが克明に描かれている。また、2022年12月には『週刊新潮』（デイリー新潮）による回顧記事が発表され、事件の再評価とともに当時の関係者の証言が世に出された。
さらにYouTube上では、村田勝志に関する証言や証拠映像が公開されており、伝説として語られていた事実が、映像というかたちで再び社会に共有され始めている。こうした記録は、ただの暴力事件として片付けられがちな過去を、個人の生と死、時代の軋みの中に正確に刻みつけるものである。
【関連情報】
山平重樹『力道山を刺した男 村田勝志』（徳間書店、2023年）
Wikipedia「村田勝志」
デイリー新潮（2022年12月15日）「力道山刺傷事件の真相」
ライブドアブログ「任侠時代考察：小林会」
YouTube「村田勝志親分インタビュー『力道山を刺した伝説のヤクザ』」
Illegal dumping of waste tires in Yubari, Hokkaido - October 2001
Illegal dumping of waste tires in Yubari, Hokkaido - October 2001
In October 2001, approximately 5,400 waste tires, weighing more than 150 tons in total, were found illegally dumped near the Horonan Dam in Yubari, Hokkaido. The illegal dumping was attributed to a local contractor's attempt to avoid disposal costs, and concerns were raised about the risk of infectious diseases and the generation of toxic gases. The municipality invested approximately 12 million yen to remove the tires, utilizing a subsidy from the Ministry of the Environment. After the incident, the promotion of waste tire recycling and the strengthening of laws and regulations were promoted. This incident served as an opportunity to demonstrate the importance of waste management throughout Japan.
In October 2001, approximately 5,400 waste tires, weighing more than 150 tons in total, were found illegally dumped near the Horonan Dam in Yubari, Hokkaido. The illegal dumping was attributed to a local contractor's attempt to avoid disposal costs, and concerns were raised about the risk of infectious diseases and the generation of toxic gases. The municipality invested approximately 12 million yen to remove the tires, utilizing a subsidy from the Ministry of the Environment. After the incident, the promotion of waste tire recycling and the strengthening of laws and regulations were promoted. This incident served as an opportunity to demonstrate the importance of waste management throughout Japan.
北海道夕張市の廃タイヤ不法投棄事件 - 2001年10月
北海道夕張市の廃タイヤ不法投棄事件 - 2001年10月
2001年10月、北海道夕張市幌南ダム付近で約5400本、総重量150トン以上の廃タイヤが不法投棄されているのが発見されました。処理費用回避を目的とした地元業者の違法行為が原因で、感染症リスクや有毒ガス発生の懸念が指摘されました。自治体は環境省補助金を活用し、約1200万円を投じて撤去作業を実施。事件後、廃タイヤリサイクルの促進と法規制の強化が進められました。この事件は廃棄物管理の重要性を全国に示す契機となりました。
2001年10月、北海道夕張市幌南ダム付近で約5400本、総重量150トン以上の廃タイヤが不法投棄されているのが発見されました。処理費用回避を目的とした地元業者の違法行為が原因で、感染症リスクや有毒ガス発生の懸念が指摘されました。自治体は環境省補助金を活用し、約1200万円を投じて撤去作業を実施。事件後、廃タイヤリサイクルの促進と法規制の強化が進められました。この事件は廃棄物管理の重要性を全国に示す契機となりました。
Illegal Dumping of Industrial Waste on the Aomori/Iwate Border
Illegal Dumping of Industrial Waste on the Aomori/Iwate Border
The illegal dumping of industrial waste at the border between Shichinohe Town, Aomori Prefecture and Ichinohe Town, Iwate Prefecture, totaling 876,000 cubic meters, is one of the largest incidents in Japan. 1,150,000 tons were dumped on the Aomori Prefecture side and 350,000 tons on the Iwate Prefecture side, including construction waste materials and sludge. The project cost 92.2 billion yen, with Aomori Prefecture bearing 41.4 billion yen, Iwate Prefecture 22.1 billion yen, and the government providing approximately 60% of the support. removal and soil remediation will be completed in 2023, and land use and measures to prevent recurrence are issues to be addressed. This case serves as a lesson in the importance of industrial waste management.
The illegal dumping of industrial waste at the border between Shichinohe Town, Aomori Prefecture and Ichinohe Town, Iwate Prefecture, totaling 876,000 cubic meters, is one of the largest incidents in Japan. 1,150,000 tons were dumped on the Aomori Prefecture side and 350,000 tons on the Iwate Prefecture side, including construction waste materials and sludge. The project cost 92.2 billion yen, with Aomori Prefecture bearing 41.4 billion yen, Iwate Prefecture 22.1 billion yen, and the government providing approximately 60% of the support. removal and soil remediation will be completed in 2023, and land use and measures to prevent recurrence are issues to be addressed. This case serves as a lesson in the importance of industrial waste management.
青森県・岩手県境の産業廃棄物不法投棄問題
青森県・岩手県境の産業廃棄物不法投棄問題
青森県七戸町と岩手県一戸町の県境で発生した産業廃棄物の不法投棄問題は、総量876000立方メートルに及ぶ国内最大規模の事件です。115万トンが青森県側、35万トンが岩手県側に投棄され、建設廃材や汚泥が含まれました。2004年に環境省が原状回復計画を承認し、総事業費922億円で、青森県414億円、岩手県221億円を負担、国が約6割を支援しました。2023年には撤去と土壌浄化が完了し、土地利用や再発防止策が課題とされています。この事例は産業廃棄物管理の重要性を示す教訓となっています。
青森県七戸町と岩手県一戸町の県境で発生した産業廃棄物の不法投棄問題は、総量876000立方メートルに及ぶ国内最大規模の事件です。115万トンが青森県側、35万トンが岩手県側に投棄され、建設廃材や汚泥が含まれました。2004年に環境省が原状回復計画を承認し、総事業費922億円で、青森県414億円、岩手県221億円を負担、国が約6割を支援しました。2023年には撤去と土壌浄化が完了し、土地利用や再発防止策が課題とされています。この事例は産業廃棄物管理の重要性を示す教訓となっています。
A City in Shadow: Nakagawa Inosaburo and Juso's Showa Backstory (1945-1984)
A City in Shadow: Nakagawa Inosaburo and Juso's Showa Backstory (1945-1984)
Nakagawa Inosaburo was an exporter who built up his power in Juso, Osaka in the late Showa period and is known as the leader of the "Nakagawa-gumi," a direct member of the third Yamaguchigumi clan. Juso was a disorderly town with a mixture of entertainment areas and black markets as it recovered from the war. Nakagawa built a base to support the Yamaguchigumi's advance into northern Osaka while organizing the local gangs. In particular, he formed a close relationship with Yukio Jido, a young martial arts leader, and played an important role in absorbing the Yanagawa clan, which later became the key to Yamaguchigumi's nationwide expansion.
In the "Meiyukai Incident" in 1960, Nakagawa was assaulted by Meiyukai executives at a club in Minami, which triggered a full-scale Yamaguchigumi war. Nakagawa was part of the retaliatory force and stood at the front line of the war throughout Osaka. As a result, Meiyukai was destroyed and Yamaguchigumi established its control over Osaka, but Nakagawa himself was arrested and indicted along with other executives.
He was also involved in the "Toa Doyukai," a plan by fixer Eijio Kodama to unify all exposures in Japan. As a "bulwark of anti-communism" during the Cold War, Nakagawa was a representative of the Kansai region as it joined forces with political and right-wing forces in the expo community. His life tells the story of the depths of the Showa period, when the underworld and the state intersected.
Nakagawa Inosaburo was an exporter who built up his power in Juso, Osaka in the late Showa period and is known as the leader of the "Nakagawa-gumi," a direct member of the third Yamaguchigumi clan. Juso was a disorderly town with a mixture of entertainment areas and black markets as it recovered from the war. Nakagawa built a base to support the Yamaguchigumi's advance into northern Osaka while organizing the local gangs. In particular, he formed a close relationship with Yukio Jido, a young martial arts leader, and played an important role in absorbing the Yanagawa clan, which later became the key to Yamaguchigumi's nationwide expansion.
In the "Meiyukai Incident" in 1960, Nakagawa was assaulted by Meiyukai executives at a club in Minami, which triggered a full-scale Yamaguchigumi war. Nakagawa was part of the retaliatory force and stood at the front line of the war throughout Osaka. As a result, Meiyukai was destroyed and Yamaguchigumi established its control over Osaka, but Nakagawa himself was arrested and indicted along with other executives.
He was also involved in the "Toa Doyukai," a plan by fixer Eijio Kodama to unify all exposures in Japan. As a "bulwark of anti-communism" during the Cold War, Nakagawa was a representative of the Kansai region as it joined forces with political and right-wing forces in the expo community. His life tells the story of the depths of the Showa period, when the underworld and the state intersected.
影を纏いし街：中川猪三郎と十三の昭和裏面史（1945〜1984）
影を纏いし街：中川猪三郎と十三の昭和裏面史（1945〜1984）
中川猪三郎は昭和戦後期、大阪・十三を拠点に勢力を築いた博徒であり、三代目山口組直参「中川組」の組長として知られる。十三は戦災からの復興とともに盛り場・闇市が混在する無秩序の街であり、中川は地元愚連隊を取りまとめながら、山口組の大阪北部進出を支える拠点を築いた。特に武闘派若頭・地道行雄と密接な関係を結び、のちに山口組の全国展開の鍵となる柳川組の吸収にも重要な役割を果たした。
1960年に起きた「明友会事件」では、ミナミのクラブで中川が明友会幹部から暴行を受けたことが発端となり、山口組が全面抗争に突入。中川は報復部隊の一翼を担い、大阪全域での抗争の前線に立った。結果的に明友会は壊滅し、山口組は大阪支配を確立するが、中川自身も他幹部とともに逮捕・起訴された。
さらに彼は、フィクサー児玉誉士夫による全国博徒一本化構想「東亜同友会」にも関与。冷戦下における「反共の防波堤」として、博徒社会が政界・右翼勢力と手を結ぶ中、中川は関西の代表的存在としてその潮流に身を置いた。彼の生涯は、裏社会と国家の思惑が交錯した昭和という時代の深層を物語っている。
中川猪三郎は昭和戦後期、大阪・十三を拠点に勢力を築いた博徒であり、三代目山口組直参「中川組」の組長として知られる。十三は戦災からの復興とともに盛り場・闇市が混在する無秩序の街であり、中川は地元愚連隊を取りまとめながら、山口組の大阪北部進出を支える拠点を築いた。特に武闘派若頭・地道行雄と密接な関係を結び、のちに山口組の全国展開の鍵となる柳川組の吸収にも重要な役割を果たした。
1960年に起きた「明友会事件」では、ミナミのクラブで中川が明友会幹部から暴行を受けたことが発端となり、山口組が全面抗争に突入。中川は報復部隊の一翼を担い、大阪全域での抗争の前線に立った。結果的に明友会は壊滅し、山口組は大阪支配を確立するが、中川自身も他幹部とともに逮捕・起訴された。
さらに彼は、フィクサー児玉誉士夫による全国博徒一本化構想「東亜同友会」にも関与。冷戦下における「反共の防波堤」として、博徒社会が政界・右翼勢力と手を結ぶ中、中川は関西の代表的存在としてその潮流に身を置いた。彼の生涯は、裏社会と国家の思惑が交錯した昭和という時代の深層を物語っている。
The Shadow that Bloomed in Jusan: Nakagawa Inosaburo and the Intersection of the Showa Underworld (1945-1984)
The Shadow that Bloomed in Jusan: Nakagawa Inosaburo and the Intersection of the Showa Underworld (1945-1984)
Nakagawa Isaburo was an exporter based in Juso, Osaka in the late Showa period and is known as the leader of the "Nakagawa-gumi," a direct leader of the Yamaguchigumi III. Juso was an area where a thriving and black market was formed in the postwar confusion, and Nakagawa built a bridgehead for Yamaguchigumi's entry into northern Osaka by organizing local gangsters and war-displaced vagrants. He joined the Yamaguchigumi as a protege of the third boss, Kazuo Taoka, and was a powerful figure who took control of the territory in Osaka while coordinating with the local organization.
What is particularly noteworthy is his strong collaboration with Yukio Jido, a young Yamaguchigumi leader who was renowned as a martial artist. At the order of Jido, Nakagawa built a bridge with the Yanagawa clan led by Jiro Yanagawa, which had emerged in the "Kita" area of Osaka, and absorbed it. This entry of the Yanagawa clan into the Yamaguchigumi was a milestone in the later nationwide expansion of the Yamaguchigumi, and a landmark case in the expansion of the Yamaguchigumi organization. Nakagawa is said to have been in charge of the negotiations and coordination, and was a trusted advisor to Jidou.
In the "Myoyukai Incident" of 1960, a large-scale war broke out between Yamaguchigumi and Myoyukai, a Korean-affiliated group in Japan. The conflict began when Inosaburo Nakagawa was assaulted by Meiyukai officials at a club in Osaka's Minami district, and Yamaguchigumi immediately retaliated. With Yukio Jido as the general commander, the various Yamaguchigumi affiliated groups launched an operation to clean up the Meiyukai in Osaka City. The Nakagawa-gumi joined the operation headquarters established in Juso and played a central role in the actual battle force. The war lasted about half a month, and the Meiyukai was finally destroyed. The Yamaguchigumi consolidated its long-sought expansion into Osaka, but at the cost of more than 100 people, including Nakagawa, being arrested and indicted.
During this period, "anti-communism" was emphasized as a national policy in Japan under the influence of the Cold War structure. The ruling party and right-wing forces were trying to use the power of the underworld to oppose communism. Inosaburo Nakagawa is believed to have been a member of this movement. In particular, in the "Toa Doyukai" concept proposed by fixer Eijio Kodama, Kazuo Taoka of the Yamaguchigumi and Hisayuki Machii (Toseikai) of the Kanto Inagawa-kai announced their participation, aiming to unite all the expo organizations in Japan as a bulwark against the anti-communist movement. Nakagawa's presence was also noted as an important figure on the Kansai side of this plan. In fact, Machii and Taoka exchanged brotherly drinking cups, which led to the deepening of cooperation between the Kanto and Kansai expositories.
Inosaburo Nakagawa retired in the 1980s, but the late Showa period in which he was active was a time when Hakka society and politics/ideology were deeply intertwined. As a key figure in the Yamaguchigumi's expansion strategy, Nakagawa was not just a gang leader, but also a player in the political and ideological axis of conflict. His life embodies the chaos and order of postwar Japan, and the intersection of surface society and underworld.
Related information (references):
- MIZOGUCHI Atsushi, "Yamaguchigumi Document: Blood and War" Sanichi Shobo, 1985
- Eiji Oshita, "Shuryo Showa Yami no Ruler," Yamato Shobo, 2006
- Shigeki Yamahira, "The man called Kissinger of Yamaguchigumi, Akira Kurosawa" Tokuma Shoten, 2024
- Wikipedia "Meiyukai Incident", "Kodama Eishio", "Jido Yukio", "Toseikai", "Yamaguchigumi" each section
- goo blog "Kanto/Kansai Yakuza War History
- Bunshun Online "Showa War Incidents that Spilled Blood in Juso, Osaka
Nakagawa Isaburo was an exporter based in Juso, Osaka in the late Showa period and is known as the leader of the "Nakagawa-gumi," a direct leader of the Yamaguchigumi III. Juso was an area where a thriving and black market was formed in the postwar confusion, and Nakagawa built a bridgehead for Yamaguchigumi's entry into northern Osaka by organizing local gangsters and war-displaced vagrants. He joined the Yamaguchigumi as a protege of the third boss, Kazuo Taoka, and was a powerful figure who took control of the territory in Osaka while coordinating with the local organization.
What is particularly noteworthy is his strong collaboration with Yukio Jido, a young Yamaguchigumi leader who was renowned as a martial artist. At the order of Jido, Nakagawa built a bridge with the Yanagawa clan led by Jiro Yanagawa, which had emerged in the "Kita" area of Osaka, and absorbed it. This entry of the Yanagawa clan into the Yamaguchigumi was a milestone in the later nationwide expansion of the Yamaguchigumi, and a landmark case in the expansion of the Yamaguchigumi organization. Nakagawa is said to have been in charge of the negotiations and coordination, and was a trusted advisor to Jidou.
In the "Myoyukai Incident" of 1960, a large-scale war broke out between Yamaguchigumi and Myoyukai, a Korean-affiliated group in Japan. The conflict began when Inosaburo Nakagawa was assaulted by Meiyukai officials at a club in Osaka's Minami district, and Yamaguchigumi immediately retaliated. With Yukio Jido as the general commander, the various Yamaguchigumi affiliated groups launched an operation to clean up the Meiyukai in Osaka City. The Nakagawa-gumi joined the operation headquarters established in Juso and played a central role in the actual battle force. The war lasted about half a month, and the Meiyukai was finally destroyed. The Yamaguchigumi consolidated its long-sought expansion into Osaka, but at the cost of more than 100 people, including Nakagawa, being arrested and indicted.
During this period, "anti-communism" was emphasized as a national policy in Japan under the influence of the Cold War structure. The ruling party and right-wing forces were trying to use the power of the underworld to oppose communism. Inosaburo Nakagawa is believed to have been a member of this movement. In particular, in the "Toa Doyukai" concept proposed by fixer Eijio Kodama, Kazuo Taoka of the Yamaguchigumi and Hisayuki Machii (Toseikai) of the Kanto Inagawa-kai announced their participation, aiming to unite all the expo organizations in Japan as a bulwark against the anti-communist movement. Nakagawa's presence was also noted as an important figure on the Kansai side of this plan. In fact, Machii and Taoka exchanged brotherly drinking cups, which led to the deepening of cooperation between the Kanto and Kansai expositories.
Inosaburo Nakagawa retired in the 1980s, but the late Showa period in which he was active was a time when Hakka society and politics/ideology were deeply intertwined. As a key figure in the Yamaguchigumi's expansion strategy, Nakagawa was not just a gang leader, but also a player in the political and ideological axis of conflict. His life embodies the chaos and order of postwar Japan, and the intersection of surface society and underworld.
Related information (references):
- MIZOGUCHI Atsushi, "Yamaguchigumi Document: Blood and War" Sanichi Shobo, 1985
- Eiji Oshita, "Shuryo Showa Yami no Ruler," Yamato Shobo, 2006
- Shigeki Yamahira, "The man called Kissinger of Yamaguchigumi, Akira Kurosawa" Tokuma Shoten, 2024
- Wikipedia "Meiyukai Incident", "Kodama Eishio", "Jido Yukio", "Toseikai", "Yamaguchigumi" each section
- goo blog "Kanto/Kansai Yakuza War History
- Bunshun Online "Showa War Incidents that Spilled Blood in Juso, Osaka
十三に咲いた影：中川猪三郎と昭和裏社会の交錯（1945〜1984）
十三に咲いた影：中川猪三郎と昭和裏社会の交錯（1945〜1984）
中川猪三郎（なかがわ いさぶろう）は、昭和戦後期の大阪・十三（じゅうそう）を拠点に活動した博徒であり、三代目山口組の直参幹部「中川組」の組長として知られる。十三は戦後の混乱の中で盛り場と闇市が形成された地域であり、中川は地元の愚連隊や戦災浮浪者を組織化することで、山口組の大阪北部進出の橋頭堡を築いていった。彼は三代目組長・田岡一雄の舎弟として山口組に加入し、大阪の縄張りを地元組織と調整しながら掌握していった実力者であった。
とりわけ注目されるのは、武闘派として名を馳せた山口組若頭・地道行雄との強い連携である。中川は地道の命により、大阪「キタ」地域で台頭していた柳川次郎率いる柳川組との橋渡しを行い、その吸収を実現した。この柳川組の山口組入りは、後の全国進出の布石となり、山口組の組織拡大における画期的な事例である。中川はその交渉と調整の実務にあたったとされ、地道にとっては信頼のおける懐刀的存在であった。
1960年の「明友会事件」では、山口組と在日韓国人系団体・明友会との間で大規模な抗争が勃発する。この抗争の端緒は、大阪・ミナミのクラブで中川猪三郎が明友会幹部から暴行を受けたことにあり、山口組は即座に報復を開始。地道行雄を総指揮官とし、山口組傘下の各団体が大阪市内で明友会掃討作戦を展開した。中川組は十三に設けられた作戦本部に加わり、実戦部隊の中核を担う。この抗争は約半月におよび、最終的に明友会は壊滅。山口組は悲願の大阪進出を確固たるものにしたが、その代償として中川を含む100人以上が逮捕・起訴された。
この時期、日本国内では冷戦構造の影響下で「反共産主義」が国家的な方針として強調されていた。政府与党や右翼勢力は、共産主義に対抗するため裏社会の力を利用しようとする動きを見せていた。中川猪三郎もその一角として活動していたとみられる。とくにフィクサー児玉誉士夫が提唱した「東亜同友会」構想においては、山口組の田岡一雄や関東の稲川会・町井久之（東声会）らが参加を表明し、全国の博徒組織を反共の防波堤として一本化する狙いがあった。この構想の中で、関西側の重要人物として中川の存在も注目された。実際に町井と田岡は兄弟盃を交わし、関東と関西の博徒が連携を深めるきっかけとなった。
中川猪三郎は1980年代に引退するが、彼が活躍した昭和戦後期は、博徒社会と政治・思想が深く結びついた時代であった。山口組の拡大戦略の要所にいた中川は、単なる暴力団幹部ではなく、政治的・思想的な対立軸におけるプレイヤーでもあった。その人生は、戦後日本の混沌と秩序、表社会と裏社会の交錯を体現している。
関連情報（参考資料）：
- 溝口敦『山口組ドキュメント 血と抗争』三一書房 1985年
- 大下英治『首領 昭和闇の支配者』大和書房 2006年
- 山平重樹『山口組のキッシンジャーと呼ばれた男 黒澤明』徳間書店 2024年
- Wikipedia「明友会事件」「児玉誉士夫」「地道行雄」「東声会」「山口組」各項
- gooブログ「関東・関西やくざ戦争史」
- 文春オンライン「大阪・十三で血を流した昭和の抗争事件」
中川猪三郎（なかがわ いさぶろう）は、昭和戦後期の大阪・十三（じゅうそう）を拠点に活動した博徒であり、三代目山口組の直参幹部「中川組」の組長として知られる。十三は戦後の混乱の中で盛り場と闇市が形成された地域であり、中川は地元の愚連隊や戦災浮浪者を組織化することで、山口組の大阪北部進出の橋頭堡を築いていった。彼は三代目組長・田岡一雄の舎弟として山口組に加入し、大阪の縄張りを地元組織と調整しながら掌握していった実力者であった。
とりわけ注目されるのは、武闘派として名を馳せた山口組若頭・地道行雄との強い連携である。中川は地道の命により、大阪「キタ」地域で台頭していた柳川次郎率いる柳川組との橋渡しを行い、その吸収を実現した。この柳川組の山口組入りは、後の全国進出の布石となり、山口組の組織拡大における画期的な事例である。中川はその交渉と調整の実務にあたったとされ、地道にとっては信頼のおける懐刀的存在であった。
1960年の「明友会事件」では、山口組と在日韓国人系団体・明友会との間で大規模な抗争が勃発する。この抗争の端緒は、大阪・ミナミのクラブで中川猪三郎が明友会幹部から暴行を受けたことにあり、山口組は即座に報復を開始。地道行雄を総指揮官とし、山口組傘下の各団体が大阪市内で明友会掃討作戦を展開した。中川組は十三に設けられた作戦本部に加わり、実戦部隊の中核を担う。この抗争は約半月におよび、最終的に明友会は壊滅。山口組は悲願の大阪進出を確固たるものにしたが、その代償として中川を含む100人以上が逮捕・起訴された。
この時期、日本国内では冷戦構造の影響下で「反共産主義」が国家的な方針として強調されていた。政府与党や右翼勢力は、共産主義に対抗するため裏社会の力を利用しようとする動きを見せていた。中川猪三郎もその一角として活動していたとみられる。とくにフィクサー児玉誉士夫が提唱した「東亜同友会」構想においては、山口組の田岡一雄や関東の稲川会・町井久之（東声会）らが参加を表明し、全国の博徒組織を反共の防波堤として一本化する狙いがあった。この構想の中で、関西側の重要人物として中川の存在も注目された。実際に町井と田岡は兄弟盃を交わし、関東と関西の博徒が連携を深めるきっかけとなった。
中川猪三郎は1980年代に引退するが、彼が活躍した昭和戦後期は、博徒社会と政治・思想が深く結びついた時代であった。山口組の拡大戦略の要所にいた中川は、単なる暴力団幹部ではなく、政治的・思想的な対立軸におけるプレイヤーでもあった。その人生は、戦後日本の混沌と秩序、表社会と裏社会の交錯を体現している。
関連情報（参考資料）：
- 溝口敦『山口組ドキュメント 血と抗争』三一書房 1985年
- 大下英治『首領 昭和闇の支配者』大和書房 2006年
- 山平重樹『山口組のキッシンジャーと呼ばれた男 黒澤明』徳間書店 2024年
- Wikipedia「明友会事件」「児玉誉士夫」「地道行雄」「東声会」「山口組」各項
- gooブログ「関東・関西やくざ戦争史」
- 文春オンライン「大阪・十三で血を流した昭和の抗争事件」
Water flowing under the tiled roofs - Hamamatsucho Kouro and the urban floods - (1999 - 2000)
Water flowing under the tiled roofs - Hamamatsucho Kouro and the urban floods - (1999 - 2000)
From the late 1990s to the early 2000s, Japanese cities were enveloped in a wave of rapid high-rise development and redevelopment. In particular, the Hamamatsucho area in Minato Ward, Tokyo, strengthened its character as a transportation hub where the JR, Tokyo Monorail, and Oedo lines intersect, and the surrounding area became lined with office buildings and luxury hotels with more than 40 floors.
The towering skyscrapers that tore through the sky were a symbol of the economy, but at the same time, they also posed a threat to the water that lurked deep beneath the city's surface. Covered with asphalt, the city no longer allows rainwater to soak into the ground, and every drop of rain flows into the drainage canals. This structure was the source of a new disaster, the "inland flood," which would overflow from the bottom of the city once the sky broke.
This crisis became a reality on August 5, 1999, when a torrential downpour hit Suginami. This localized torrential downpour dumped 120 mm of rain per hour on Suginami Ward, Tokyo, flooding some 7,500 houses. Lives were lost in underground parking lots, and the muddy water flowing back up through manholes exposed the limits of the city's drainage capacity. This catastrophe caused the concrete-paved city to reconsider the "pathways of water.
Against this backdrop, an innovative wastewater treatment technology was attempted in a high-rise building in Hamamatsucho, a 40-story building with 10,000 employees, where a treatment system with the following characteristics was implemented:
- Zero excess sludge generation: minimized by-products of the treatment process and reduced maintenance costs.
- No use of chemicals: No chemicals such as Pit regulators or coagulants are used, reducing environmental impact and operational burden.
- Capable of treating wastewater with high BOD: The purification capacity can even handle wastewater equivalent to that of food factories and livestock farms.
As a result of these achievements, treatment costs were reduced by more than 20 million yen per year in FY1999. Furthermore, in terms of reducing the burden on public sewage, the project was recognized as an architectural attempt that contributes to reducing flood risk in the city as a whole.
The following year, in September 2000. This time, the city of Nagoya was submerged in deep water. The Tokai Torrential Rain brought torrential rains of over 500mm to Aichi and Gifu, damaging over 100,000 houses. The underground shopping center in front of Nagoya Station was submerged in a muddy stream, the subway system was paralyzed, and people died in parking lots. This disaster exposed the invisible weakness of the city's "underground.
Through these two water disasters, the administration came up with a new policy:
- Obligation to install rainwater runoff control facilities (Tokyo Metropolitan Government Bureau of Sewerage)
- Suginami rainwater trunk line construction plan
- Obligation for building owners to install storage facilities
- Start of consideration of the "Urban Flooding Countermeasures Law" led by the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism
The wastewater treatment technology installed in the Hamamatsucho high-rise building was a "private-sector initiated urban disaster prevention" that was born ahead of these developments, and like water quietly flowing under an tiled roof, it has become a force that quietly supports the future of the city.
In this way, in the short but intense period of time from 1999 to 2012, the city faced water and technology evolved in response to disaster. In other words, it was the dawn of an era that sought a new equilibrium between the city and nature.
From the late 1990s to the early 2000s, Japanese cities were enveloped in a wave of rapid high-rise development and redevelopment. In particular, the Hamamatsucho area in Minato Ward, Tokyo, strengthened its character as a transportation hub where the JR, Tokyo Monorail, and Oedo lines intersect, and the surrounding area became lined with office buildings and luxury hotels with more than 40 floors.
The towering skyscrapers that tore through the sky were a symbol of the economy, but at the same time, they also posed a threat to the water that lurked deep beneath the city's surface. Covered with asphalt, the city no longer allows rainwater to soak into the ground, and every drop of rain flows into the drainage canals. This structure was the source of a new disaster, the "inland flood," which would overflow from the bottom of the city once the sky broke.
This crisis became a reality on August 5, 1999, when a torrential downpour hit Suginami. This localized torrential downpour dumped 120 mm of rain per hour on Suginami Ward, Tokyo, flooding some 7,500 houses. Lives were lost in underground parking lots, and the muddy water flowing back up through manholes exposed the limits of the city's drainage capacity. This catastrophe caused the concrete-paved city to reconsider the "pathways of water.
Against this backdrop, an innovative wastewater treatment technology was attempted in a high-rise building in Hamamatsucho, a 40-story building with 10,000 employees, where a treatment system with the following characteristics was implemented:
- Zero excess sludge generation: minimized by-products of the treatment process and reduced maintenance costs.
- No use of chemicals: No chemicals such as Pit regulators or coagulants are used, reducing environmental impact and operational burden.
- Capable of treating wastewater with high BOD: The purification capacity can even handle wastewater equivalent to that of food factories and livestock farms.
As a result of these achievements, treatment costs were reduced by more than 20 million yen per year in FY1999. Furthermore, in terms of reducing the burden on public sewage, the project was recognized as an architectural attempt that contributes to reducing flood risk in the city as a whole.
The following year, in September 2000. This time, the city of Nagoya was submerged in deep water. The Tokai Torrential Rain brought torrential rains of over 500mm to Aichi and Gifu, damaging over 100,000 houses. The underground shopping center in front of Nagoya Station was submerged in a muddy stream, the subway system was paralyzed, and people died in parking lots. This disaster exposed the invisible weakness of the city's "underground.
Through these two water disasters, the administration came up with a new policy:
- Obligation to install rainwater runoff control facilities (Tokyo Metropolitan Government Bureau of Sewerage)
- Suginami rainwater trunk line construction plan
- Obligation for building owners to install storage facilities
- Start of consideration of the "Urban Flooding Countermeasures Law" led by the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism
The wastewater treatment technology installed in the Hamamatsucho high-rise building was a "private-sector initiated urban disaster prevention" that was born ahead of these developments, and like water quietly flowing under an tiled roof, it has become a force that quietly supports the future of the city.
In this way, in the short but intense period of time from 1999 to 2012, the city faced water and technology evolved in response to disaster. In other words, it was the dawn of an era that sought a new equilibrium between the city and nature.
甍の下を流るる水 ―浜松町高楼と都市洪水の記―（平成十一年～平成十二年）
甍の下を流るる水 ―浜松町高楼と都市洪水の記―（平成十一年～平成十二年）
1990年代末から2000年初頭にかけて、日本の都市は急速な高層化と再開発の波に包まれていた。とりわけ東京都港区・浜松町エリアでは、JR、東京モノレール、大江戸線が交差する交通の要としての性格を強め、周辺には40階建以上のオフィスビルや高級ホテルが建ち並ぶようになった。
空を裂くごとく聳え立つ高楼は経済の象徴でありながら、同時に、都市の地中深くに潜む水の脅威と対峙する存在でもあった。アスファルトに覆われた都市はもはや雨水を地中に染み込ませず、一滴の雨もすべてが排水路へと流れ込む。その構造こそが、ひとたび空が裂ければ、都市の底から溢れ出す「内水氾濫」という新たな災厄を生む源であった。
この危機が現実のものとなったのが、平成十一年八月五日の「杉並豪雨」である。この局地的な集中豪雨は、東京都杉並区を中心に一時間あたり約120mmもの雨を降らせ、約7500棟の住宅を浸水させた。地下の駐車場では命が失われ、マンホールから逆流する濁水は都市の排水能力の限界を暴き出した。この惨事は、コンクリートで塗り固められた都市に「水の通り道」を再考させる契機となった。
このような背景を受け、浜松町にそびえる一棟の高層ビルにおいて、革新的な排水処理技術の導入が試みられた。40階建て、1万人の従業員を抱えるこのビルでは、以下の特性をもつ処理システムが実装された：
- 余剰汚泥の発生ゼロ：処理過程における副産物を極限まで削減し、維持管理コストを抑制。
- 薬剤の不使用：Pit調整剤や凝集剤などの化学薬品を使わず、環境負荷と運用負担を軽減。
- 高濃度BOD排水にも対応：食品工場や畜産場並みの排水にすら対応可能な浄化能力。
この成果により、1999年度の処理コストは年間2000万円以上の削減を達成し、さらに公共下水への負担を軽減するという意味で、都市全体の洪水リスク低減に資する建築的試みとして評価された。
その翌年、平成十二年九月。今度は名古屋の街が深い水に沈んだ。東海豪雨は愛知・岐阜に500mmを超える豪雨をもたらし、10万棟を超える住宅が被災。名古屋駅前の地下街は泥流に沈み、地下鉄は麻痺、駐車場では死者が出た。この災禍は、都市の「地下」という見えざる弱点を白日のもとに晒した。
この二つの水難を通じ、行政は新たな方針を打ち出してゆく：
- 雨水流出抑制施設の設置義務（東京都下水道局）
- 杉並雨水幹線の建設計画
- ビルオーナーへの貯留設備設置義務
- 国交省主導の「都市浸水対策法」の検討開始
浜松町の高層ビルに導入された排水処理技術は、このような動きに先んじて生まれた「民間発の都市防災」であり、それはまるで甍の下を静かに流れる水のように、都市の未来を静かに支える力となっていた。
このように、平成十一年から十二年という短くも濃密な時間のなかで、都市は水と向き合い、技術は災禍に応じて進化したのである。それはすなわち、都市と自然との新たな均衡を模索する時代の幕開けであった。
1990年代末から2000年初頭にかけて、日本の都市は急速な高層化と再開発の波に包まれていた。とりわけ東京都港区・浜松町エリアでは、JR、東京モノレール、大江戸線が交差する交通の要としての性格を強め、周辺には40階建以上のオフィスビルや高級ホテルが建ち並ぶようになった。
空を裂くごとく聳え立つ高楼は経済の象徴でありながら、同時に、都市の地中深くに潜む水の脅威と対峙する存在でもあった。アスファルトに覆われた都市はもはや雨水を地中に染み込ませず、一滴の雨もすべてが排水路へと流れ込む。その構造こそが、ひとたび空が裂ければ、都市の底から溢れ出す「内水氾濫」という新たな災厄を生む源であった。
この危機が現実のものとなったのが、平成十一年八月五日の「杉並豪雨」である。この局地的な集中豪雨は、東京都杉並区を中心に一時間あたり約120mmもの雨を降らせ、約7500棟の住宅を浸水させた。地下の駐車場では命が失われ、マンホールから逆流する濁水は都市の排水能力の限界を暴き出した。この惨事は、コンクリートで塗り固められた都市に「水の通り道」を再考させる契機となった。
このような背景を受け、浜松町にそびえる一棟の高層ビルにおいて、革新的な排水処理技術の導入が試みられた。40階建て、1万人の従業員を抱えるこのビルでは、以下の特性をもつ処理システムが実装された：
- 余剰汚泥の発生ゼロ：処理過程における副産物を極限まで削減し、維持管理コストを抑制。
- 薬剤の不使用：Pit調整剤や凝集剤などの化学薬品を使わず、環境負荷と運用負担を軽減。
- 高濃度BOD排水にも対応：食品工場や畜産場並みの排水にすら対応可能な浄化能力。
この成果により、1999年度の処理コストは年間2000万円以上の削減を達成し、さらに公共下水への負担を軽減するという意味で、都市全体の洪水リスク低減に資する建築的試みとして評価された。
その翌年、平成十二年九月。今度は名古屋の街が深い水に沈んだ。東海豪雨は愛知・岐阜に500mmを超える豪雨をもたらし、10万棟を超える住宅が被災。名古屋駅前の地下街は泥流に沈み、地下鉄は麻痺、駐車場では死者が出た。この災禍は、都市の「地下」という見えざる弱点を白日のもとに晒した。
この二つの水難を通じ、行政は新たな方針を打ち出してゆく：
- 雨水流出抑制施設の設置義務（東京都下水道局）
- 杉並雨水幹線の建設計画
- ビルオーナーへの貯留設備設置義務
- 国交省主導の「都市浸水対策法」の検討開始
浜松町の高層ビルに導入された排水処理技術は、このような動きに先んじて生まれた「民間発の都市防災」であり、それはまるで甍の下を静かに流れる水のように、都市の未来を静かに支える力となっていた。
このように、平成十一年から十二年という短くも濃密な時間のなかで、都市は水と向き合い、技術は災禍に応じて進化したのである。それはすなわち、都市と自然との新たな均衡を模索する時代の幕開けであった。
Asia's Marine Debris Problem - History from 2001 to the 2020s
Asia's Marine Debris Problem - History from 2001 to the 2020s
In 2001, plastic waste entering the world's oceans was estimated to be about 8 million tons per year, with more than 60% of this coming from the Asia-Pacific region. Concrete damage was highlighted by the inflow of approximately 640,000 tons of plastic waste per year in Jakarta Bay, Indonesia, and 250,000 tons of trash per year observed in Manila Bay, the Philippines. In response, ASEAN countries and Japan promoted proper waste management and the introduction of recycling technologies, and concrete actions were taken, including the development of degradable plastics by Japan's Sumitomo Chemical and the introduction of waste collection equipment by Toray Industries, Inc.
In the 2010s, the inflow of plastic increased to more than 9 million tons per year, and inadequate waste management, especially in ASEAN countries, became an issue. In the Malaysian state of Johor, coastal cleanup costs amounted to about $30 million per year, and in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, more than 200,000 tons of waste was discharged into the ocean annually. In response, ASEAN countries set a goal of reducing plastic spills by 50% by 2030, and Japan provided 200 billion yen for the construction of a waste treatment facility, thus promoting international cooperation.
The annual inflow of plastic waste in the 2020s will reach approximately 11 million tons, 70% of which will come from the Asia-Pacific region. Specifically, 3.3 million tons of waste will flow into the Yangtze River estuary in China each year, and Shanghai has doubled the capacity of its recycling facilities, thereby securing an annual processing capacity of 10 million tons. In Indonesia's Jakarta Bay, where more than 900,000 tons of waste flows in annually, an AI-based waste collection system provided by Hitachi, Ltd. has improved processing efficiency by 30%. Also, in Manila Bay in the Philippines, 1.5 million tons of plastic waste per year flows into the bay, and the special filter technology provided by Daikin Industries has increased the amount of waste collected by 50%.
Plastic bottles, food packaging, and plastic bags are the main components of plastic waste, accounting for 35%, 25%, and 20%, respectively. These wastes have serious impacts on marine ecosystems and economic activities. In Langkawi, Malaysia, the annual cost of cleaning up tourist attractions exceeds $50 million, and in the North Pacific "garbage belt," 90% of fish and seabirds ingest plastic, causing a 20% decline in fishing productivity.
From 2001 through the 2020s, progress was made in addressing Asia's marine debris problem, promoting multilateral cooperation and technological innovation. However, addressing the reality of an annual waste inflow of 11 million tons requires even stronger policies and the achievement of specific numerical targets. Cooperation from local communities and international efforts are essential to achieve sustainable ocean management.
In 2001, plastic waste entering the world's oceans was estimated to be about 8 million tons per year, with more than 60% of this coming from the Asia-Pacific region. Concrete damage was highlighted by the inflow of approximately 640,000 tons of plastic waste per year in Jakarta Bay, Indonesia, and 250,000 tons of trash per year observed in Manila Bay, the Philippines. In response, ASEAN countries and Japan promoted proper waste management and the introduction of recycling technologies, and concrete actions were taken, including the development of degradable plastics by Japan's Sumitomo Chemical and the introduction of waste collection equipment by Toray Industries, Inc.
In the 2010s, the inflow of plastic increased to more than 9 million tons per year, and inadequate waste management, especially in ASEAN countries, became an issue. In the Malaysian state of Johor, coastal cleanup costs amounted to about $30 million per year, and in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, more than 200,000 tons of waste was discharged into the ocean annually. In response, ASEAN countries set a goal of reducing plastic spills by 50% by 2030, and Japan provided 200 billion yen for the construction of a waste treatment facility, thus promoting international cooperation.
The annual inflow of plastic waste in the 2020s will reach approximately 11 million tons, 70% of which will come from the Asia-Pacific region. Specifically, 3.3 million tons of waste will flow into the Yangtze River estuary in China each year, and Shanghai has doubled the capacity of its recycling facilities, thereby securing an annual processing capacity of 10 million tons. In Indonesia's Jakarta Bay, where more than 900,000 tons of waste flows in annually, an AI-based waste collection system provided by Hitachi, Ltd. has improved processing efficiency by 30%. Also, in Manila Bay in the Philippines, 1.5 million tons of plastic waste per year flows into the bay, and the special filter technology provided by Daikin Industries has increased the amount of waste collected by 50%.
Plastic bottles, food packaging, and plastic bags are the main components of plastic waste, accounting for 35%, 25%, and 20%, respectively. These wastes have serious impacts on marine ecosystems and economic activities. In Langkawi, Malaysia, the annual cost of cleaning up tourist attractions exceeds $50 million, and in the North Pacific "garbage belt," 90% of fish and seabirds ingest plastic, causing a 20% decline in fishing productivity.
From 2001 through the 2020s, progress was made in addressing Asia's marine debris problem, promoting multilateral cooperation and technological innovation. However, addressing the reality of an annual waste inflow of 11 million tons requires even stronger policies and the achievement of specific numerical targets. Cooperation from local communities and international efforts are essential to achieve sustainable ocean management.
アジアの海洋ゴミ問題 - 2001年から2020年代までの歴史
アジアの海洋ゴミ問題 - 2001年から2020年代までの歴史
2001年、世界中の海洋に流入するプラスチック廃棄物は年間約800万トンと推定され、そのうち60％以上がアジア太平洋地域から発生していました。インドネシアのジャカルタ湾では年間約64万トンのプラスチック廃棄物が流入し、フィリピンのマニラ湾では年間25万トンのごみが観測されるなど、具体的な被害が浮き彫りになりました。これに対し、ASEAN諸国と日本は廃棄物管理の適正化やリサイクル技術の導入を進め、日本の住友化学が分解性プラスチックを開発、東レがごみ回収装置を導入するなどの具体的な行動が取られました。
2010年代に入ると、プラスチック流入量は年間900万トン以上に増加し、特にASEAN諸国での廃棄物管理の不備が問題視されました。マレーシアのジョホール州では、海岸清掃費用として年間約3000万ドルが計上され、ベトナムのホーチミン市では年間20万トン以上の廃棄物が海洋に流出しました。これに対してASEAN諸国は、2030年までにプラスチック流出量を50％削減する目標を掲げ、日本も廃棄物処理施設の建設に2000億円を提供するなど、国際協力が進展しました。
2020年代におけるプラスチック廃棄物の年間流入量は約1100万トンに達し、その70％がアジア太平洋地域由来とされています。具体的には、中国の長江河口では年間330万トンの廃棄物が流入し、上海市はリサイクル施設を2倍に増設することで年間1000万トンの処理能力を確保しました。インドネシアのジャカルタ湾では年間90万トン以上のごみが流入し、日立製作所が提供するAIベースのごみ収集システムにより、処理効率が30％向上しました。また、フィリピンのマニラ湾では年間150万トンのプラスチック廃棄物が流入し、ダイキン工業が提供する特殊フィルター技術によるごみ回収量が50％増加しました。
プラスチックごみの主な構成要素は、ペットボトルが35％、食品包装材が25％、ポリ袋が20％を占めています。これらの廃棄物は、海洋生態系や経済活動に深刻な影響を及ぼしています。マレーシアのランカウイ島では観光地の清掃費用が年間5000万ドルを超え、北太平洋の「ごみベルト」では魚や海鳥の90％がプラスチックを摂取し、漁業生産性が20％低下する事態が発生しています。
2001年から2020年代にかけて、アジアの海洋ゴミ問題への取り組みは進展し、多国間協力や技術革新が推進されました。しかし、年間1100万トンの廃棄物流入という現実に対処するには、さらに強化された政策と具体的な数値目標の達成が必要です。持続可能な海洋管理の実現には、地域住民の協力と国際的な取り組みが不可欠です。
2001年、世界中の海洋に流入するプラスチック廃棄物は年間約800万トンと推定され、そのうち60％以上がアジア太平洋地域から発生していました。インドネシアのジャカルタ湾では年間約64万トンのプラスチック廃棄物が流入し、フィリピンのマニラ湾では年間25万トンのごみが観測されるなど、具体的な被害が浮き彫りになりました。これに対し、ASEAN諸国と日本は廃棄物管理の適正化やリサイクル技術の導入を進め、日本の住友化学が分解性プラスチックを開発、東レがごみ回収装置を導入するなどの具体的な行動が取られました。
2010年代に入ると、プラスチック流入量は年間900万トン以上に増加し、特にASEAN諸国での廃棄物管理の不備が問題視されました。マレーシアのジョホール州では、海岸清掃費用として年間約3000万ドルが計上され、ベトナムのホーチミン市では年間20万トン以上の廃棄物が海洋に流出しました。これに対してASEAN諸国は、2030年までにプラスチック流出量を50％削減する目標を掲げ、日本も廃棄物処理施設の建設に2000億円を提供するなど、国際協力が進展しました。
2020年代におけるプラスチック廃棄物の年間流入量は約1100万トンに達し、その70％がアジア太平洋地域由来とされています。具体的には、中国の長江河口では年間330万トンの廃棄物が流入し、上海市はリサイクル施設を2倍に増設することで年間1000万トンの処理能力を確保しました。インドネシアのジャカルタ湾では年間90万トン以上のごみが流入し、日立製作所が提供するAIベースのごみ収集システムにより、処理効率が30％向上しました。また、フィリピンのマニラ湾では年間150万トンのプラスチック廃棄物が流入し、ダイキン工業が提供する特殊フィルター技術によるごみ回収量が50％増加しました。
プラスチックごみの主な構成要素は、ペットボトルが35％、食品包装材が25％、ポリ袋が20％を占めています。これらの廃棄物は、海洋生態系や経済活動に深刻な影響を及ぼしています。マレーシアのランカウイ島では観光地の清掃費用が年間5000万ドルを超え、北太平洋の「ごみベルト」では魚や海鳥の90％がプラスチックを摂取し、漁業生産性が20％低下する事態が発生しています。
2001年から2020年代にかけて、アジアの海洋ゴミ問題への取り組みは進展し、多国間協力や技術革新が推進されました。しかし、年間1100万トンの廃棄物流入という現実に対処するには、さらに強化された政策と具体的な数値目標の達成が必要です。持続可能な海洋管理の実現には、地域住民の協力と国際的な取り組みが不可欠です。
Between the Drum and the Future: Kiyohiko Senba's Journey of Continuously Sounding Variations (1960s-2000s)
Between the Drum and the Future: Kiyohiko Senba's Journey of Continuously Sounding Variations (1960s-2000s)
Born into the family of the head of the Senba school of Japanese traditional music, Kiyohiko Senba is a precocious musician who learned to play the tsutsumi at the age of three and began performing on the Kabuki stage at ten. While acquiring traditional percussion skills, he studied hogaku at Tokyo University of the Arts in the 1970s, while also devoting himself to Western music, jazz, and improvisation. 1978 he joined the fusion band "THE SQUARE" and began innovative attempts to cross over between hogaku and contemporary music. 1982 he formed the "HANIWA In 1982, he formed the "HANIWA ALL STARS," and together with Akiko Yano and Akira Sakata, constructed a free musical world that mixed folk music, rock, techno, and traditional Japanese music.
Since 1998, he has led the "Asian Fantasy Orchestra" on a tour of Southeast Asian countries, interacting with local traditional music, and in 2000 he founded the "SEMBA SONIC SPEAR" and currently leads the "Kiyohiko Senba and the Calgamores," pursuing creative percussion expression that turns everyday items such as tea bowls and buckets into instruments. He pursues creative percussion expression that turns everyday items such as tea cups and buckets into musical instruments. His collaboration with jazz drummer Shuichi Murakami "Ponta" has resulted in a masterful performance in which form and improvisation, tradition and freedom resonate with each other. His representative pieces, "Sicilian Rumba" and "Haniwa Bon Odori," reflect his aesthetics that transcend the boundaries between tradition and modernity. Senba has always believed in "variation, not inheritance," and has opened up new horizons in music.
Born into the family of the head of the Senba school of Japanese traditional music, Kiyohiko Senba is a precocious musician who learned to play the tsutsumi at the age of three and began performing on the Kabuki stage at ten. While acquiring traditional percussion skills, he studied hogaku at Tokyo University of the Arts in the 1970s, while also devoting himself to Western music, jazz, and improvisation. 1978 he joined the fusion band "THE SQUARE" and began innovative attempts to cross over between hogaku and contemporary music. 1982 he formed the "HANIWA In 1982, he formed the "HANIWA ALL STARS," and together with Akiko Yano and Akira Sakata, constructed a free musical world that mixed folk music, rock, techno, and traditional Japanese music.
Since 1998, he has led the "Asian Fantasy Orchestra" on a tour of Southeast Asian countries, interacting with local traditional music, and in 2000 he founded the "SEMBA SONIC SPEAR" and currently leads the "Kiyohiko Senba and the Calgamores," pursuing creative percussion expression that turns everyday items such as tea bowls and buckets into instruments. He pursues creative percussion expression that turns everyday items such as tea cups and buckets into musical instruments. His collaboration with jazz drummer Shuichi Murakami "Ponta" has resulted in a masterful performance in which form and improvisation, tradition and freedom resonate with each other. His representative pieces, "Sicilian Rumba" and "Haniwa Bon Odori," reflect his aesthetics that transcend the boundaries between tradition and modernity. Senba has always believed in "variation, not inheritance," and has opened up new horizons in music.
鼓と未来のあいだに——仙波清彦が鳴らし続けた変奏の旅路（1960年代〜2000年代）
鼓と未来のあいだに——仙波清彦が鳴らし続けた変奏の旅路（1960年代〜2000年代）
仙波清彦は邦楽囃子方「仙波流」宗家の家に生まれ、3歳から鼓を学び、10歳で歌舞伎の舞台に立つという早熟な音楽家である。伝統的な打楽器の技を身につけながらも、1970年代には東京藝術大学で邦楽を学びつつ、西洋音楽やジャズ、即興演奏にも傾倒。1978年にはフュージョンバンド「THE SQUARE」に加入し、邦楽と現代音楽を横断する革新的な試みを始める。1982年には「はにわオールスターズ」を結成し、矢野顕子や坂田明らと共に、民俗音楽、ロック、テクノ、邦楽を混在させた自由な音楽世界を構築した。
1998年以降は「アジアン・ファンタジー・オーケストラ」を率いて東南アジア各国を巡り、現地の伝統音楽と交流。2000年には「SEMBA SONIC SPEAR」、そして現在は「仙波清彦とカルガモーズ」を主宰し、茶碗やバケツといった日用品も楽器にしてしまう創造的な打楽器表現を追求している。ジャズドラマー村上"ポンタ"秀一との共演では、型と即興、伝統と自由が響き合う名演を残した。代表曲「シシリアン・ルンバ」や「はにわ盆踊り」には、伝統と現代の境界を越える彼の美学が宿る。仙波はつねに「継承ではなく変奏」を信条に、新たな音楽の地平を切り開いてきた。
仙波清彦は邦楽囃子方「仙波流」宗家の家に生まれ、3歳から鼓を学び、10歳で歌舞伎の舞台に立つという早熟な音楽家である。伝統的な打楽器の技を身につけながらも、1970年代には東京藝術大学で邦楽を学びつつ、西洋音楽やジャズ、即興演奏にも傾倒。1978年にはフュージョンバンド「THE SQUARE」に加入し、邦楽と現代音楽を横断する革新的な試みを始める。1982年には「はにわオールスターズ」を結成し、矢野顕子や坂田明らと共に、民俗音楽、ロック、テクノ、邦楽を混在させた自由な音楽世界を構築した。
1998年以降は「アジアン・ファンタジー・オーケストラ」を率いて東南アジア各国を巡り、現地の伝統音楽と交流。2000年には「SEMBA SONIC SPEAR」、そして現在は「仙波清彦とカルガモーズ」を主宰し、茶碗やバケツといった日用品も楽器にしてしまう創造的な打楽器表現を追求している。ジャズドラマー村上"ポンタ"秀一との共演では、型と即興、伝統と自由が響き合う名演を残した。代表曲「シシリアン・ルンバ」や「はにわ盆踊り」には、伝統と現代の境界を越える彼の美学が宿る。仙波はつねに「継承ではなく変奏」を信条に、新たな音楽の地平を切り開いてきた。
The Crossroads of the Heartbeat: A Quarter Century of Music Chronicled by Kiyohiko Senba and Ponta (1970s-2000s)
The Crossroads of the Heartbeat: A Quarter Century of Music Chronicled by Kiyohiko Senba and Ponta (1970s-2000s)
1. childhood and inheritance of traditional music
Kiyohiko Senba, whose father is Kosuke Senba, the head of the Senba school of Japanese traditional music, began practicing the tsuzumi (hand drum) at the age of three. He inherited the techniques of kotsuzumi and taiko drums used in Kabuki and Noh plays since the Edo period, and made his stage debut at the age of 10 as a Kabuki musician.
At the time (1960s), Japan was in the midst of its rapid economic growth, and urbanization and westernization were progressing. While television and vinyl records dominated the culture of the common people, traditional performing arts tended to be regarded as "old-fashioned. As if to buck the trend, Senba absorbed traditional arts as a young man and laid the foundation for fusing them with modern music in later years.
2. intersection of Tokyo National University of Fine Arts and Music and contemporary music (1970s)
He studied at the Department of Traditional Japanese Music, Faculty of Music, Tokyo University of the Arts, where he was awarded the Ataka Prize while still a student. In parallel with his exquisite Japanese traditional music techniques, he also developed an interest in Western music, jazz, and improvised music.
In 1978, he joined the fusion band THE SQUARE (now T-SQUARE). At the time, the crossover/fusion trend was taking off in Japan, and Sadao Watanabe, Masayoshi Takanaka, Cassiopeia, and others were leading the era. Senba made his presence felt in the midst of this trend with his unique approach of bringing in the sensibility of Japanese percussion instruments.
Encounter with Shuichi "Ponta" Murakami
Kiyohiko Senba and Shuichi "Ponta" Murakami are known as two giant stars of percussion in the music world. Ponta, a darling of the jazz fusion world and "the busiest drummer in Japan," and Senba, a Kabuki-trained Japanese musician, have completely different backgrounds, but they have crossed paths many times at recording sites and in sessions.
In one episode at a recording session, the two musicians began playing almost without discussing their performance, but their rhythms seemed to be drawn together. Senba describes the moment as "the rhythms melded together in the back of my brain. Ponta also marveled at Senba's free-spirited percussion, saying, "It's so great that it's funny.
The encounter between the two was a stimulating spark that further broadened their respective musical lives: form and improvisation, notation and sensibility, tradition and avant-garde.
4. the "haniwa all-stars" and the melting pot of music (1980s)
In 1982, he formed his own band, the "Haniwa All Stars. This multinational group of musicians, which included Akiko Yano, Akira Sakata, and Mamaro Misawa, developed a sound that blended jazz, rock, folk, and Japanese music.
In the 1980s, techno and world music were on the rise in Japan, and experimental music such as YMO was attracting attention. Haniwa's sound was perceived as a "chaos of miscellaneous things" that lay further along the edge of the techno world, and it gained a cult following.
5. turning to Asia and reintegration (1990s-2000s)
From 1998, as leader of the Asian Fantasy Orchestra, he toured in Thailand, Vietnam, Korea, and other Asian countries. He performed with traditional musicians from each country and explored the resonance between different cultures through his performances.
In 2000, he formed the percussion avant-unit "SEMBA SONIC SPEAR. Their unique performance, which included the use of tea cups, buckets, and old tires, was described as "more a festival of sound than music.
6. "Kiyohiko SEMBA and the CALGAMOODS" activities up to the present
Kiyohiko Senba currently leads 23 percussionists in "Kiyohiko Senba and the Cargamozes. While sublimating musical experiments into live festivals, his creative sense of drawing sounds out of everyday items has influenced many musicians.
He also teaches young percussionists at HOT MUSIC SCHOOL, etc., and continues to pass on not only his techniques but also his "spirit of playing with sound.
7. explanation of representative music
Sicilian rumba (during THE SQUARE period):
This is the origin of the Senba style hybrid, mixing salsa and Latin rhythms with the percussion sounds of Japanese instruments. It is a rare composition in which kotsuzumi and taiko drums assert themselves amidst Western instruments, and can be considered the prototype for the later "haniwa" style.
Haniwa Bon Odori (Haniwa All Stars):
The combination of traditional folk phrases and modern synthesizers is exquisite. Senba says, "I regenerated it into a form that is not unchanged but can be danced to and passed down from generation to generation. It is also a standard song for live performances with audience participation.
Dahako (Calgamo's):
A masterpiece that shines with its unique rhythmic structure, in which a rush of sound and silence alternately assault the audience. This piece embodies Senba's spirit of incorporating even the sounds of water and wind into percussion instruments. The production, which was completely synchronized with the stage lighting, was also a topic of conversation.
Relationship with the Historical Background
Kiyohiko Senba's career has been deeply related to the transition of Japanese culture from the postwar period to the early 21st century. The postwar neglect of traditional performing arts, the rise of fusion/world music in the 1970s and 1980s, the reapproach to Asian culture in the 1990s and beyond, and the borderlessness of the 2000s.
In all these phases, he has chosen "variation" rather than "inheritance. By combining traditional percussion instruments with Western music, improvisation, and electronic sounds, he has created new fields of expression in the gaps between the eras.
His encounter with Shuichi Murakami "Ponta" was one of the events that further accelerated this variation. The "rhythms at the crossroads" that they created are still pushing the backs of many musicians.
Related information (links omitted)
HOT MUSIC SCHOOL (Kiyohiko Semba's profile)
X (former Twitter) Kiyohiko Senba's official account
Related videos and sound files of "HANIWA ALL STARS", "SEMBA SONIC SPEAR", and "CALGAMOOZE".
Live and studio recordings with Shuichi Murakami "Ponta" (in various magazines and sound sources)
1. childhood and inheritance of traditional music
Kiyohiko Senba, whose father is Kosuke Senba, the head of the Senba school of Japanese traditional music, began practicing the tsuzumi (hand drum) at the age of three. He inherited the techniques of kotsuzumi and taiko drums used in Kabuki and Noh plays since the Edo period, and made his stage debut at the age of 10 as a Kabuki musician.
At the time (1960s), Japan was in the midst of its rapid economic growth, and urbanization and westernization were progressing. While television and vinyl records dominated the culture of the common people, traditional performing arts tended to be regarded as "old-fashioned. As if to buck the trend, Senba absorbed traditional arts as a young man and laid the foundation for fusing them with modern music in later years.
2. intersection of Tokyo National University of Fine Arts and Music and contemporary music (1970s)
He studied at the Department of Traditional Japanese Music, Faculty of Music, Tokyo University of the Arts, where he was awarded the Ataka Prize while still a student. In parallel with his exquisite Japanese traditional music techniques, he also developed an interest in Western music, jazz, and improvised music.
In 1978, he joined the fusion band THE SQUARE (now T-SQUARE). At the time, the crossover/fusion trend was taking off in Japan, and Sadao Watanabe, Masayoshi Takanaka, Cassiopeia, and others were leading the era. Senba made his presence felt in the midst of this trend with his unique approach of bringing in the sensibility of Japanese percussion instruments.
Encounter with Shuichi "Ponta" Murakami
Kiyohiko Senba and Shuichi "Ponta" Murakami are known as two giant stars of percussion in the music world. Ponta, a darling of the jazz fusion world and "the busiest drummer in Japan," and Senba, a Kabuki-trained Japanese musician, have completely different backgrounds, but they have crossed paths many times at recording sites and in sessions.
In one episode at a recording session, the two musicians began playing almost without discussing their performance, but their rhythms seemed to be drawn together. Senba describes the moment as "the rhythms melded together in the back of my brain. Ponta also marveled at Senba's free-spirited percussion, saying, "It's so great that it's funny.
The encounter between the two was a stimulating spark that further broadened their respective musical lives: form and improvisation, notation and sensibility, tradition and avant-garde.
4. the "haniwa all-stars" and the melting pot of music (1980s)
In 1982, he formed his own band, the "Haniwa All Stars. This multinational group of musicians, which included Akiko Yano, Akira Sakata, and Mamaro Misawa, developed a sound that blended jazz, rock, folk, and Japanese music.
In the 1980s, techno and world music were on the rise in Japan, and experimental music such as YMO was attracting attention. Haniwa's sound was perceived as a "chaos of miscellaneous things" that lay further along the edge of the techno world, and it gained a cult following.
5. turning to Asia and reintegration (1990s-2000s)
From 1998, as leader of the Asian Fantasy Orchestra, he toured in Thailand, Vietnam, Korea, and other Asian countries. He performed with traditional musicians from each country and explored the resonance between different cultures through his performances.
In 2000, he formed the percussion avant-unit "SEMBA SONIC SPEAR. Their unique performance, which included the use of tea cups, buckets, and old tires, was described as "more a festival of sound than music.
6. "Kiyohiko SEMBA and the CALGAMOODS" activities up to the present
Kiyohiko Senba currently leads 23 percussionists in "Kiyohiko Senba and the Cargamozes. While sublimating musical experiments into live festivals, his creative sense of drawing sounds out of everyday items has influenced many musicians.
He also teaches young percussionists at HOT MUSIC SCHOOL, etc., and continues to pass on not only his techniques but also his "spirit of playing with sound.
7. explanation of representative music
Sicilian rumba (during THE SQUARE period):
This is the origin of the Senba style hybrid, mixing salsa and Latin rhythms with the percussion sounds of Japanese instruments. It is a rare composition in which kotsuzumi and taiko drums assert themselves amidst Western instruments, and can be considered the prototype for the later "haniwa" style.
Haniwa Bon Odori (Haniwa All Stars):
The combination of traditional folk phrases and modern synthesizers is exquisite. Senba says, "I regenerated it into a form that is not unchanged but can be danced to and passed down from generation to generation. It is also a standard song for live performances with audience participation.
Dahako (Calgamo's):
A masterpiece that shines with its unique rhythmic structure, in which a rush of sound and silence alternately assault the audience. This piece embodies Senba's spirit of incorporating even the sounds of water and wind into percussion instruments. The production, which was completely synchronized with the stage lighting, was also a topic of conversation.
Relationship with the Historical Background
Kiyohiko Senba's career has been deeply related to the transition of Japanese culture from the postwar period to the early 21st century. The postwar neglect of traditional performing arts, the rise of fusion/world music in the 1970s and 1980s, the reapproach to Asian culture in the 1990s and beyond, and the borderlessness of the 2000s.
In all these phases, he has chosen "variation" rather than "inheritance. By combining traditional percussion instruments with Western music, improvisation, and electronic sounds, he has created new fields of expression in the gaps between the eras.
His encounter with Shuichi Murakami "Ponta" was one of the events that further accelerated this variation. The "rhythms at the crossroads" that they created are still pushing the backs of many musicians.
Related information (links omitted)
HOT MUSIC SCHOOL (Kiyohiko Semba's profile)
X (former Twitter) Kiyohiko Senba's official account
Related videos and sound files of "HANIWA ALL STARS", "SEMBA SONIC SPEAR", and "CALGAMOOZE".
Live and studio recordings with Shuichi Murakami "Ponta" (in various magazines and sound sources)
鼓動の交差点——仙波清彦とポンタが刻んだ音楽の四半世紀（1970年代〜2000年代）
鼓動の交差点——仙波清彦とポンタが刻んだ音楽の四半世紀（1970年代〜2000年代）
1. 幼少期と伝統音楽の継承
仙波清彦（せんば・きよひこ）は、邦楽囃子方「仙波流」宗家の仙波宏祐を父に持ち、3歳から鼓の稽古を始めた。江戸時代から続く歌舞伎や能の舞台で用いられる小鼓や太鼓の技法を受け継ぎ、10歳で歌舞伎の囃子方として舞台デビューを果たす。
当時（1960年代）日本は高度経済成長のただ中にあり、都市化・西洋化が進行。テレビとレコードが庶民文化を席巻する一方で、伝統芸能は「古めかしいもの」と見なされる傾向にあった。仙波はそうした潮流に逆らうかのように、伝統芸を若き身で吸収し、後年それを現代の音楽と融合させる土台を築いた。
2. 東京芸大と現代音楽の交差点（1970年代）
東京藝術大学音楽学部邦楽科で学び、在学中には安宅賞を受賞。精緻な邦楽の技法と並行して、西洋音楽、ジャズ、即興音楽への興味も育んでいく。
1978年にはフュージョンバンド「THE SQUARE（現・T-SQUARE）」に加入。当時の日本ではクロスオーバー／フュージョンの潮流が巻き起こっており、渡辺貞夫や高中正義、カシオペアらが時代をリードしていた。仙波はその中で、邦楽打楽器の感性を持ち込むという独自のアプローチで存在感を示した。
3. 村上"ポンタ"秀一との邂逅
仙波清彦と村上"ポンタ"秀一は、音楽界における打楽器の巨星同士として知られている。ジャズ・フュージョン界の寵児であり「日本一多忙なドラマー」とも称されたポンタと、歌舞伎育ちの邦楽囃子方である仙波——まったく異なる経歴を持ちながら、二人は録音現場やセッションで幾度となく交わった。
ある録音現場でのエピソードでは、二人がほぼ打ち合わせなく演奏を始めたにもかかわらず、互いのリズムが吸い寄せられるように合致。仙波はその瞬間を「脳内の奥でリズムが溶け合った」と語る。ポンタも仙波の自由奔放なパーカッションに「笑えるほど凄い」と感嘆していたという。
型と即興、譜面と感性、伝統と前衛——二人の出会いは、それぞれの音楽人生をさらに広げる刺激的な火花だった。
4. 「はにわオールスターズ」と音楽のるつぼ（1980年代）
1982年には、自らのバンド「はにわオールスターズ」を結成。矢野顕子、坂田明、三沢またろうらを含む多国籍的な音楽家集団で、ジャズ、ロック、民俗音楽、邦楽を融合したサウンドを展開した。
1980年代の日本はテクノとワールドミュージックが台頭し、YMOをはじめとする実験的音楽が注目を集めていた。「はにわ」の音は、その先端のさらに横にある"雑多な混沌"として受け取られ、カルト的な支持を集めた。
5. アジアへの旋回と再融合（1990〜2000年代）
1998年からはアジアン・ファンタジー・オーケストラのリーダーとして、タイ・ベトナム・韓国などアジア諸国を巡るツアーを実施。各国の伝統音楽家と共演し、演奏を通じて異文化間の響きを探った。
2000年には打楽器アヴァンユニット「SEMBA SONIC SPEAR」を結成。茶碗、バケツ、古タイヤなども用いた異色のパフォーマンスは、「音楽というより音の祝祭」とも評された。
6. 「仙波清彦とカルガモーズ」現在に至る活動
現在は23名もの打楽器奏者を率いる「仙波清彦とカルガモーズ」で活動中。音楽的実験をライブの祝祭として昇華しながら、日用品から音を引き出す独創的な感覚は、多くのミュージシャンに影響を与えている。
また、HOT MUSIC SCHOOLなどで若手パーカッショニストの指導にもあたっており、技術だけでなく「音を遊ぶ心」を伝え続けている。
7. 代表曲の解説
・シシリアン・ルンバ（THE SQUARE時代）：
サルサやラテンリズムに和楽器の打音が混ざり合う、仙波流ハイブリッドの原点。洋楽器の中で小鼓や太鼓が主張する珍しい編成で、後の「はにわ」の原型ともいえる。
・はにわ盆踊り（はにわオールスターズ）：
伝統的な民謡フレーズと現代的なシンセサイザーの組み合わせが絶妙。仙波は「変わらぬ形でなく、踊り継がれる形に再発酵させた」と語る。観客参加型ライブの定番曲でもある。
・打波鼓（だはこ）（カルガモーズ）：
音の奔流と静寂が交互に襲いかかる、リズム構成の妙が光る名曲。水の音や風の音すら打楽器に取り込もうとする仙波の精神が体現された作品。舞台照明と完全に連動した演出も話題となった。
時代背景との関係
仙波清彦の歩みは、戦後から21世紀初頭までの日本文化の変遷と深く関わっている。戦後の伝統芸能軽視、1970〜80年代のフュージョン／ワールドミュージックの隆盛、90年代以降のアジア文化との再接近、そして2000年代のボーダーレス化。
そのすべてのフェーズにおいて、彼は「継承」ではなく「変奏」を選んできた。伝統の打楽器を、西洋音楽や即興、電子音と組み合わせることで、時代の隙間に新たな表現の場を生み出した。
そして、村上"ポンタ"秀一との邂逅は、その変奏をさらに加速させた出来事のひとつである。彼らが生み出した「交差点のリズム」は、今なお多くの音楽家たちの背中を押している。
関連情報（リンク省略）
HOT MUSIC SCHOOL（仙波清彦プロフィール）
X（旧Twitter）仙波清彦公式アカウント
「はにわオールスターズ」「SEMBA SONIC SPEAR」「カルガモーズ」関連映像・音源
村上"ポンタ"秀一との共演ライブ／スタジオ記録（各種雑誌・音源にて）
1. 幼少期と伝統音楽の継承
仙波清彦（せんば・きよひこ）は、邦楽囃子方「仙波流」宗家の仙波宏祐を父に持ち、3歳から鼓の稽古を始めた。江戸時代から続く歌舞伎や能の舞台で用いられる小鼓や太鼓の技法を受け継ぎ、10歳で歌舞伎の囃子方として舞台デビューを果たす。
当時（1960年代）日本は高度経済成長のただ中にあり、都市化・西洋化が進行。テレビとレコードが庶民文化を席巻する一方で、伝統芸能は「古めかしいもの」と見なされる傾向にあった。仙波はそうした潮流に逆らうかのように、伝統芸を若き身で吸収し、後年それを現代の音楽と融合させる土台を築いた。
2. 東京芸大と現代音楽の交差点（1970年代）
東京藝術大学音楽学部邦楽科で学び、在学中には安宅賞を受賞。精緻な邦楽の技法と並行して、西洋音楽、ジャズ、即興音楽への興味も育んでいく。
1978年にはフュージョンバンド「THE SQUARE（現・T-SQUARE）」に加入。当時の日本ではクロスオーバー／フュージョンの潮流が巻き起こっており、渡辺貞夫や高中正義、カシオペアらが時代をリードしていた。仙波はその中で、邦楽打楽器の感性を持ち込むという独自のアプローチで存在感を示した。
3. 村上"ポンタ"秀一との邂逅
仙波清彦と村上"ポンタ"秀一は、音楽界における打楽器の巨星同士として知られている。ジャズ・フュージョン界の寵児であり「日本一多忙なドラマー」とも称されたポンタと、歌舞伎育ちの邦楽囃子方である仙波——まったく異なる経歴を持ちながら、二人は録音現場やセッションで幾度となく交わった。
ある録音現場でのエピソードでは、二人がほぼ打ち合わせなく演奏を始めたにもかかわらず、互いのリズムが吸い寄せられるように合致。仙波はその瞬間を「脳内の奥でリズムが溶け合った」と語る。ポンタも仙波の自由奔放なパーカッションに「笑えるほど凄い」と感嘆していたという。
型と即興、譜面と感性、伝統と前衛——二人の出会いは、それぞれの音楽人生をさらに広げる刺激的な火花だった。
4. 「はにわオールスターズ」と音楽のるつぼ（1980年代）
1982年には、自らのバンド「はにわオールスターズ」を結成。矢野顕子、坂田明、三沢またろうらを含む多国籍的な音楽家集団で、ジャズ、ロック、民俗音楽、邦楽を融合したサウンドを展開した。
1980年代の日本はテクノとワールドミュージックが台頭し、YMOをはじめとする実験的音楽が注目を集めていた。「はにわ」の音は、その先端のさらに横にある"雑多な混沌"として受け取られ、カルト的な支持を集めた。
5. アジアへの旋回と再融合（1990〜2000年代）
1998年からはアジアン・ファンタジー・オーケストラのリーダーとして、タイ・ベトナム・韓国などアジア諸国を巡るツアーを実施。各国の伝統音楽家と共演し、演奏を通じて異文化間の響きを探った。
2000年には打楽器アヴァンユニット「SEMBA SONIC SPEAR」を結成。茶碗、バケツ、古タイヤなども用いた異色のパフォーマンスは、「音楽というより音の祝祭」とも評された。
6. 「仙波清彦とカルガモーズ」現在に至る活動
現在は23名もの打楽器奏者を率いる「仙波清彦とカルガモーズ」で活動中。音楽的実験をライブの祝祭として昇華しながら、日用品から音を引き出す独創的な感覚は、多くのミュージシャンに影響を与えている。
また、HOT MUSIC SCHOOLなどで若手パーカッショニストの指導にもあたっており、技術だけでなく「音を遊ぶ心」を伝え続けている。
7. 代表曲の解説
・シシリアン・ルンバ（THE SQUARE時代）：
サルサやラテンリズムに和楽器の打音が混ざり合う、仙波流ハイブリッドの原点。洋楽器の中で小鼓や太鼓が主張する珍しい編成で、後の「はにわ」の原型ともいえる。
・はにわ盆踊り（はにわオールスターズ）：
伝統的な民謡フレーズと現代的なシンセサイザーの組み合わせが絶妙。仙波は「変わらぬ形でなく、踊り継がれる形に再発酵させた」と語る。観客参加型ライブの定番曲でもある。
・打波鼓（だはこ）（カルガモーズ）：
音の奔流と静寂が交互に襲いかかる、リズム構成の妙が光る名曲。水の音や風の音すら打楽器に取り込もうとする仙波の精神が体現された作品。舞台照明と完全に連動した演出も話題となった。
時代背景との関係
仙波清彦の歩みは、戦後から21世紀初頭までの日本文化の変遷と深く関わっている。戦後の伝統芸能軽視、1970〜80年代のフュージョン／ワールドミュージックの隆盛、90年代以降のアジア文化との再接近、そして2000年代のボーダーレス化。
そのすべてのフェーズにおいて、彼は「継承」ではなく「変奏」を選んできた。伝統の打楽器を、西洋音楽や即興、電子音と組み合わせることで、時代の隙間に新たな表現の場を生み出した。
そして、村上"ポンタ"秀一との邂逅は、その変奏をさらに加速させた出来事のひとつである。彼らが生み出した「交差点のリズム」は、今なお多くの音楽家たちの背中を押している。
関連情報（リンク省略）
HOT MUSIC SCHOOL（仙波清彦プロフィール）
X（旧Twitter）仙波清彦公式アカウント
「はにわオールスターズ」「SEMBA SONIC SPEAR」「カルガモーズ」関連映像・音源
村上"ポンタ"秀一との共演ライブ／スタジオ記録（各種雑誌・音源にて）
The History and Current Status of the Recycling Mine Park Plan - From 1995 to 2024
The History and Current Status of the Recycling Mine Park Plan - From 1995 to 2024
December 2024
The Start of the Plan in 1995 and Foundation Building
In 1995, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (now the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry) formulated the "Recycling Mine Park Plan" aimed at reusing abandoned mines. The plan proposed utilizing existing mining facilities and technologies for waste treatment and resource recycling. At the Mochikoshi Mine in Yugashima Town, Izu, Shizuoka Prefecture, Chugai Mining Co., Ltd. recovered silver from waste films and photographic waste liquids, producing about 100 kilograms of gold (99.999%) and 15 tons of silver (99.99%) per month. Additionally, the facility worked on recovering rare metals from electronic waste (E-waste) and shredder dust, contributing to local economic revitalization and job creation.
Expansion and Disaster Waste Management in the 2000s
In the 2000s, the plan was adopted at 36 mining facilities nationwide, with a combined capacity to process approximately 980 million tons of waste annually. Efforts to efficiently recover lithium, cobalt, and tantalum from electronic waste progressed. Furthermore, the enactment of the Basic Act on Establishing a Sound Material-Cycle Society in 2001 bolstered policies that promoted advancements in recycling technologies.
Deepening and Contributions During the Great East Japan Earthquake in the 2010s
During the Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011, abandoned mines such as the former Matsuo Mine in Iwate Prefecture and the former Hosokura Mine in Miyagi Prefecture were utilized as disaster waste treatment centers. These facilities efficiently recycled metals such as iron and aluminum from debris and metal waste, contributing to regional reconstruction. Additionally, the mining industry prepared facilities to recover lithium compounds and nickel, responding to the growing demand driven by the spread of electric vehicles (EVs).
Developments in the 2020s and Contributions to a Sustainable Society
In the 2020s, Chugai Mining strengthened its recycling operations at the Mochikoshi Mine in Izu City, Shizuoka Prefecture. The facility produces approximately 100 kilograms of gold and 15 tons of silver monthly from electronic waste, while also accelerating the recovery of rare metals such as lithium and cobalt. It has also played a vital role in accepting and treating disaster waste, contributing to environmental preservation and economic revitalization in the region.
The Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport, and Tourism also formulated the "Construction Recycling Promotion Plan 2020," increasing the recycling rate of construction waste to 97%. These efforts are linked to the Recycling Mine Park Plan, further promoting the construction of a sustainable resource-recycling society.
Significance of the Plan and Future Prospects
The Recycling Mine Park Plan has been highly evaluated as a pioneering policy aimed at balancing environmental impact reduction and resource recycling. Efforts to reuse abandoned mines have yielded significant results in economic revitalization, stable supply of rare metals, and disaster waste management. Further development is expected in Japan and abroad in the coming years.
December 2024
The Start of the Plan in 1995 and Foundation Building
In 1995, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (now the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry) formulated the "Recycling Mine Park Plan" aimed at reusing abandoned mines. The plan proposed utilizing existing mining facilities and technologies for waste treatment and resource recycling. At the Mochikoshi Mine in Yugashima Town, Izu, Shizuoka Prefecture, Chugai Mining Co., Ltd. recovered silver from waste films and photographic waste liquids, producing about 100 kilograms of gold (99.999%) and 15 tons of silver (99.99%) per month. Additionally, the facility worked on recovering rare metals from electronic waste (E-waste) and shredder dust, contributing to local economic revitalization and job creation.
Expansion and Disaster Waste Management in the 2000s
In the 2000s, the plan was adopted at 36 mining facilities nationwide, with a combined capacity to process approximately 980 million tons of waste annually. Efforts to efficiently recover lithium, cobalt, and tantalum from electronic waste progressed. Furthermore, the enactment of the Basic Act on Establishing a Sound Material-Cycle Society in 2001 bolstered policies that promoted advancements in recycling technologies.
Deepening and Contributions During the Great East Japan Earthquake in the 2010s
During the Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011, abandoned mines such as the former Matsuo Mine in Iwate Prefecture and the former Hosokura Mine in Miyagi Prefecture were utilized as disaster waste treatment centers. These facilities efficiently recycled metals such as iron and aluminum from debris and metal waste, contributing to regional reconstruction. Additionally, the mining industry prepared facilities to recover lithium compounds and nickel, responding to the growing demand driven by the spread of electric vehicles (EVs).
Developments in the 2020s and Contributions to a Sustainable Society
In the 2020s, Chugai Mining strengthened its recycling operations at the Mochikoshi Mine in Izu City, Shizuoka Prefecture. The facility produces approximately 100 kilograms of gold and 15 tons of silver monthly from electronic waste, while also accelerating the recovery of rare metals such as lithium and cobalt. It has also played a vital role in accepting and treating disaster waste, contributing to environmental preservation and economic revitalization in the region.
The Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport, and Tourism also formulated the "Construction Recycling Promotion Plan 2020," increasing the recycling rate of construction waste to 97%. These efforts are linked to the Recycling Mine Park Plan, further promoting the construction of a sustainable resource-recycling society.
Significance of the Plan and Future Prospects
The Recycling Mine Park Plan has been highly evaluated as a pioneering policy aimed at balancing environmental impact reduction and resource recycling. Efforts to reuse abandoned mines have yielded significant results in economic revitalization, stable supply of rare metals, and disaster waste management. Further development is expected in Japan and abroad in the coming years.
The History and Current Status of the Recycling Mine Park Plan - From 1995 to 2024
The History and Current Status of the Recycling Mine Park Plan - From 1995 to 2024
December 2024
The Start of the Plan in 1995 and Foundation Building
In 1995, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (now the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry) formulated the "Recycling Mine Park Plan" aimed at reusing abandoned mines. The plan proposed utilizing existing mining facilities and technologies for waste treatment and resource recycling. At the Mochikoshi Mine in Yugashima Town, Izu, Shizuoka Prefecture, Chugai Mining Co., Ltd. recovered silver from waste films and photographic waste liquids, producing about 100 kilograms of gold (99.999%) and 15 tons of silver (99.99%) per month. Additionally, the facility worked on recovering rare metals from electronic waste (E-waste) and shredder dust, contributing to local economic revitalization and job creation.
Expansion and Disaster Waste Management in the 2000s
In the 2000s, the plan was adopted at 36 mining facilities nationwide, with a combined capacity to process approximately 980 million tons of waste annually. Efforts to efficiently recover lithium, cobalt, and tantalum from electronic waste progressed. Furthermore, the enactment of the Basic Act on Establishing a Sound Material-Cycle Society in 2001 bolstered policies that promoted advancements in recycling technologies.
Deepening and Contributions During the Great East Japan Earthquake in the 2010s
During the Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011, abandoned mines such as the former Matsuo Mine in Iwate Prefecture and the former Hosokura Mine in Miyagi Prefecture were utilized as disaster waste treatment centers. These facilities efficiently recycled metals such as iron and aluminum from debris and metal waste, contributing to regional reconstruction. Additionally, the mining industry prepared facilities to recover lithium compounds and nickel, responding to the growing demand driven by the spread of electric vehicles (EVs).
Developments in the 2020s and Contributions to a Sustainable Society
In the 2020s, Chugai Mining strengthened its recycling operations at the Mochikoshi Mine in Izu City, Shizuoka Prefecture. The facility produces approximately 100 kilograms of gold and 15 tons of silver monthly from electronic waste, while also accelerating the recovery of rare metals such as lithium and cobalt. It has also played a vital role in accepting and treating disaster waste, contributing to environmental preservation and economic revitalization in the region.
The Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport, and Tourism also formulated the "Construction Recycling Promotion Plan 2020," increasing the recycling rate of construction waste to 97%. These efforts are linked to the Recycling Mine Park Plan, further promoting the construction of a sustainable resource-recycling society.
Significance of the Plan and Future Prospects
The Recycling Mine Park Plan has been highly evaluated as a pioneering policy aimed at balancing environmental impact reduction and resource recycling. Efforts to reuse abandoned mines have yielded significant results in economic revitalization, stable supply of rare metals, and disaster waste management. Further development is expected in Japan and abroad in the coming years.
December 2024
The Start of the Plan in 1995 and Foundation Building
In 1995, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (now the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry) formulated the "Recycling Mine Park Plan" aimed at reusing abandoned mines. The plan proposed utilizing existing mining facilities and technologies for waste treatment and resource recycling. At the Mochikoshi Mine in Yugashima Town, Izu, Shizuoka Prefecture, Chugai Mining Co., Ltd. recovered silver from waste films and photographic waste liquids, producing about 100 kilograms of gold (99.999%) and 15 tons of silver (99.99%) per month. Additionally, the facility worked on recovering rare metals from electronic waste (E-waste) and shredder dust, contributing to local economic revitalization and job creation.
Expansion and Disaster Waste Management in the 2000s
In the 2000s, the plan was adopted at 36 mining facilities nationwide, with a combined capacity to process approximately 980 million tons of waste annually. Efforts to efficiently recover lithium, cobalt, and tantalum from electronic waste progressed. Furthermore, the enactment of the Basic Act on Establishing a Sound Material-Cycle Society in 2001 bolstered policies that promoted advancements in recycling technologies.
Deepening and Contributions During the Great East Japan Earthquake in the 2010s
During the Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011, abandoned mines such as the former Matsuo Mine in Iwate Prefecture and the former Hosokura Mine in Miyagi Prefecture were utilized as disaster waste treatment centers. These facilities efficiently recycled metals such as iron and aluminum from debris and metal waste, contributing to regional reconstruction. Additionally, the mining industry prepared facilities to recover lithium compounds and nickel, responding to the growing demand driven by the spread of electric vehicles (EVs).
Developments in the 2020s and Contributions to a Sustainable Society
In the 2020s, Chugai Mining strengthened its recycling operations at the Mochikoshi Mine in Izu City, Shizuoka Prefecture. The facility produces approximately 100 kilograms of gold and 15 tons of silver monthly from electronic waste, while also accelerating the recovery of rare metals such as lithium and cobalt. It has also played a vital role in accepting and treating disaster waste, contributing to environmental preservation and economic revitalization in the region.
The Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport, and Tourism also formulated the "Construction Recycling Promotion Plan 2020," increasing the recycling rate of construction waste to 97%. These efforts are linked to the Recycling Mine Park Plan, further promoting the construction of a sustainable resource-recycling society.
Significance of the Plan and Future Prospects
The Recycling Mine Park Plan has been highly evaluated as a pioneering policy aimed at balancing environmental impact reduction and resource recycling. Efforts to reuse abandoned mines have yielded significant results in economic revitalization, stable supply of rare metals, and disaster waste management. Further development is expected in Japan and abroad in the coming years.
Current Status of Greenhouse Gas Emissions - China - May 2020s
Current Status of Greenhouse Gas Emissions - China - May 2020s
In the 2020s, China remains the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, with approximately 11.9 gigatons of CO2 emitted in 2021. This accounts for about 33% of the global total, far exceeding the emissions of the United States and India. China's rapid economic growth and urbanization have continued to drive coal-based energy consumption, with around 60% of total emissions coming from coal. Particularly in industrial regions such as Hebei and Shanxi provinces, large power plants and steel mills are the primary sources of CO2 emissions.
The Chinese government has set a goal of achieving carbon neutrality by 2060, and in 2020, it set a mid-term target of peaking CO2 emissions by 2030, in line with the Paris Agreement. However, with around 85% of domestic energy consumption still reliant on fossil fuels, the adoption of renewable energy remains a challenge.
On the other hand, China leads the world in the adoption of renewable energy, with its solar power capacity reaching 306 gigawatts in 2021, accounting for 35% of the global total. Additionally, wind power capacity reached 328 gigawatts, becoming a crucial part of the country's energy supply.
Furthermore, the spread of electric vehicles (EVs) is being aggressively promoted, with over 3.4 million EVs sold in 2021, making China the world's largest EV market. The Chinese government has announced plans to ensure that 100% of new car sales are EVs or hybrids by 2035, contributing to emission reductions in the transport sector.
However, the pace of energy transition remains slow, particularly in northern regions where winter electricity demand surges, and new coal-fired power plants are still being built. China's energy plan through 2050 calls for a phased reduction in coal usage, but significant time and investment will be required to fully transition to renewable energy.
Thus, while China has made significant progress in adopting renewable energy and promoting EVs, its coal-dependent economic structure remains a major hurdle in achieving carbon neutrality.
In the 2020s, China remains the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, with approximately 11.9 gigatons of CO2 emitted in 2021. This accounts for about 33% of the global total, far exceeding the emissions of the United States and India. China's rapid economic growth and urbanization have continued to drive coal-based energy consumption, with around 60% of total emissions coming from coal. Particularly in industrial regions such as Hebei and Shanxi provinces, large power plants and steel mills are the primary sources of CO2 emissions.
The Chinese government has set a goal of achieving carbon neutrality by 2060, and in 2020, it set a mid-term target of peaking CO2 emissions by 2030, in line with the Paris Agreement. However, with around 85% of domestic energy consumption still reliant on fossil fuels, the adoption of renewable energy remains a challenge.
On the other hand, China leads the world in the adoption of renewable energy, with its solar power capacity reaching 306 gigawatts in 2021, accounting for 35% of the global total. Additionally, wind power capacity reached 328 gigawatts, becoming a crucial part of the country's energy supply.
Furthermore, the spread of electric vehicles (EVs) is being aggressively promoted, with over 3.4 million EVs sold in 2021, making China the world's largest EV market. The Chinese government has announced plans to ensure that 100% of new car sales are EVs or hybrids by 2035, contributing to emission reductions in the transport sector.
However, the pace of energy transition remains slow, particularly in northern regions where winter electricity demand surges, and new coal-fired power plants are still being built. China's energy plan through 2050 calls for a phased reduction in coal usage, but significant time and investment will be required to fully transition to renewable energy.
Thus, while China has made significant progress in adopting renewable energy and promoting EVs, its coal-dependent economic structure remains a major hurdle in achieving carbon neutrality.
Current Status of Greenhouse Gas Emissions - China - May 2020s
Current Status of Greenhouse Gas Emissions - China - May 2020s
In the 2020s, China remains the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, with approximately 11.9 gigatons of CO2 emitted in 2021. This accounts for about 33% of the global total, far exceeding the emissions of the United States and India. China's rapid economic growth and urbanization have continued to drive coal-based energy consumption, with around 60% of total emissions coming from coal. Particularly in industrial regions such as Hebei and Shanxi provinces, large power plants and steel mills are the primary sources of CO2 emissions.
The Chinese government has set a goal of achieving carbon neutrality by 2060, and in 2020, it set a mid-term target of peaking CO2 emissions by 2030, in line with the Paris Agreement. However, with around 85% of domestic energy consumption still reliant on fossil fuels, the adoption of renewable energy remains a challenge.
On the other hand, China leads the world in the adoption of renewable energy, with its solar power capacity reaching 306 gigawatts in 2021, accounting for 35% of the global total. Additionally, wind power capacity reached 328 gigawatts, becoming a crucial part of the country's energy supply.
Furthermore, the spread of electric vehicles (EVs) is being aggressively promoted, with over 3.4 million EVs sold in 2021, making China the world's largest EV market. The Chinese government has announced plans to ensure that 100% of new car sales are EVs or hybrids by 2035, contributing to emission reductions in the transport sector.
However, the pace of energy transition remains slow, particularly in northern regions where winter electricity demand surges, and new coal-fired power plants are still being built. China's energy plan through 2050 calls for a phased reduction in coal usage, but significant time and investment will be required to fully transition to renewable energy.
Thus, while China has made significant progress in adopting renewable energy and promoting EVs, its coal-dependent economic structure remains a major hurdle in achieving carbon neutrality.
In the 2020s, China remains the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, with approximately 11.9 gigatons of CO2 emitted in 2021. This accounts for about 33% of the global total, far exceeding the emissions of the United States and India. China's rapid economic growth and urbanization have continued to drive coal-based energy consumption, with around 60% of total emissions coming from coal. Particularly in industrial regions such as Hebei and Shanxi provinces, large power plants and steel mills are the primary sources of CO2 emissions.
The Chinese government has set a goal of achieving carbon neutrality by 2060, and in 2020, it set a mid-term target of peaking CO2 emissions by 2030, in line with the Paris Agreement. However, with around 85% of domestic energy consumption still reliant on fossil fuels, the adoption of renewable energy remains a challenge.
On the other hand, China leads the world in the adoption of renewable energy, with its solar power capacity reaching 306 gigawatts in 2021, accounting for 35% of the global total. Additionally, wind power capacity reached 328 gigawatts, becoming a crucial part of the country's energy supply.
Furthermore, the spread of electric vehicles (EVs) is being aggressively promoted, with over 3.4 million EVs sold in 2021, making China the world's largest EV market. The Chinese government has announced plans to ensure that 100% of new car sales are EVs or hybrids by 2035, contributing to emission reductions in the transport sector.
However, the pace of energy transition remains slow, particularly in northern regions where winter electricity demand surges, and new coal-fired power plants are still being built. China's energy plan through 2050 calls for a phased reduction in coal usage, but significant time and investment will be required to fully transition to renewable energy.
Thus, while China has made significant progress in adopting renewable energy and promoting EVs, its coal-dependent economic structure remains a major hurdle in achieving carbon neutrality.
3. expansion of the environmental crime market
3. expansion of the environmental crime market
The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) conference in Geneva highlighted the rapid expansion of international environmental crimes. These crimes include illegal trade in chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), illegal dumping of hazardous waste, and smuggling of rare wildlife. The environmental crime market is worth tens of billions of yen annually (approximately 50-100 billion yen), contributing significantly to the worsening global environmental degradation.
The United Nations recognizes the seriousness of these problems and intends to strengthen cooperation with international organizations such as Interpol to combat environmental crimes. Furthermore, UNEP urges countries to strictly adhere to international agreements designed to prevent such environmental crimes. By strengthening international cooperation and enforcing existing regulations, UNEP aims to curb the expansion of the environmental crime market and reduce its impact on the global ecosystem.
The expansion of environmental crimes poses a serious threat to the environment and biodiversity. These illegal activities not only violate environmental laws, but also disrupt ecosystems, lead to species extinctions, and cause long-term environmental degradation. To effectively address these challenges, a strong international legal framework and coordinated cross-border efforts are more important than ever.
The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) conference in Geneva highlighted the rapid expansion of international environmental crimes. These crimes include illegal trade in chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), illegal dumping of hazardous waste, and smuggling of rare wildlife. The environmental crime market is worth tens of billions of yen annually (approximately 50-100 billion yen), contributing significantly to the worsening global environmental degradation.
The United Nations recognizes the seriousness of these problems and intends to strengthen cooperation with international organizations such as Interpol to combat environmental crimes. Furthermore, UNEP urges countries to strictly adhere to international agreements designed to prevent such environmental crimes. By strengthening international cooperation and enforcing existing regulations, UNEP aims to curb the expansion of the environmental crime market and reduce its impact on the global ecosystem.
The expansion of environmental crimes poses a serious threat to the environment and biodiversity. These illegal activities not only violate environmental laws, but also disrupt ecosystems, lead to species extinctions, and cause long-term environmental degradation. To effectively address these challenges, a strong international legal framework and coordinated cross-border efforts are more important than ever.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)