### Disaster caused by flooding of Kumagawa River, Kumamoto Prefecture - July 2020
In July 2020, a rainy season front stagnated over the Kyushu region of Japan, causing record-breaking rainfall in Kumamoto Prefecture. The Kuma River, which flows through southern Kumamoto Prefecture, overflowed due to the concentration of large amounts of precipitation in a short period of time, and the floodwaters flowed into the surrounding areas. In particular, areas such as Yatsushiro City, Kuma Village, and Hitoyoshi City were severely damaged, with homes and infrastructure flooded on a massive scale. On the day of the disaster, more than 500 mm of precipitation was recorded in a 24-hour period, making flooding of the Kuma River inevitable.
The flooding took the lives of 14 elderly residents of Senjuen, a special nursing home for the elderly in Kuma Village, before they could evacuate the facility. The facility is located along the Kuma River, and the rapid rise of the water level combined with the break in the levee to cut off the surrounding roads, causing a delay in rescue efforts, which in turn increased the damage. The Kuma River is a well-known sightseeing resource in Kumamoto Prefecture and an area with a rich natural environment, but this kind of torrential rain disaster once again highlighted the risks to the areas surrounding the river.
In response to this disaster, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport, and Tourism announced a policy to invest a total of approximately 20 billion yen to strengthen levees and revetments along the Kuma River to promote flood control measures. In addition, Kyushu Electric Power Company, a local company, has expressed its cooperation in developing a real-time monitoring system for river water levels, considering the introduction of an early warning system using renewable energy after the disaster. Furthermore, Kumamoto Prefecture is strengthening evacuation drills for local residents and working with local communities to develop evacuation support plans for the elderly and disabled.
In addition, climate change is increasing the frequency of torrential rains, known as "linear rainfall zones," which is also adding to the increased risk of disasters. In particular, cases such as the flooding of the Kuma River indicate that conventional flood control infrastructure alone is not sufficient to deal with the situation, and there is an urgent need to further strengthen levees and establish systems to encourage early evacuation. Against this backdrop, there is a need for comprehensive disaster prevention and mitigation efforts through collaboration among the national government, local governments, and businesses.
Wednesday, April 30, 2025
### 熊本県球磨川氾濫による災害 - 2020年7月
### 熊本県球磨川氾濫による災害 - 2020年7月
2020年7月、日本の九州地方を中心に梅雨前線が停滞し、熊本県で記録的な豪雨が発生しました。熊本県南部を流れる球磨川は、短期間に多量の降水が集中したことによって氾濫し、氾濫水が周辺の地域へと流れ込みました。特に、八代市、球磨村、人吉市といった地域が甚大な被害を受け、住宅やインフラが大規模に浸水しました。災害当日は、24時間に500ミリ以上の降水量を記録し、球磨川の氾濫は避けられないものとなりました。
この氾濫によって、球磨村にある特別養護老人ホーム「千寿園」では施設内にいた高齢者14名が避難する間もなく犠牲となりました。施設は球磨川沿いに位置しており、急激な水位上昇と堤防の決壊が重なり、周辺の道路も寸断され、救助が遅れたことが被害を拡大させました。球磨川は熊本県内で観光資源としても知られる川であり、自然環境も豊かな地域ですが、こうした豪雨災害は川の周辺地域にリスクを伴うことが改めて浮き彫りとなりました。
この災害を受け、国土交通省は球磨川の堤防強化や護岸工事に総額約200億円を投入し、治水対策を進める方針を発表しました。また、地元企業である九州電力は、災害後に再生可能エネルギーを利用した早期警報システムの導入を検討し、河川の水位をリアルタイムで監視するシステムの整備に協力を表明しました。さらに、熊本県は地域住民向けに避難訓練の強化を図り、地域コミュニティと連携して高齢者や障がい者のための避難支援計画を策定しています。
また、気候変動によって「線状降水帯」と呼ばれる集中豪雨の頻度が増加していることも災害リスクの増大に拍車をかけています。特に、球磨川氾濫のような事例は、従来の治水インフラだけでは対応が困難であることを示しており、さらなる堤防強化や早期避難を促すシステムの構築が急務とされています。このような背景から、国や自治体、企業の連携による包括的な防災・減災の取り組みが求められています。
2020年7月、日本の九州地方を中心に梅雨前線が停滞し、熊本県で記録的な豪雨が発生しました。熊本県南部を流れる球磨川は、短期間に多量の降水が集中したことによって氾濫し、氾濫水が周辺の地域へと流れ込みました。特に、八代市、球磨村、人吉市といった地域が甚大な被害を受け、住宅やインフラが大規模に浸水しました。災害当日は、24時間に500ミリ以上の降水量を記録し、球磨川の氾濫は避けられないものとなりました。
この氾濫によって、球磨村にある特別養護老人ホーム「千寿園」では施設内にいた高齢者14名が避難する間もなく犠牲となりました。施設は球磨川沿いに位置しており、急激な水位上昇と堤防の決壊が重なり、周辺の道路も寸断され、救助が遅れたことが被害を拡大させました。球磨川は熊本県内で観光資源としても知られる川であり、自然環境も豊かな地域ですが、こうした豪雨災害は川の周辺地域にリスクを伴うことが改めて浮き彫りとなりました。
この災害を受け、国土交通省は球磨川の堤防強化や護岸工事に総額約200億円を投入し、治水対策を進める方針を発表しました。また、地元企業である九州電力は、災害後に再生可能エネルギーを利用した早期警報システムの導入を検討し、河川の水位をリアルタイムで監視するシステムの整備に協力を表明しました。さらに、熊本県は地域住民向けに避難訓練の強化を図り、地域コミュニティと連携して高齢者や障がい者のための避難支援計画を策定しています。
また、気候変動によって「線状降水帯」と呼ばれる集中豪雨の頻度が増加していることも災害リスクの増大に拍車をかけています。特に、球磨川氾濫のような事例は、従来の治水インフラだけでは対応が困難であることを示しており、さらなる堤防強化や早期避難を促すシステムの構築が急務とされています。このような背景から、国や自治体、企業の連携による包括的な防災・減災の取り組みが求められています。
Kizuna of the Dark Current--Dohinkai and the Shadow of Yukitaka Maeda (1971-2024)
Kizuna of the Dark Current--Dohinkai and the Shadow of Yukitaka Maeda (1971-2024)
The Dōnin-kai, a designated organized crime syndicate based in Kurume City, Fukuoka Prefecture. Noritaka Maeda, the first head of the Maeda family, is a mysterious figure who is not mentioned in any documents. His name seldom appears in the chronology of conflicts or records of reorganizations, but only reverberates like a ripple in the depths of the organization. The "Yamamichi War" in 1986 and the deadly battles with the Kyushu Seidokai since 2006 have claimed many lives and left deep scars on the local community. In the midst of this, the Dōnin-kai moved its headquarters to Saga Prefecture, and the town of Kurume was silenced by a civic movement. Then, in 2024, Kenichi Fukuda took over as the fifth generation. While the organization has reached a historic turning point with the reconciliation with the Namikawa-kai, there are still disturbing signs about the future of the organization. The shadow of Maeda Noritaka also lies in the depths of these times.
The Dōnin-kai, a designated organized crime syndicate based in Kurume City, Fukuoka Prefecture. Noritaka Maeda, the first head of the Maeda family, is a mysterious figure who is not mentioned in any documents. His name seldom appears in the chronology of conflicts or records of reorganizations, but only reverberates like a ripple in the depths of the organization. The "Yamamichi War" in 1986 and the deadly battles with the Kyushu Seidokai since 2006 have claimed many lives and left deep scars on the local community. In the midst of this, the Dōnin-kai moved its headquarters to Saga Prefecture, and the town of Kurume was silenced by a civic movement. Then, in 2024, Kenichi Fukuda took over as the fifth generation. While the organization has reached a historic turning point with the reconciliation with the Namikawa-kai, there are still disturbing signs about the future of the organization. The shadow of Maeda Noritaka also lies in the depths of these times.
暗流の絆――道仁会と前田諭孝の影（1971年〜2024年）
暗流の絆――道仁会と前田諭孝の影（1971年〜2024年）
福岡県久留米市を拠点とする指定暴力団・道仁会。その内部組織である前田一家初代の前田諭孝（まえだ・のりたか）は、資料にも語られぬ謎の存在である。彼の名は、抗争の年表にも、組織再編の記録にも滅多に現れず、ただ組織の奥底で波紋のように残響を遺した。道仁会は1971年、古賀磯次により創設され、以後、九州四県に勢力を広げ、時に流血の抗争を経ながら、その名を裏社会に刻んできた。1986年の「山道抗争」、2006年からの九州誠道会との死闘では、多くの命が奪われ、地域社会にも深い傷を残した。そのなかで道仁会は佐賀県に本拠を移し、久留米の町は市民運動によって沈黙を破った。そして2024年、五代目として福田憲一が就任。浪川会との和解という歴史的転機を迎える一方、組織の未来にはいまだ不穏な気配�
�漂う。前田諭孝の影もまた、そうした時代の深層に沈んでいる。
福岡県久留米市を拠点とする指定暴力団・道仁会。その内部組織である前田一家初代の前田諭孝（まえだ・のりたか）は、資料にも語られぬ謎の存在である。彼の名は、抗争の年表にも、組織再編の記録にも滅多に現れず、ただ組織の奥底で波紋のように残響を遺した。道仁会は1971年、古賀磯次により創設され、以後、九州四県に勢力を広げ、時に流血の抗争を経ながら、その名を裏社会に刻んできた。1986年の「山道抗争」、2006年からの九州誠道会との死闘では、多くの命が奪われ、地域社会にも深い傷を残した。そのなかで道仁会は佐賀県に本拠を移し、久留米の町は市民運動によって沈黙を破った。そして2024年、五代目として福田憲一が就任。浪川会との和解という歴史的転機を迎える一方、組織の未来にはいまだ不穏な気配�
�漂う。前田諭孝の影もまた、そうした時代の深層に沈んでいる。
Overview of the project to convert chicken manure into fertilizer in Mima County, Tokushima Prefecture
Overview of the project to convert chicken manure into fertilizer in Mima County, Tokushima Prefecture
Mima-gun, Tokushima Prefecture, is one of the largest poultry farming areas in Japan, producing approximately 140,000 tons of chicken manure annually. 1994, a third-sector chicken manure composting project was launched in Mima-gun with the cooperation of poultry farming-related organizations and local businesses. The project was subsidized by Tokushima Prefecture and the national government, and the total project cost amounted to approximately 1.55 billion yen. Currently, there are 10 compost centers in Mima County, producing approximately 23,000 tons of compost annually and contributing to organic farming locally and nationwide.
In addition, Maruzen Oil & Chemical Trading (Tokyo) manufactures "Bio-Turf," a soil conditioner made by adding humic acid and microorganisms to chicken manure, and supplies 1,200 tons per year to golf courses and public facilities. This improver improves soil aeration and nutrient availability, and demand for this product is increasing. As the project progresses, odor control and water quality preservation technologies have also improved, making Mima County an advanced regional model for promoting environmental preservation and resource recycling.
Mima-gun, Tokushima Prefecture, is one of the largest poultry farming areas in Japan, producing approximately 140,000 tons of chicken manure annually. 1994, a third-sector chicken manure composting project was launched in Mima-gun with the cooperation of poultry farming-related organizations and local businesses. The project was subsidized by Tokushima Prefecture and the national government, and the total project cost amounted to approximately 1.55 billion yen. Currently, there are 10 compost centers in Mima County, producing approximately 23,000 tons of compost annually and contributing to organic farming locally and nationwide.
In addition, Maruzen Oil & Chemical Trading (Tokyo) manufactures "Bio-Turf," a soil conditioner made by adding humic acid and microorganisms to chicken manure, and supplies 1,200 tons per year to golf courses and public facilities. This improver improves soil aeration and nutrient availability, and demand for this product is increasing. As the project progresses, odor control and water quality preservation technologies have also improved, making Mima County an advanced regional model for promoting environmental preservation and resource recycling.
徳島県美馬郡の鶏ふん肥料化プロジェクトの概要
徳島県美馬郡の鶏ふん肥料化プロジェクトの概要
徳島県美馬郡は日本有数の養鶏地帯であり、年間約14万トンもの鶏ふんが排出されています。1994年、美馬郡の養鶏関連団体や地元企業が協力し、第三セクターによる鶏ふん堆肥化プロジェクトが始動しました。この事業には徳島県と国からの補助金が投入され、総事業費は約15億5千万円に達しました。現在、美馬郡内には10カ所の堆肥センターがあり、年間約2万3千トンの堆肥を生産し、地元や全国の有機農業に貢献しています。
さらに、丸善油化商事（東京）は鶏ふんに腐植酸や微生物を加えた土壌改良剤「バイオターフ」を製造し、ゴルフ場や公共施設向けに年間1200トンを供給しています。この改良剤は土壌の通気性や栄養供給力を向上させる効果があり、需要が増加しています。プロジェクトの進展に伴い、悪臭対策や水質保全の技術も向上し、美馬郡は環境保全と資源循環を推進する先進的な地域モデルとなっています。
徳島県美馬郡は日本有数の養鶏地帯であり、年間約14万トンもの鶏ふんが排出されています。1994年、美馬郡の養鶏関連団体や地元企業が協力し、第三セクターによる鶏ふん堆肥化プロジェクトが始動しました。この事業には徳島県と国からの補助金が投入され、総事業費は約15億5千万円に達しました。現在、美馬郡内には10カ所の堆肥センターがあり、年間約2万3千トンの堆肥を生産し、地元や全国の有機農業に貢献しています。
さらに、丸善油化商事（東京）は鶏ふんに腐植酸や微生物を加えた土壌改良剤「バイオターフ」を製造し、ゴルフ場や公共施設向けに年間1200トンを供給しています。この改良剤は土壌の通気性や栄養供給力を向上させる効果があり、需要が増加しています。プロジェクトの進展に伴い、悪臭対策や水質保全の技術も向上し、美馬郡は環境保全と資源循環を推進する先進的な地域モデルとなっています。
Overview of Improper Construction Waste Disposal Issues
Overview of Improper Construction Waste Disposal Issues
In 2001, improper disposal of construction waste became an environmental issue in Japan, and the promotion of reuse of construction by-products began to be discussed. The treatment of asbestos-containing materials and the prevention of illegal dumping became issues, and progress was made in legal regulations and corporate technological development. 2010s saw the strengthening of sorted collection and an increase in recycling rates, triggered by the earthquake reconstruction efforts. On the other hand, lack of local treatment facilities and immaturity of mixed waste recycling technology remained challenges. 2020s: With Tokyo generating approximately 4 million tons of waste annually and the recycling rate remaining at 72%, companies introduced AI sorting robots and asbestos detoxification technology. Regulations have been tightened, with fines of up to 100 million yen for violators due to a revised law. Cooperation between the community, companies, and citizens is required for
a sustainable society.
In 2001, improper disposal of construction waste became an environmental issue in Japan, and the promotion of reuse of construction by-products began to be discussed. The treatment of asbestos-containing materials and the prevention of illegal dumping became issues, and progress was made in legal regulations and corporate technological development. 2010s saw the strengthening of sorted collection and an increase in recycling rates, triggered by the earthquake reconstruction efforts. On the other hand, lack of local treatment facilities and immaturity of mixed waste recycling technology remained challenges. 2020s: With Tokyo generating approximately 4 million tons of waste annually and the recycling rate remaining at 72%, companies introduced AI sorting robots and asbestos detoxification technology. Regulations have been tightened, with fines of up to 100 million yen for violators due to a revised law. Cooperation between the community, companies, and citizens is required for
a sustainable society.
建設廃棄物の不適正処理問題の概要
建設廃棄物の不適正処理問題の概要
2001年、日本で建設廃棄物の不適正処理が環境問題として注目され、建設副産物の再利用促進が議論され始めました。アスベスト含有材の処理や不法投棄防止が課題となり、法規制と企業の技術開発が進展。2010年代には震災復興を契機に分別収集が強化され、リサイクル率が向上。一方で地方の処理施設不足や混合廃棄物の再利用技術の未熟さが課題として残りました。2020年代には、東京都で年間約400万トンの廃棄物が発生し、リサイクル率72％にとどまる中、企業がAI分別ロボットやアスベスト無害化技術を導入。法改正により違反者には最大1億円の罰金が科されるなど、規制が強化されています。持続可能な社会に向けた地域と企業、市民の協力が求められます。
2001年、日本で建設廃棄物の不適正処理が環境問題として注目され、建設副産物の再利用促進が議論され始めました。アスベスト含有材の処理や不法投棄防止が課題となり、法規制と企業の技術開発が進展。2010年代には震災復興を契機に分別収集が強化され、リサイクル率が向上。一方で地方の処理施設不足や混合廃棄物の再利用技術の未熟さが課題として残りました。2020年代には、東京都で年間約400万トンの廃棄物が発生し、リサイクル率72％にとどまる中、企業がAI分別ロボットやアスベスト無害化技術を導入。法改正により違反者には最大1億円の罰金が科されるなど、規制が強化されています。持続可能な社会に向けた地域と企業、市民の協力が求められます。
Fangs Breathing Underground - Wolfshed and the Anti-Surface Artistic Spirit (early 1970s)
Fangs Breathing Underground - Wolfshed and the Anti-Surface Artistic Spirit (early 1970s)
Takadanobaba, Totsuka 4-chome. Around 1970, a small theater was born in the periphery of Tokyo, a mixture of former farming and residential areas. Its name was "Roushya," or "wolf house. As the name suggests, this space, which exudes fangs, caution, loneliness, and obsession, was dug underground rather than above ground. Architecturally and symbolically, it was "a refuge for those who cannot live on the surface.
It was neither a capitalist nor an urban planner who built this wolf house. They were people without college degrees, without theater companies, so to speak, "people who did not deserve a theater or to have a theater. They did not build it because they had money, but "dug the hole for credibility," they say. In these words, the cultural climate of around 1970 oozes out.
Background 1: Underground Theater and Objections to the "System
From the late 1960s to the early 1970s, Japan's performing arts were at a turning point. While the shingeki (new theater) system of the Bungakuza and Haiyuza theaters was becoming increasingly rigid, the "Ceiling Pier" of Shuji Terayama and the "Situation Theater" of Juro Karo were expanding their movement to create theater outside the theater, using red tents and mobile stages to travel around the city.
These were called "underground theater," and they attracted audiences with their violent, sexual, and mythological physical expressions and a style that laid bare a sense of discomfort with the everyday. The idea of "not belonging to the theater," "not being part of the system," and "not acting for the state" gave birth to new theatrical spaces such as the underground, tents, and alleyways.
Background 2: The End of the Student Movement and the Culture of "Escape
The student movement, which flared up from 1968 to 1969, gradually waned with the stalling of the 1970 Security Treaty struggle. With the withdrawal from street demonstrations and the dismantling of university student associations, young people began to seek new places "outside" politics. These were "places of expression" such as music, theater, manga, and independent films.
Among these, the "underground" had a strong meaning as a physical and psychological symbol of rebellion. Above ground = surface society = state, law, and order, while underground = heresy, escape, and instinct. The fact that the Wolf House was a "theater built in a hole" was not merely an architectural choice, but an intuitive commentary on the times.
Symbolism of the Wolf House: A Space with Fangs
The name of the theater, "Wolf House," implied "readiness to bite people. It contained the "bestiality" of those who believed in art without flattering the audience or pandering to the media. The man who made it says, "I didn't make it out of passion for the play, I just couldn't betray it.
These words reveal the clumsy sincerity of the youth of the time and the reality of an art form that could only breathe in a corner of the city. The wolfshed was not an institution for art, but a cave for faith and soul.
The Space of the Underground: Silence, Memory, and Resonance
At night, after the play is over and the lights have gone out, the man stands alone on the stage. In the silence, he says, he can hear "the chest-thumping of a wolf in the distant past. This is the memory of a primitive instinct, a "cry" before the system. The subterranean theater was a resonant space where voices that could not be uttered under the roof of civilization could be heard.
Thus, the birth of the underground theater called "wolfshed" was a cultural response to the rift in Japanese society in the early 1970s. There were indeed those who, from the very depths of the earth, were honing their fangs and keeping a watchful eye on the ground, which was dominated by economic growth and a controlled society. And the "hole" they dug continues to flow quietly as a subterranean vein of the Japanese artistic spirit.
Takadanobaba, Totsuka 4-chome. Around 1970, a small theater was born in the periphery of Tokyo, a mixture of former farming and residential areas. Its name was "Roushya," or "wolf house. As the name suggests, this space, which exudes fangs, caution, loneliness, and obsession, was dug underground rather than above ground. Architecturally and symbolically, it was "a refuge for those who cannot live on the surface.
It was neither a capitalist nor an urban planner who built this wolf house. They were people without college degrees, without theater companies, so to speak, "people who did not deserve a theater or to have a theater. They did not build it because they had money, but "dug the hole for credibility," they say. In these words, the cultural climate of around 1970 oozes out.
Background 1: Underground Theater and Objections to the "System
From the late 1960s to the early 1970s, Japan's performing arts were at a turning point. While the shingeki (new theater) system of the Bungakuza and Haiyuza theaters was becoming increasingly rigid, the "Ceiling Pier" of Shuji Terayama and the "Situation Theater" of Juro Karo were expanding their movement to create theater outside the theater, using red tents and mobile stages to travel around the city.
These were called "underground theater," and they attracted audiences with their violent, sexual, and mythological physical expressions and a style that laid bare a sense of discomfort with the everyday. The idea of "not belonging to the theater," "not being part of the system," and "not acting for the state" gave birth to new theatrical spaces such as the underground, tents, and alleyways.
Background 2: The End of the Student Movement and the Culture of "Escape
The student movement, which flared up from 1968 to 1969, gradually waned with the stalling of the 1970 Security Treaty struggle. With the withdrawal from street demonstrations and the dismantling of university student associations, young people began to seek new places "outside" politics. These were "places of expression" such as music, theater, manga, and independent films.
Among these, the "underground" had a strong meaning as a physical and psychological symbol of rebellion. Above ground = surface society = state, law, and order, while underground = heresy, escape, and instinct. The fact that the Wolf House was a "theater built in a hole" was not merely an architectural choice, but an intuitive commentary on the times.
Symbolism of the Wolf House: A Space with Fangs
The name of the theater, "Wolf House," implied "readiness to bite people. It contained the "bestiality" of those who believed in art without flattering the audience or pandering to the media. The man who made it says, "I didn't make it out of passion for the play, I just couldn't betray it.
These words reveal the clumsy sincerity of the youth of the time and the reality of an art form that could only breathe in a corner of the city. The wolfshed was not an institution for art, but a cave for faith and soul.
The Space of the Underground: Silence, Memory, and Resonance
At night, after the play is over and the lights have gone out, the man stands alone on the stage. In the silence, he says, he can hear "the chest-thumping of a wolf in the distant past. This is the memory of a primitive instinct, a "cry" before the system. The subterranean theater was a resonant space where voices that could not be uttered under the roof of civilization could be heard.
Thus, the birth of the underground theater called "wolfshed" was a cultural response to the rift in Japanese society in the early 1970s. There were indeed those who, from the very depths of the earth, were honing their fangs and keeping a watchful eye on the ground, which was dominated by economic growth and a controlled society. And the "hole" they dug continues to flow quietly as a subterranean vein of the Japanese artistic spirit.
地中に息づく牙―狼舎と反表層の芸術精神（1970年代初頭）
地中に息づく牙―狼舎と反表層の芸術精神（1970年代初頭）
高田馬場・戸塚四丁目。かつての農村と住宅地の混ざる東京の周縁部に、1970年前後、小さな劇場が生まれた。名を「狼舎（ろうしゃ）」という。その名の通り、牙と警戒、そして孤独と執念を漂わせたこの空間は、地上ではなく地下に掘られた。そこは建築的にも、象徴的にも「表層では生きられない者たちの避難所」であった。
この狼舎を築いたのは、資本家でも都市計画者でもない。大学を出ていない、劇団をもたない、いわば「劇場にも、劇場を持つ資格のない人々」だった。彼らは金があるから建てたのではなく、「信義のために穴を掘った」と語る。その言葉に、1970年前後の文化的風土がにじみ出る。
背景1：アングラ演劇と「制度」への異議申し立て
1960年代末から70年代初頭、日本の舞台芸術は転換期を迎えていた。文学座や俳優座といった新劇の体制が次第に硬直化する一方で、寺山修司の「天井桟敷」、唐十郎の「状況劇場」などが、赤テントや移動式舞台で都市を回遊し、劇場の外で演劇を生み出す運動を広げていた。
これらは「アングラ演劇（アンダーグラウンド演劇）」と呼ばれ、暴力的、性的、神話的な身体表現と、日常への違和感をむき出しにする作風で観客を惹きつけた。「劇場に属さない」「制度に与しない」「国家に演じない」そうした理念が地下・テント・路地という新たな舞台空間を生み出していった。
背景2：学生運動の終息と「逃げ場」の文化
1968年から69年にかけて燃え上がった学生運動は、70年安保闘争の失速とともにしだいに衰えを見せる。街頭デモから撤退し、大学自治会が解体されるなかで、若者たちは政治の「外」に新たな場所を求め始める。それが、音楽・演劇・マンガ・自主映画といった「表現の場」であった。
その中でも、「地下」という場所は、反抗の物理的・心理的象徴として強い意味を帯びていた。地上＝表の社会＝国家・法・秩序、に対して、地下＝異端・逃走・本能。狼舎が"穴を掘って作られた劇場"だったという事実は、単なる建築上の選択ではなく、時代への直感的な批評だったのである。
狼舎の象徴性：牙を持った空間
劇場の名前「狼舎」には、「人を噛む覚悟」が込められていた。そこに込められていたのは、観客に媚びず、メディアに迎合せず、芸術を信じ切る者たちの「獣性」だった。作った男は言う、「芝居への情熱で作ったんじゃない、裏切れなかっただけだ」と。
この言葉には、当時の若者たちの不器用な誠実さ、そして都市の片隅でしか呼吸できなかった芸術の実相が現れている。狼舎とは、アートのための施設ではなく、信義と魂のための穴蔵だった。
地下という空間：沈黙・記憶・共鳴
夜、劇が終わり、照明が消えたあと、男はただひとり舞台に立つ。沈黙の中に、「遠い昔の狼の胸騒ぎ」が聞こえてくるという。これは原始的な本能の記憶であり、制度以前の"叫び"である。地中の劇場とは、文明の屋根の下では発することのできない声を響かせる共鳴空間だったのだ。
このようにして、「狼舎」という地下劇場の誕生は、1970年代初頭の日本社会の裂け目に生まれた文化的回答だった。経済成長と管理社会が支配する地上に対し、地の底から牙を磨き、目を光らせる者たちが確かにいた。そして彼らが掘った"穴"は、今なお日本の芸術精神の地下水脈として、密やかに流れ続けている。
高田馬場・戸塚四丁目。かつての農村と住宅地の混ざる東京の周縁部に、1970年前後、小さな劇場が生まれた。名を「狼舎（ろうしゃ）」という。その名の通り、牙と警戒、そして孤独と執念を漂わせたこの空間は、地上ではなく地下に掘られた。そこは建築的にも、象徴的にも「表層では生きられない者たちの避難所」であった。
この狼舎を築いたのは、資本家でも都市計画者でもない。大学を出ていない、劇団をもたない、いわば「劇場にも、劇場を持つ資格のない人々」だった。彼らは金があるから建てたのではなく、「信義のために穴を掘った」と語る。その言葉に、1970年前後の文化的風土がにじみ出る。
背景1：アングラ演劇と「制度」への異議申し立て
1960年代末から70年代初頭、日本の舞台芸術は転換期を迎えていた。文学座や俳優座といった新劇の体制が次第に硬直化する一方で、寺山修司の「天井桟敷」、唐十郎の「状況劇場」などが、赤テントや移動式舞台で都市を回遊し、劇場の外で演劇を生み出す運動を広げていた。
これらは「アングラ演劇（アンダーグラウンド演劇）」と呼ばれ、暴力的、性的、神話的な身体表現と、日常への違和感をむき出しにする作風で観客を惹きつけた。「劇場に属さない」「制度に与しない」「国家に演じない」そうした理念が地下・テント・路地という新たな舞台空間を生み出していった。
背景2：学生運動の終息と「逃げ場」の文化
1968年から69年にかけて燃え上がった学生運動は、70年安保闘争の失速とともにしだいに衰えを見せる。街頭デモから撤退し、大学自治会が解体されるなかで、若者たちは政治の「外」に新たな場所を求め始める。それが、音楽・演劇・マンガ・自主映画といった「表現の場」であった。
その中でも、「地下」という場所は、反抗の物理的・心理的象徴として強い意味を帯びていた。地上＝表の社会＝国家・法・秩序、に対して、地下＝異端・逃走・本能。狼舎が"穴を掘って作られた劇場"だったという事実は、単なる建築上の選択ではなく、時代への直感的な批評だったのである。
狼舎の象徴性：牙を持った空間
劇場の名前「狼舎」には、「人を噛む覚悟」が込められていた。そこに込められていたのは、観客に媚びず、メディアに迎合せず、芸術を信じ切る者たちの「獣性」だった。作った男は言う、「芝居への情熱で作ったんじゃない、裏切れなかっただけだ」と。
この言葉には、当時の若者たちの不器用な誠実さ、そして都市の片隅でしか呼吸できなかった芸術の実相が現れている。狼舎とは、アートのための施設ではなく、信義と魂のための穴蔵だった。
地下という空間：沈黙・記憶・共鳴
夜、劇が終わり、照明が消えたあと、男はただひとり舞台に立つ。沈黙の中に、「遠い昔の狼の胸騒ぎ」が聞こえてくるという。これは原始的な本能の記憶であり、制度以前の"叫び"である。地中の劇場とは、文明の屋根の下では発することのできない声を響かせる共鳴空間だったのだ。
このようにして、「狼舎」という地下劇場の誕生は、1970年代初頭の日本社会の裂け目に生まれた文化的回答だった。経済成長と管理社会が支配する地上に対し、地の底から牙を磨き、目を光らせる者たちが確かにいた。そして彼らが掘った"穴"は、今なお日本の芸術精神の地下水脈として、密やかに流れ続けている。
Kizuna of the Dark Current--Dohinkai and the Shadow of Yukitaka Maeda (1971-2024)
Kizuna of the Dark Current--Dohinkai and the Shadow of Yukitaka Maeda (1971-2024)
To date, there is little information on Noritaka Maeda, the first generation of the Maeda family of the Dōnin-kai, in official documents or press articles, and the details of his career and activities have not been disclosed. The Maeda family is assumed to be one of the internal organizations of the Dojinkai, a designated organized crime syndicate based in Kurume City, Fukuoka Prefecture, but the first generation of the Maeda family, Noritaka Maeda himself, has rarely been mentioned separately in the history of conflicts and organizational changes. His existence is quietly submerged in history as a part of the spreading dark current of the Dōnin-kai.
The Dōjinkai is a designated organized crime syndicate based in Kurume City, Fukuoka Prefecture, founded in 1971 by Isoji Koga and officially recognized as a designated organized crime group by the Fukuoka Prefecture Public Safety Commission in 1992. The group has approximately 320 members and has spread its influence throughout Fukuoka, Saga, Kumamoto, and Nagasaki prefectures.
Its successive chairmen include Isoji Koga I, Seijiro Matsuo II, Yoshihisa Onaka (Yoshihisa Matsuo) III, Tetsuji Kobayashi IV, and Kenichi Fukuda, who became the fifth president in May 2024. Kenichi Fukuda leads a powerful faction called the Fukuda-gumi, and is regarded as the most powerful person in terms of financial power and organizational leadership.
The history of the Dojinkai has been colored by blood feuds on numerous occasions. In particular, during the "Yamamichi War" that unfolded from 1986 to 1987, nine members lost their lives in a fierce clash with the Yamaguchigumi. Between 2006 and 2013, the group fought to the death with the Kyushu Seidokai, which split from an internal feud, resulting in forty-seven incidents in which hand grenades and machine guns were used and fourteen people were killed.
In response to this escalation of violence, the local community also took action. In Kurume City, a citizens' movement demanding the withdrawal of the headquarters office grew, forcing the Dojinkai to move its base to Miyaki Town, Saga Prefecture. The Fukuoka Prefectural Police also established the Chikugo District Boryokudan Control Headquarters to cut off the Doyinkai's funding sources and to clarify the true nature of the organization.
In recent years, there have been dramatic developments such as the "reconciliation" with archrival Namikawa-kai and the "simultaneous retirement" of the top leaders, and the map of gangs in Kyushu is being quietly rewritten. The police and society are now quietly watching to see whether the Dōnin-kai will indeed reorganize itself under the Fukuda V regime, or whether it will ignite a new conflict.
To date, there is little information on Noritaka Maeda, the first generation of the Maeda family of the Dōnin-kai, in official documents or press articles, and the details of his career and activities have not been disclosed. The Maeda family is assumed to be one of the internal organizations of the Dojinkai, a designated organized crime syndicate based in Kurume City, Fukuoka Prefecture, but the first generation of the Maeda family, Noritaka Maeda himself, has rarely been mentioned separately in the history of conflicts and organizational changes. His existence is quietly submerged in history as a part of the spreading dark current of the Dōnin-kai.
The Dōjinkai is a designated organized crime syndicate based in Kurume City, Fukuoka Prefecture, founded in 1971 by Isoji Koga and officially recognized as a designated organized crime group by the Fukuoka Prefecture Public Safety Commission in 1992. The group has approximately 320 members and has spread its influence throughout Fukuoka, Saga, Kumamoto, and Nagasaki prefectures.
Its successive chairmen include Isoji Koga I, Seijiro Matsuo II, Yoshihisa Onaka (Yoshihisa Matsuo) III, Tetsuji Kobayashi IV, and Kenichi Fukuda, who became the fifth president in May 2024. Kenichi Fukuda leads a powerful faction called the Fukuda-gumi, and is regarded as the most powerful person in terms of financial power and organizational leadership.
The history of the Dojinkai has been colored by blood feuds on numerous occasions. In particular, during the "Yamamichi War" that unfolded from 1986 to 1987, nine members lost their lives in a fierce clash with the Yamaguchigumi. Between 2006 and 2013, the group fought to the death with the Kyushu Seidokai, which split from an internal feud, resulting in forty-seven incidents in which hand grenades and machine guns were used and fourteen people were killed.
In response to this escalation of violence, the local community also took action. In Kurume City, a citizens' movement demanding the withdrawal of the headquarters office grew, forcing the Dojinkai to move its base to Miyaki Town, Saga Prefecture. The Fukuoka Prefectural Police also established the Chikugo District Boryokudan Control Headquarters to cut off the Doyinkai's funding sources and to clarify the true nature of the organization.
In recent years, there have been dramatic developments such as the "reconciliation" with archrival Namikawa-kai and the "simultaneous retirement" of the top leaders, and the map of gangs in Kyushu is being quietly rewritten. The police and society are now quietly watching to see whether the Dōnin-kai will indeed reorganize itself under the Fukuda V regime, or whether it will ignite a new conflict.
暗流の絆――道仁会と前田諭孝の影（1971年〜2024年）
暗流の絆――道仁会と前田諭孝の影（1971年〜2024年）
道仁会前田一家初代の前田諭孝（まえだ・のりたか）については、現在に至るまで公的資料や報道記事においてほとんど情報がなく、その詳細な経歴や活動実態は明かされていない。前田一家は、福岡県久留米市に本拠を置く指定暴力団・道仁会の内部組織の一つと推測されるが、初代である前田諭孝自身に関して、抗争史や組織変動の中で個別に言及されることは稀であった。彼の存在は、道仁会の広がる暗流の一端として、静かに歴史に沈んでいる。
道仁会（どうじんかい）は、福岡県久留米市を拠点とする指定暴力団である。1971年、古賀磯次によって創設され、1992年には福岡県公安委員会により正式に指定暴力団に認定された。構成員はおよそ三百二十人を数え、福岡、佐賀、熊本、長崎の四県に勢力を広げている。
その歴代会長には、初代・古賀磯次、二代目・松尾誠次郎、三代目・大中義久（松尾義久）、四代目・小林哲治、そして2024年五月に五代目に就任した福田憲一が名を連ねる。福田憲一は、福田組という有力派閥を率い、資金力と組織統率力において群を抜く実力者と目されている。
道仁会の歴史は、幾度も血の抗争に彩られた。とりわけ、1986年から1987年にかけて繰り広げられた「山道抗争」では、山口組との激突の末、九名が命を落とした。また、2006年から2013年にかけては、内部抗争から分裂した九州誠道会との間で死闘を繰り広げ、手榴弾やマシンガンが用いられる中、四十七件の事件が起き、十四名が犠牲となった。
こうした暴力の激化に対して、地域社会もまた行動を起こした。久留米市では本部事務所の撤退を求める市民運動が高まり、道仁会はやむなく佐賀県みやき町へ拠点を移転。福岡県警もまた、筑後地区暴力団集中取締本部を設置し、道仁会への資金源断絶と実態解明を進めた。
近年では、宿敵であった浪川会との間で「和解」や「トップ同時引退」という劇的な展開があり、九州の暴力団地図は静かに塗り替えられつつある。五代目福田体制のもと、道仁会が果たして組織の再編を進めるのか、それとも新たな抗争の火種を孕むのか、警察と社会はいま、静かにその行方を見つめている。
道仁会前田一家初代の前田諭孝（まえだ・のりたか）については、現在に至るまで公的資料や報道記事においてほとんど情報がなく、その詳細な経歴や活動実態は明かされていない。前田一家は、福岡県久留米市に本拠を置く指定暴力団・道仁会の内部組織の一つと推測されるが、初代である前田諭孝自身に関して、抗争史や組織変動の中で個別に言及されることは稀であった。彼の存在は、道仁会の広がる暗流の一端として、静かに歴史に沈んでいる。
道仁会（どうじんかい）は、福岡県久留米市を拠点とする指定暴力団である。1971年、古賀磯次によって創設され、1992年には福岡県公安委員会により正式に指定暴力団に認定された。構成員はおよそ三百二十人を数え、福岡、佐賀、熊本、長崎の四県に勢力を広げている。
その歴代会長には、初代・古賀磯次、二代目・松尾誠次郎、三代目・大中義久（松尾義久）、四代目・小林哲治、そして2024年五月に五代目に就任した福田憲一が名を連ねる。福田憲一は、福田組という有力派閥を率い、資金力と組織統率力において群を抜く実力者と目されている。
道仁会の歴史は、幾度も血の抗争に彩られた。とりわけ、1986年から1987年にかけて繰り広げられた「山道抗争」では、山口組との激突の末、九名が命を落とした。また、2006年から2013年にかけては、内部抗争から分裂した九州誠道会との間で死闘を繰り広げ、手榴弾やマシンガンが用いられる中、四十七件の事件が起き、十四名が犠牲となった。
こうした暴力の激化に対して、地域社会もまた行動を起こした。久留米市では本部事務所の撤退を求める市民運動が高まり、道仁会はやむなく佐賀県みやき町へ拠点を移転。福岡県警もまた、筑後地区暴力団集中取締本部を設置し、道仁会への資金源断絶と実態解明を進めた。
近年では、宿敵であった浪川会との間で「和解」や「トップ同時引退」という劇的な展開があり、九州の暴力団地図は静かに塗り替えられつつある。五代目福田体制のもと、道仁会が果たして組織の再編を進めるのか、それとも新たな抗争の火種を孕むのか、警察と社会はいま、静かにその行方を見つめている。
Burying Fangs in the Earth--The Wolf House and the Stage of Silence (early 1970s)
Burying Fangs in the Earth--The Wolf House and the Stage of Silence (early 1970s)
Takadanobaba around 1970. A small theater was quietly dug up in the ground in Totsuka 4-chome. The name was Wolf House. It was a stage built by men without a theater company, who dug into the ground without talking about money or passion, but only because they "couldn't betray the company.
It was a time when underground theater was flourishing and the red tents and back alleys were the main battlegrounds of expression. Heretics such as Shuji Terayama and Juro Karo fled from the "system" and went out into the field to shout their words. The wolf house was an extension of this. However, it was not a beast roaring on the ground, but a place for wolves hiding underground and sharpening their fangs.
When standing in the empty underground theater after a night's performance, the creator would say, "I can hear the old wolf's heart pounding. I can hear the old wolf's heartbeat," he says. That sound, echoing on the unlit stage, was a voice from outside the system, the voice of a soul that had been delved into.
The wolfshed is a collection of vows and silences of those who have no place in the surface world. It is a theater that blooms only in the darkness, not in the light. The cry of the anti-surface buried under civilization. This is still alive on this underground stage.
Takadanobaba around 1970. A small theater was quietly dug up in the ground in Totsuka 4-chome. The name was Wolf House. It was a stage built by men without a theater company, who dug into the ground without talking about money or passion, but only because they "couldn't betray the company.
It was a time when underground theater was flourishing and the red tents and back alleys were the main battlegrounds of expression. Heretics such as Shuji Terayama and Juro Karo fled from the "system" and went out into the field to shout their words. The wolf house was an extension of this. However, it was not a beast roaring on the ground, but a place for wolves hiding underground and sharpening their fangs.
When standing in the empty underground theater after a night's performance, the creator would say, "I can hear the old wolf's heart pounding. I can hear the old wolf's heartbeat," he says. That sound, echoing on the unlit stage, was a voice from outside the system, the voice of a soul that had been delved into.
The wolfshed is a collection of vows and silences of those who have no place in the surface world. It is a theater that blooms only in the darkness, not in the light. The cry of the anti-surface buried under civilization. This is still alive on this underground stage.
地に牙を埋める――狼舎と沈黙の舞台（1970年代初頭）
地に牙を埋める――狼舎と沈黙の舞台（1970年代初頭）
1970年前後の高田馬場。戸塚四丁目の地中に、小さな劇場が静かに掘り起こされた。名は狼舎。それは劇団も持たぬ男たちが、金も情熱も語らず、「裏切れなかったから」という理由だけで地面を掘り進めて造った舞台だった。
時はアングラ演劇が隆盛を極め、赤テントや路地裏が表現の主戦場となった時代。寺山修司、唐十郎といった異端たちが「制度」から逃げ、野に出て言葉を叫んだ。その延長に、狼舎はあった。ただしそれは、地上で咆哮する獣ではなく、地中に潜んで牙を研ぐ狼の居場所だった。
夜の終演後、誰もいない地下劇場に立つとき、創り手は言う。「昔の狼の胸騒ぎが聞こえる」と。照明のない舞台に響くその音は、制度の外にある声、掘り下げられた魂の声だった。
狼舎とは、表の世界に居場所を持たぬ者たちの、誓いと沈黙の集積である。光ではなく闇の中でこそ咲く演劇。文明の下に埋められた反表層の叫び。それが、この地下の舞台に今も息づいている。
1970年前後の高田馬場。戸塚四丁目の地中に、小さな劇場が静かに掘り起こされた。名は狼舎。それは劇団も持たぬ男たちが、金も情熱も語らず、「裏切れなかったから」という理由だけで地面を掘り進めて造った舞台だった。
時はアングラ演劇が隆盛を極め、赤テントや路地裏が表現の主戦場となった時代。寺山修司、唐十郎といった異端たちが「制度」から逃げ、野に出て言葉を叫んだ。その延長に、狼舎はあった。ただしそれは、地上で咆哮する獣ではなく、地中に潜んで牙を研ぐ狼の居場所だった。
夜の終演後、誰もいない地下劇場に立つとき、創り手は言う。「昔の狼の胸騒ぎが聞こえる」と。照明のない舞台に響くその音は、制度の外にある声、掘り下げられた魂の声だった。
狼舎とは、表の世界に居場所を持たぬ者たちの、誓いと沈黙の集積である。光ではなく闇の中でこそ咲く演劇。文明の下に埋められた反表層の叫び。それが、この地下の舞台に今も息づいている。
From "Terako of Asakusa" to "Observer of Postwar Culture"--The Life of Rokusuke Ei
From "Terako of Asakusa" to "Observer of Postwar Culture"--The Life of Rokusuke Ei
Rokusuke Ei was born in Asakusa, Tokyo in 1929. From the end of the Taisho era (1912-1926) to the beginning of the Showa era (1926-1989), Japan was recovering from the Great Kanto Earthquake (1923), and while Western-style culture known as "Modern Tokyo" was flowing into the urban areas, the Great Depression was also having a strong impact, and the country was in a period of recession and social unrest. Asakusa was at the forefront of this trend. Kaminarimon and yose, katsudo photos and freak shows. Ei was born in Asakusa as a child of a temple, and grew up in this melting pot of culture and common people.
His childhood was overshadowed by Japan's shift to the right during the 1930s and the progression of the wartime regime. Militaristic education was thoroughly taught in national schools, and even in temples it was difficult to distance oneself from the national Shinto religion. His father's position as head priest also sometimes forced him to be in close proximity to state power, and Ei must have experienced the conflict between "public" and "private," "power" and "ideology" from an early age.
When the war ended in 1945, Ei was 16 years old. In the scorched downtown of Tokyo, he eventually entered Waseda University. After the war, the university was spoken of as a symbol of democracy, but inside it was a mixture of the old atmosphere and a new liberalism. In the midst of this chaos, Ei formed friendships with the poets Eroshenko and Masamichi Takatsu. Eroshenko traveled the world blind and was involved with the proletarian cultural movement in Japan. Takatsu was known for his cultural activities on the side of the people before the war. Naga says that although he mingled with such "thinkers of the defeated," he "could never become an activist.
His goal was not to be part of the core of the movement, but to observe it from the periphery and translate it into culture. As a broadcaster involved in NHK and commercial radio and TV programs, he used "laughter" and "irony" as weapons to expose the contradictions and ridiculousness of postwar Japanese society. Although a religious figure, his incisive criticism of the political and social atmosphere was the very embodiment of the "unconventional aesthetics" of downtown Asakusa.
In the 1950s and 1960s, Japan was in the midst of its rapid economic growth. The "three sacred treasures" (black-and-white TVs, washing machines, and refrigerators) were widely used in homes, motorization and suburbanization were progressing, and young people from rural areas were moving to Tokyo to find work in large groups. In the midst of these rapid changes, Ei continued to dig up "memories of the Showa era," "the language of the common people," and "forgotten landscapes" on the radio and in his essays.
In the 1960s and 1970s, when the Vietnam War protests and student movements were flourishing, Rokusuke Ei consistently spoke out from the standpoint of "anti-war," "peace," and "from a citizen's point of view. In his position as a monk, he became a presence that questioned "what is human being" and "what is power" from inside and outside of society, rather than from the standpoint of his parishioners or doctrine.
His rebellious spirit had something in common with that of Takenaka Labor, who was a "born dissident. Both of them did not belong to any "organization," and they were rare individuals who could "have an ideology but not talk about the movement. Naga's "anti-authority" was neither emotional nor sentimental, but rather came from a downtown "gut feeling" and "sense of distance. While rooted in a gut feeling of "I don't like something," his ability to transform it into the language of culture lent humor and culture to his narratives.
Thus, Rokusuke Ei was a cultural figure who lived through the chaos of prewar Japan and the oppression of wartime, and always spoke "from the slant of society" while rooted in Tokyo as a testing ground for postwar democracy. His life and words are a microcosm of the contradictions that modern Japan has faced, and at the same time, an example of how to live with them as an "individual.
Rokusuke Ei was born in Asakusa, Tokyo in 1929. From the end of the Taisho era (1912-1926) to the beginning of the Showa era (1926-1989), Japan was recovering from the Great Kanto Earthquake (1923), and while Western-style culture known as "Modern Tokyo" was flowing into the urban areas, the Great Depression was also having a strong impact, and the country was in a period of recession and social unrest. Asakusa was at the forefront of this trend. Kaminarimon and yose, katsudo photos and freak shows. Ei was born in Asakusa as a child of a temple, and grew up in this melting pot of culture and common people.
His childhood was overshadowed by Japan's shift to the right during the 1930s and the progression of the wartime regime. Militaristic education was thoroughly taught in national schools, and even in temples it was difficult to distance oneself from the national Shinto religion. His father's position as head priest also sometimes forced him to be in close proximity to state power, and Ei must have experienced the conflict between "public" and "private," "power" and "ideology" from an early age.
When the war ended in 1945, Ei was 16 years old. In the scorched downtown of Tokyo, he eventually entered Waseda University. After the war, the university was spoken of as a symbol of democracy, but inside it was a mixture of the old atmosphere and a new liberalism. In the midst of this chaos, Ei formed friendships with the poets Eroshenko and Masamichi Takatsu. Eroshenko traveled the world blind and was involved with the proletarian cultural movement in Japan. Takatsu was known for his cultural activities on the side of the people before the war. Naga says that although he mingled with such "thinkers of the defeated," he "could never become an activist.
His goal was not to be part of the core of the movement, but to observe it from the periphery and translate it into culture. As a broadcaster involved in NHK and commercial radio and TV programs, he used "laughter" and "irony" as weapons to expose the contradictions and ridiculousness of postwar Japanese society. Although a religious figure, his incisive criticism of the political and social atmosphere was the very embodiment of the "unconventional aesthetics" of downtown Asakusa.
In the 1950s and 1960s, Japan was in the midst of its rapid economic growth. The "three sacred treasures" (black-and-white TVs, washing machines, and refrigerators) were widely used in homes, motorization and suburbanization were progressing, and young people from rural areas were moving to Tokyo to find work in large groups. In the midst of these rapid changes, Ei continued to dig up "memories of the Showa era," "the language of the common people," and "forgotten landscapes" on the radio and in his essays.
In the 1960s and 1970s, when the Vietnam War protests and student movements were flourishing, Rokusuke Ei consistently spoke out from the standpoint of "anti-war," "peace," and "from a citizen's point of view. In his position as a monk, he became a presence that questioned "what is human being" and "what is power" from inside and outside of society, rather than from the standpoint of his parishioners or doctrine.
His rebellious spirit had something in common with that of Takenaka Labor, who was a "born dissident. Both of them did not belong to any "organization," and they were rare individuals who could "have an ideology but not talk about the movement. Naga's "anti-authority" was neither emotional nor sentimental, but rather came from a downtown "gut feeling" and "sense of distance. While rooted in a gut feeling of "I don't like something," his ability to transform it into the language of culture lent humor and culture to his narratives.
Thus, Rokusuke Ei was a cultural figure who lived through the chaos of prewar Japan and the oppression of wartime, and always spoke "from the slant of society" while rooted in Tokyo as a testing ground for postwar democracy. His life and words are a microcosm of the contradictions that modern Japan has faced, and at the same time, an example of how to live with them as an "individual.
「浅草の寺子」から「戦後文化の観察者」へ――永六輔の生きた時代
「浅草の寺子」から「戦後文化の観察者」へ――永六輔の生きた時代
永六輔は1929年（昭和4年）、東京・浅草に生まれました。大正末から昭和初期にかけての日本は関東大震災（1923年）からの復興期にあり、都市部には「モダン東京」と呼ばれる洋風文化が流れ込む一方、世界恐慌の影響も色濃く、不況と社会不安の時代でもありました。浅草はその最前線ともいえる地域でした。雷門と寄席、活動写真と見世物小屋。大衆娯楽と宗教が混在する空間にあって、永は寺の子として生まれ、文字どおり「庶民と文化の坩堝（るつぼ）」の中で育ちます。
幼少期の永に大きな影を落としたのは、1930年代の日本の右傾化と戦時体制の進行でした。国民学校では軍国主義教育が徹底され、寺であっても国家神道と距離を取ることは困難でした。父が住職であるという立場も、時に国家権力との近接を強いられることもあり、永少年は早くから「公」と「私」、「権力」と「思想」のあいだにある葛藤を体感していたことでしょう。
戦争が終わった1945年、永は16歳。焦土と化した東京の下町にあって、彼はやがて早稲田大学に進学します。戦後の大学は民主主義の象徴のように語られていましたが、その内部には旧制的な空気と新たな自由主義が混在していました。この混沌の中で、永は詩人エロシェンコや高津正道らと親交を結びます。エロシェンコは盲目のまま世界を旅し、日本ではプロレタリア文化運動とも関わった人物。高津は戦前から民衆の側に立つ文化活動を行っていたことで知られています。永はそうした「敗者の思想家」たちと交わりながらも、「運動家にはなりきれなかった」と語ります。
永が目指したのは、運動の中核に入ることではなく、外縁でそれを観察し、文化として翻訳する役割でした。放送作家としてNHKや民放のラジオ・テレビ番組に関わりながら、彼は「笑い」と「皮肉」を武器に、戦後日本社会の矛盾や滑稽さをあぶり出していきます。宗教者でありながら、政治や社会の空気に対して鋭利な批評を加える姿勢は、まさに浅草の下町的な「型破りの美学」の体現でした。
1950〜60年代、日本は高度経済成長の真っ只中にありました。「三種の神器（白黒テレビ・洗濯機・冷蔵庫）」が家庭に普及し、モータリゼーションと郊外化が進み、地方の若者たちが集団就職で上京する時代。こうした急激な変化の中で、永は「昭和の記憶」「庶民の言葉」「忘れられた風景」といったものをラジオやエッセイで掘り起こし続けます。
また、ベトナム戦争反対運動や学生運動が盛んだった1960〜70年代には、永六輔は一貫して「反戦」「平和」「市民目線」といった立場から発言を続けます。坊主という身分にあって、檀家や教義ではなく、むしろ「人間とは何か」「権力とは何か」を社会の内外から問い直す存在となったのです。
そして、彼の反骨の精神には、「生まれながらの反体制派」であった竹中労と通じるものがありました。彼らはともに「組織」に帰属せず、「思想を持ちながら、運動を語らずにいられる」稀有な人物たちでした。永の「反権力」は感情的でも情緒的でもなく、むしろ下町的な「勘」と「距離感」からくるものでした。「なんだか気にくわない」という直感に根ざしながらも、それを文化の言葉に変換する手腕が、彼の語りにユーモアと教養を与えていたのです。
このように永六輔は、戦前の混沌と戦中の抑圧を生き抜き、戦後民主主義の実験場としての東京に根を張りながら、常に「社会の斜めから」言葉を投げかけた文化人でした。彼の人生と発言は、近代日本が抱えた矛盾の縮図であり、また同時に「個」としてそれをいかに生きるかの手本とも言えるでしょう。
永六輔は1929年（昭和4年）、東京・浅草に生まれました。大正末から昭和初期にかけての日本は関東大震災（1923年）からの復興期にあり、都市部には「モダン東京」と呼ばれる洋風文化が流れ込む一方、世界恐慌の影響も色濃く、不況と社会不安の時代でもありました。浅草はその最前線ともいえる地域でした。雷門と寄席、活動写真と見世物小屋。大衆娯楽と宗教が混在する空間にあって、永は寺の子として生まれ、文字どおり「庶民と文化の坩堝（るつぼ）」の中で育ちます。
幼少期の永に大きな影を落としたのは、1930年代の日本の右傾化と戦時体制の進行でした。国民学校では軍国主義教育が徹底され、寺であっても国家神道と距離を取ることは困難でした。父が住職であるという立場も、時に国家権力との近接を強いられることもあり、永少年は早くから「公」と「私」、「権力」と「思想」のあいだにある葛藤を体感していたことでしょう。
戦争が終わった1945年、永は16歳。焦土と化した東京の下町にあって、彼はやがて早稲田大学に進学します。戦後の大学は民主主義の象徴のように語られていましたが、その内部には旧制的な空気と新たな自由主義が混在していました。この混沌の中で、永は詩人エロシェンコや高津正道らと親交を結びます。エロシェンコは盲目のまま世界を旅し、日本ではプロレタリア文化運動とも関わった人物。高津は戦前から民衆の側に立つ文化活動を行っていたことで知られています。永はそうした「敗者の思想家」たちと交わりながらも、「運動家にはなりきれなかった」と語ります。
永が目指したのは、運動の中核に入ることではなく、外縁でそれを観察し、文化として翻訳する役割でした。放送作家としてNHKや民放のラジオ・テレビ番組に関わりながら、彼は「笑い」と「皮肉」を武器に、戦後日本社会の矛盾や滑稽さをあぶり出していきます。宗教者でありながら、政治や社会の空気に対して鋭利な批評を加える姿勢は、まさに浅草の下町的な「型破りの美学」の体現でした。
1950〜60年代、日本は高度経済成長の真っ只中にありました。「三種の神器（白黒テレビ・洗濯機・冷蔵庫）」が家庭に普及し、モータリゼーションと郊外化が進み、地方の若者たちが集団就職で上京する時代。こうした急激な変化の中で、永は「昭和の記憶」「庶民の言葉」「忘れられた風景」といったものをラジオやエッセイで掘り起こし続けます。
また、ベトナム戦争反対運動や学生運動が盛んだった1960〜70年代には、永六輔は一貫して「反戦」「平和」「市民目線」といった立場から発言を続けます。坊主という身分にあって、檀家や教義ではなく、むしろ「人間とは何か」「権力とは何か」を社会の内外から問い直す存在となったのです。
そして、彼の反骨の精神には、「生まれながらの反体制派」であった竹中労と通じるものがありました。彼らはともに「組織」に帰属せず、「思想を持ちながら、運動を語らずにいられる」稀有な人物たちでした。永の「反権力」は感情的でも情緒的でもなく、むしろ下町的な「勘」と「距離感」からくるものでした。「なんだか気にくわない」という直感に根ざしながらも、それを文化の言葉に変換する手腕が、彼の語りにユーモアと教養を与えていたのです。
このように永六輔は、戦前の混沌と戦中の抑圧を生き抜き、戦後民主主義の実験場としての東京に根を張りながら、常に「社会の斜めから」言葉を投げかけた文化人でした。彼の人生と発言は、近代日本が抱えた矛盾の縮図であり、また同時に「個」としてそれをいかに生きるかの手本とも言えるでしょう。
At the Slanted Hut: Ei Rokusuke and the Seventy Years After the War
At the Slanted Hut: Ei Rokusuke and the Seventy Years After the War
Rokusuke Ei was born in 1929 at a temple in Asakusa, Tokyo, and grew up in the midst of the aftermath of the Great Kanto Earthquake and the beginning of the Showa period. The atmosphere of the temple town was full of a peculiar dampness and fervor, where popular entertainment and religion coexisted. His father was a priest. Ei, however, was not content to live inside the temple town, but always kept an eye on society from an oblique perspective.
After rising from the rubble of the postwar era, Ei went to university and, while associating with poets such as Eroshenko and Masamichi Takatsu, became neither an activist nor a scholar, but took up the "expression of voice" in broadcasting. At a time of rapid economic growth, when people were dazzled by affluence, Ei continued to capture the words of ordinary people, transform them into laughter and satire, and transmit them.
He was not happy with power for no reason"-this was the spirit that ran through the alleyways of Asakusa. His opposition to the Vietnam War, anti-nuclear power, and his sympathy for civic movements did not come from within the garb of a religious figure, but rather from the side. Rokusuke Ei continued to quietly illuminate the landscape of the 70 years since the end of the war between the ground and the broadcasting tower.
Rokusuke Ei was born in 1929 at a temple in Asakusa, Tokyo, and grew up in the midst of the aftermath of the Great Kanto Earthquake and the beginning of the Showa period. The atmosphere of the temple town was full of a peculiar dampness and fervor, where popular entertainment and religion coexisted. His father was a priest. Ei, however, was not content to live inside the temple town, but always kept an eye on society from an oblique perspective.
After rising from the rubble of the postwar era, Ei went to university and, while associating with poets such as Eroshenko and Masamichi Takatsu, became neither an activist nor a scholar, but took up the "expression of voice" in broadcasting. At a time of rapid economic growth, when people were dazzled by affluence, Ei continued to capture the words of ordinary people, transform them into laughter and satire, and transmit them.
He was not happy with power for no reason"-this was the spirit that ran through the alleyways of Asakusa. His opposition to the Vietnam War, anti-nuclear power, and his sympathy for civic movements did not come from within the garb of a religious figure, but rather from the side. Rokusuke Ei continued to quietly illuminate the landscape of the 70 years since the end of the war between the ground and the broadcasting tower.
斜めの庵にて――永六輔と戦後七十年
斜めの庵にて――永六輔と戦後七十年
1929年、浅草の寺に生まれた永六輔は、関東大震災の爪痕と昭和の胎動のただなかに育った。寺町の空気は大衆芸能と宗教が雑居する、独特の湿り気と熱気に満ちていた。父は住職。だが永は、その内側に安住することなく、社会を常に斜めから眺める目を磨いていく。
戦後の瓦礫の中から立ち上がった彼は、大学に進み、詩人エロシェンコ、高津正道らと交わりつつ、運動家にもならず学者にもならず、放送という「声の表現」を手に取った。高度経済成長のなかで人々が豊かさに目を眩ませる時代、永は庶民の言葉をすくい、笑いと風刺に変えて発信し続けた。
「理由もなく権力が気にくわない」——それは、浅草の路地に流れる気風だった。ベトナム戦争反対、反原発、市民運動への共感は、宗教者の衣の内からではなく、あくまで傍らからの声だった。永六輔は、戦後七十年の風景を、地べたと放送塔のあいだで静かに照らし続けたのである。
1929年、浅草の寺に生まれた永六輔は、関東大震災の爪痕と昭和の胎動のただなかに育った。寺町の空気は大衆芸能と宗教が雑居する、独特の湿り気と熱気に満ちていた。父は住職。だが永は、その内側に安住することなく、社会を常に斜めから眺める目を磨いていく。
戦後の瓦礫の中から立ち上がった彼は、大学に進み、詩人エロシェンコ、高津正道らと交わりつつ、運動家にもならず学者にもならず、放送という「声の表現」を手に取った。高度経済成長のなかで人々が豊かさに目を眩ませる時代、永は庶民の言葉をすくい、笑いと風刺に変えて発信し続けた。
「理由もなく権力が気にくわない」——それは、浅草の路地に流れる気風だった。ベトナム戦争反対、反原発、市民運動への共感は、宗教者の衣の内からではなく、あくまで傍らからの声だった。永六輔は、戦後七十年の風景を、地べたと放送塔のあいだで静かに照らし続けたのである。
Current Status of Amagasaki Asbestos Problem - 2024
Current Status of Amagasaki Asbestos Problem - 2024
The use of asbestos at a former factory in Amagasaki City, Hyogo Prefecture, caused mesothelioma and lung cancer in nearby residents and employees. Since 2006, the Ministry of the Environment and companies have been compensating victims under the Relief Law. Companies continue to pay compensation, and the Ministry of the Environment is stepping up health impact studies nationwide. Support for victims and measures to prevent recurrence continue to be sought.
Leakage Repair False
The use of asbestos at a former factory in Amagasaki City, Hyogo Prefecture, caused mesothelioma and lung cancer in nearby residents and employees. Since 2006, the Ministry of the Environment and companies have been compensating victims under the Relief Law. Companies continue to pay compensation, and the Ministry of the Environment is stepping up health impact studies nationwide. Support for victims and measures to prevent recurrence continue to be sought.
Leakage Repair False
尼崎市アスベスト問題の現状 - 2024年
尼崎市アスベスト問題の現状 - 2024年
兵庫県尼崎市の旧工場でのアスベスト使用により、周辺住民や従業員が中皮腫や肺がんを発症し、2006年以降、救済法のもとで環境省と企業が被害者への補償を進めています。2020年代に入っても問題は解決しておらず、2024年までに被害者数は422人に増加。企業は補償金の支払いを継続し、環境省は全国での健康影響調査を強化。被害者支援と再発防止策が引き続き求められています。
漏水 修繕 虚偽
兵庫県尼崎市の旧工場でのアスベスト使用により、周辺住民や従業員が中皮腫や肺がんを発症し、2006年以降、救済法のもとで環境省と企業が被害者への補償を進めています。2020年代に入っても問題は解決しておらず、2024年までに被害者数は422人に増加。企業は補償金の支払いを継続し、環境省は全国での健康影響調査を強化。被害者支援と再発防止策が引き続き求められています。
漏水 修繕 虚偽
A Red Sprout in a Gray Precinct: Takenaka Labor and the Genealogy of Postwar Rebellious Spirit (1945-1991)
A Red Sprout in a Gray Precinct: Takenaka Labor and the Genealogy of Postwar Rebellious Spirit (1945-1991)
Takenaka Rō was born in Nagano Prefecture in 1930. Although he was later called "the unreliable critic" and "the chronicler of outlaws," he himself disliked such titles. He himself disliked such titles, as if to say, "Don't give the name of thought to those who have no thought. For him, thought was not something to be adorned with academic credentials or authority, but was simply the result of a way of life that was accompanied by mud, hunger, and anger.
He dropped out of junior high school at the age of 15 or 16 and worked as a waiter at a police station in Kumamoto, where he had a very ironic encounter with the "ideology of the enemy" in the center of power. The socialist literature given to him by a special detective was not a theoretical book, but a "manual of poverty" and "a book to give a name to one's anger.
His style of writing often oversteps the boundaries between "reporting" and "literature. He was criticized by reporters and scholars at the time for being "too emotional" and "highly subjective" in his approach of going into the field, eating and sleeping with the people involved, and reproducing their voices on paper. For Takenaka, however, "records" were not calm and objective, but rather "barking voices" that spoke for the silence of others, and "scribbles" that were scribbled on history.
He was obsessed with the "underclass. He was obsessed with the "lower classes," the downtrodden, the Zainichi Koreans, comedians, bakuchis, radical students, and so on. In particular, his masterpieces such as "Introduction to the Criticism of the Japanese Romanists" and "From a Reportage Writer" are works in which the voices of these people seem to have been incarnated in his blood. His style of writing was never from the distance of an observer, but with the determination to live as an "informal people" himself.
Takenaka also harbored an intense aversion to the "cozy relationship" between power and ideology. He did not belong to any party or join any movement, but simply continued to record the breakdown of society. That is why he was lonely. He was ostracized by his peers, ridiculed by critics, and yet he never broke his pen.
The fundamental question for Takenaka was, "How can those who have nowhere else to go convey the pain they cannot talk about? Takenaka's answer to this question was to continue to be the one to tell the story. The memory of the cold floor of the police station in his youth always played like a bass note in his storytelling.
Takenaka, who battled illness in his later years and continued to write manuscripts even after losing his voice, was truly a man for whom writing was a way of life. He picked up countless lives that were never recorded in the official records of the state and used their dirty words to weave the backstory of Japan.
Takenaka Labor was the only man who stood alone against the muddy shore of the Showa era. He picked up his ideas at the police station, but always threw them at the "heartless center of society.
Takenaka Rō was born in Nagano Prefecture in 1930. Although he was later called "the unreliable critic" and "the chronicler of outlaws," he himself disliked such titles. He himself disliked such titles, as if to say, "Don't give the name of thought to those who have no thought. For him, thought was not something to be adorned with academic credentials or authority, but was simply the result of a way of life that was accompanied by mud, hunger, and anger.
He dropped out of junior high school at the age of 15 or 16 and worked as a waiter at a police station in Kumamoto, where he had a very ironic encounter with the "ideology of the enemy" in the center of power. The socialist literature given to him by a special detective was not a theoretical book, but a "manual of poverty" and "a book to give a name to one's anger.
His style of writing often oversteps the boundaries between "reporting" and "literature. He was criticized by reporters and scholars at the time for being "too emotional" and "highly subjective" in his approach of going into the field, eating and sleeping with the people involved, and reproducing their voices on paper. For Takenaka, however, "records" were not calm and objective, but rather "barking voices" that spoke for the silence of others, and "scribbles" that were scribbled on history.
He was obsessed with the "underclass. He was obsessed with the "lower classes," the downtrodden, the Zainichi Koreans, comedians, bakuchis, radical students, and so on. In particular, his masterpieces such as "Introduction to the Criticism of the Japanese Romanists" and "From a Reportage Writer" are works in which the voices of these people seem to have been incarnated in his blood. His style of writing was never from the distance of an observer, but with the determination to live as an "informal people" himself.
Takenaka also harbored an intense aversion to the "cozy relationship" between power and ideology. He did not belong to any party or join any movement, but simply continued to record the breakdown of society. That is why he was lonely. He was ostracized by his peers, ridiculed by critics, and yet he never broke his pen.
The fundamental question for Takenaka was, "How can those who have nowhere else to go convey the pain they cannot talk about? Takenaka's answer to this question was to continue to be the one to tell the story. The memory of the cold floor of the police station in his youth always played like a bass note in his storytelling.
Takenaka, who battled illness in his later years and continued to write manuscripts even after losing his voice, was truly a man for whom writing was a way of life. He picked up countless lives that were never recorded in the official records of the state and used their dirty words to weave the backstory of Japan.
Takenaka Labor was the only man who stood alone against the muddy shore of the Showa era. He picked up his ideas at the police station, but always threw them at the "heartless center of society.
灰色の署に咲いた赤い芽――竹中労と戦後反骨精神の系譜（1945〜1991）
灰色の署に咲いた赤い芽――竹中労と戦後反骨精神の系譜（1945〜1991）
竹中労（たけなか・ろう）は1930年、長野県に生まれた。後に「無頼の評論家」「アウトローの記録者」とも称されるが、彼自身はそのような肩書きを嫌っていた。「思想を持たぬ者に思想の名を与えるな」といわんばかりに。彼にとって思想とは、学歴や権威によって飾るものではなく、泥と飢えと怒りとともにある、生きざまの結果にすぎなかった。
十五、六歳で中学を中退し、熊本の警察署で給仕をしていた彼は、権力の中枢で"敵の思想"を知るという、あまりにも皮肉な出会いを経験する。特高刑事から渡された社会主義文献は、彼にとって理論書ではなく、「貧しさの説明書」であり、「自分の怒りに名前を与える本」だった。
彼の文体は、しばしば「報道」と「文学」の境界を踏み越える。現場に踏み込み、当事者と寝食をともにし、その肉声を紙の上に再現する姿勢は、当時の記者や学者から「情緒的すぎる」「主観が強い」と批判された。しかし竹中にとって「記録」とは、冷静な客観ではなく、誰かの沈黙を代弁する"吠え声"であり、歴史に殴り書きする"落書き"であった。
彼は「下層」の者たちに執着した。被差別部落、在日コリアン、芸人、バクチ打ち、過激派の学生たち。とりわけ彼の代表作『日本浪曼派批判序説』『ルポライターから』などは、そうした人々の声が血肉化されたような作品群である。それは決して観察者の距離からではなく、自らもまた「非正規の民」として生きる覚悟をもった文体だった。
また、竹中は権力と思想の「癒着」にも激しい嫌悪を抱いていた。党派に属さず、運動にも加担せず、ただ社会の綻びを記録し続ける。だからこそ彼は孤独だった。仲間からは浮き、評論家からは嘲笑され、それでも彼は筆を折ることはなかった。
「どこにも居場所のない者が、語り得ない痛みをどう伝えるか」――それが竹中労の根源的な問いであった。彼はその答えを、「自らが語る側であり続けること」で示し続けた。彼の語りには常に、若き日の警察署の冷えた床の記憶が通奏低音のように鳴っていた。
晩年も病と闘いながら、声を失っても原稿を書き続けた竹中は、まさに「書くことが生きること」である人物であった。国家の公式記録には決して記されない無数の人生を拾い上げ、その汚れた言葉で日本の裏面史を編んでいった。
竹中労とは、昭和という濁流の岸辺に、ただ一人逆立ちして立ち続けた男である。思想は警察署で拾ったが、それを投げつけた先は、常に"社会の心ない中心"だった。
竹中労（たけなか・ろう）は1930年、長野県に生まれた。後に「無頼の評論家」「アウトローの記録者」とも称されるが、彼自身はそのような肩書きを嫌っていた。「思想を持たぬ者に思想の名を与えるな」といわんばかりに。彼にとって思想とは、学歴や権威によって飾るものではなく、泥と飢えと怒りとともにある、生きざまの結果にすぎなかった。
十五、六歳で中学を中退し、熊本の警察署で給仕をしていた彼は、権力の中枢で"敵の思想"を知るという、あまりにも皮肉な出会いを経験する。特高刑事から渡された社会主義文献は、彼にとって理論書ではなく、「貧しさの説明書」であり、「自分の怒りに名前を与える本」だった。
彼の文体は、しばしば「報道」と「文学」の境界を踏み越える。現場に踏み込み、当事者と寝食をともにし、その肉声を紙の上に再現する姿勢は、当時の記者や学者から「情緒的すぎる」「主観が強い」と批判された。しかし竹中にとって「記録」とは、冷静な客観ではなく、誰かの沈黙を代弁する"吠え声"であり、歴史に殴り書きする"落書き"であった。
彼は「下層」の者たちに執着した。被差別部落、在日コリアン、芸人、バクチ打ち、過激派の学生たち。とりわけ彼の代表作『日本浪曼派批判序説』『ルポライターから』などは、そうした人々の声が血肉化されたような作品群である。それは決して観察者の距離からではなく、自らもまた「非正規の民」として生きる覚悟をもった文体だった。
また、竹中は権力と思想の「癒着」にも激しい嫌悪を抱いていた。党派に属さず、運動にも加担せず、ただ社会の綻びを記録し続ける。だからこそ彼は孤独だった。仲間からは浮き、評論家からは嘲笑され、それでも彼は筆を折ることはなかった。
「どこにも居場所のない者が、語り得ない痛みをどう伝えるか」――それが竹中労の根源的な問いであった。彼はその答えを、「自らが語る側であり続けること」で示し続けた。彼の語りには常に、若き日の警察署の冷えた床の記憶が通奏低音のように鳴っていた。
晩年も病と闘いながら、声を失っても原稿を書き続けた竹中は、まさに「書くことが生きること」である人物であった。国家の公式記録には決して記されない無数の人生を拾い上げ、その汚れた言葉で日本の裏面史を編んでいった。
竹中労とは、昭和という濁流の岸辺に、ただ一人逆立ちして立ち続けた男である。思想は警察署で拾ったが、それを投げつけた先は、常に"社会の心ない中心"だった。
From "Terako of Asakusa" to "Observer of Postwar Culture"--The Life of Rokusuke Ei
From "Terako of Asakusa" to "Observer of Postwar Culture"--The Life of Rokusuke Ei
Rokusuke Ei was born in Asakusa, Tokyo in 1929. From the end of the Taisho era (1912-1926) to the beginning of the Showa era (1926-1989), Japan was recovering from the Great Kanto Earthquake (1923), and while Western-style culture known as "Modern Tokyo" was flowing into the urban areas, the Great Depression was also having a strong impact, and the country was in a period of recession and social unrest. Asakusa was at the forefront of this trend. Kaminarimon and yose, katsudo photos and freak shows. Ei was born in Asakusa as a child of a temple, and grew up in this melting pot of culture and common people.
His childhood was overshadowed by Japan's shift to the right during the 1930s and the progression of the wartime regime. Militaristic education was thoroughly taught in national schools, and even in temples it was difficult to distance oneself from the national Shinto religion. His father's position as head priest also sometimes forced him to be in close proximity to state power, and Ei must have experienced the conflict between "public" and "private," "power" and "ideology" from an early age.
When the war ended in 1945, Ei was 16 years old. In the scorched downtown of Tokyo, he eventually entered Waseda University. After the war, the university was spoken of as a symbol of democracy, but inside it was a mixture of the old atmosphere and a new liberalism. In the midst of this chaos, Ei formed friendships with the poets Eroshenko and Masamichi Takatsu. Eroshenko traveled the world blind and was involved with the proletarian cultural movement in Japan. Takatsu was known for his cultural activities on the side of the people before the war. Naga says that although he mingled with such "thinkers of the defeated," he "could never become an activist.
His goal was not to be part of the core of the movement, but to observe it from the periphery and translate it into culture. As a broadcaster involved in NHK and commercial radio and TV programs, he used "laughter" and "irony" as weapons to expose the contradictions and ridiculousness of postwar Japanese society. Although a religious figure, his incisive criticism of the political and social atmosphere was the very embodiment of the "unconventional aesthetics" of downtown Asakusa.
In the 1950s and 1960s, Japan was in the midst of its rapid economic growth. The "three sacred treasures" (black-and-white TVs, washing machines, and refrigerators) were widely used in homes, motorization and suburbanization were progressing, and young people from rural areas were moving to Tokyo to find work in large groups. In the midst of these rapid changes, Ei continued to dig up "memories of the Showa era," "the language of the common people," and "forgotten landscapes" on the radio and in his essays.
In the 1960s and 1970s, when the Vietnam War protests and student movements were flourishing, Rokusuke Ei consistently spoke out from the standpoint of "anti-war," "peace," and "from a citizen's point of view. In his position as a monk, he became a presence that questioned "what is a human being" and "what is power" from inside and outside of society, rather than from the standpoint of his parishioners or doctrine.
His rebellious spirit had something in common with that of Takenaka Labor, who was a "born dissident. Both of them did not belong to any "organization," and they were rare individuals who could "have an ideology but not talk about the movement. Naga's "anti-authority" was neither emotional nor sentimental, but rather came from a downtown "gut feeling" and "sense of distance. While rooted in a gut feeling of "I don't like something," his ability to transform it into the language of culture lent humor and culture to his narratives.
Thus, Rokusuke Ei was a cultural figure who lived through the chaos of prewar Japan and the oppression of wartime, and always spoke "from the slant of society" while rooted in Tokyo as a testing ground for postwar democracy. His life and words are a microcosm of the contradictions that modern Japan has faced, and at the same time, an example of how to live with them as an "individual.
Rokusuke Ei was born in Asakusa, Tokyo in 1929. From the end of the Taisho era (1912-1926) to the beginning of the Showa era (1926-1989), Japan was recovering from the Great Kanto Earthquake (1923), and while Western-style culture known as "Modern Tokyo" was flowing into the urban areas, the Great Depression was also having a strong impact, and the country was in a period of recession and social unrest. Asakusa was at the forefront of this trend. Kaminarimon and yose, katsudo photos and freak shows. Ei was born in Asakusa as a child of a temple, and grew up in this melting pot of culture and common people.
His childhood was overshadowed by Japan's shift to the right during the 1930s and the progression of the wartime regime. Militaristic education was thoroughly taught in national schools, and even in temples it was difficult to distance oneself from the national Shinto religion. His father's position as head priest also sometimes forced him to be in close proximity to state power, and Ei must have experienced the conflict between "public" and "private," "power" and "ideology" from an early age.
When the war ended in 1945, Ei was 16 years old. In the scorched downtown of Tokyo, he eventually entered Waseda University. After the war, the university was spoken of as a symbol of democracy, but inside it was a mixture of the old atmosphere and a new liberalism. In the midst of this chaos, Ei formed friendships with the poets Eroshenko and Masamichi Takatsu. Eroshenko traveled the world blind and was involved with the proletarian cultural movement in Japan. Takatsu was known for his cultural activities on the side of the people before the war. Naga says that although he mingled with such "thinkers of the defeated," he "could never become an activist.
His goal was not to be part of the core of the movement, but to observe it from the periphery and translate it into culture. As a broadcaster involved in NHK and commercial radio and TV programs, he used "laughter" and "irony" as weapons to expose the contradictions and ridiculousness of postwar Japanese society. Although a religious figure, his incisive criticism of the political and social atmosphere was the very embodiment of the "unconventional aesthetics" of downtown Asakusa.
In the 1950s and 1960s, Japan was in the midst of its rapid economic growth. The "three sacred treasures" (black-and-white TVs, washing machines, and refrigerators) were widely used in homes, motorization and suburbanization were progressing, and young people from rural areas were moving to Tokyo to find work in large groups. In the midst of these rapid changes, Ei continued to dig up "memories of the Showa era," "the language of the common people," and "forgotten landscapes" on the radio and in his essays.
In the 1960s and 1970s, when the Vietnam War protests and student movements were flourishing, Rokusuke Ei consistently spoke out from the standpoint of "anti-war," "peace," and "from a citizen's point of view. In his position as a monk, he became a presence that questioned "what is a human being" and "what is power" from inside and outside of society, rather than from the standpoint of his parishioners or doctrine.
His rebellious spirit had something in common with that of Takenaka Labor, who was a "born dissident. Both of them did not belong to any "organization," and they were rare individuals who could "have an ideology but not talk about the movement. Naga's "anti-authority" was neither emotional nor sentimental, but rather came from a downtown "gut feeling" and "sense of distance. While rooted in a gut feeling of "I don't like something," his ability to transform it into the language of culture lent humor and culture to his narratives.
Thus, Rokusuke Ei was a cultural figure who lived through the chaos of prewar Japan and the oppression of wartime, and always spoke "from the slant of society" while rooted in Tokyo as a testing ground for postwar democracy. His life and words are a microcosm of the contradictions that modern Japan has faced, and at the same time, an example of how to live with them as an "individual.
「浅草の寺子」から「戦後文化の観察者」へ――永六輔の生きた時代
「浅草の寺子」から「戦後文化の観察者」へ――永六輔の生きた時代
永六輔は1929年（昭和4年）、東京・浅草に生まれました。大正末から昭和初期にかけての日本は関東大震災（1923年）からの復興期にあり、都市部には「モダン東京」と呼ばれる洋風文化が流れ込む一方、世界恐慌の影響も色濃く、不況と社会不安の時代でもありました。浅草はその最前線ともいえる地域でした。雷門と寄席、活動写真と見世物小屋。大衆娯楽と宗教が混在する空間にあって、永は寺の子として生まれ、文字どおり「庶民と文化の坩堝（るつぼ）」の中で育ちます。
幼少期の永に大きな影を落としたのは、1930年代の日本の右傾化と戦時体制の進行でした。国民学校では軍国主義教育が徹底され、寺であっても国家神道と距離を取ることは困難でした。父が住職であるという立場も、時に国家権力との近接を強いられることもあり、永少年は早くから「公」と「私」、「権力」と「思想」のあいだにある葛藤を体感していたことでしょう。
戦争が終わった1945年、永は16歳。焦土と化した東京の下町にあって、彼はやがて早稲田大学に進学します。戦後の大学は民主主義の象徴のように語られていましたが、その内部には旧制的な空気と新たな自由主義が混在していました。この混沌の中で、永は詩人エロシェンコや高津正道らと親交を結びます。エロシェンコは盲目のまま世界を旅し、日本ではプロレタリア文化運動とも関わった人物。高津は戦前から民衆の側に立つ文化活動を行っていたことで知られています。永はそうした「敗者の思想家」たちと交わりながらも、「運動家にはなりきれなかった」と語ります。
永が目指したのは、運動の中核に入ることではなく、外縁でそれを観察し、文化として翻訳する役割でした。放送作家としてNHKや民放のラジオ・テレビ番組に関わりながら、彼は「笑い」と「皮肉」を武器に、戦後日本社会の矛盾や滑稽さをあぶり出していきます。宗教者でありながら、政治や社会の空気に対して鋭利な批評を加える姿勢は、まさに浅草の下町的な「型破りの美学」の体現でした。
1950〜60年代、日本は高度経済成長の真っ只中にありました。「三種の神器（白黒テレビ・洗濯機・冷蔵庫）」が家庭に普及し、モータリゼーションと郊外化が進み、地方の若者たちが集団就職で上京する時代。こうした急激な変化の中で、永は「昭和の記憶」「庶民の言葉」「忘れられた風景」といったものをラジオやエッセイで掘り起こし続けます。
また、ベトナム戦争反対運動や学生運動が盛んだった1960〜70年代には、永六輔は一貫して「反戦」「平和」「市民目線」といった立場から発言を続けます。坊主という身分にあって、檀家や教義ではなく、むしろ「人間とは何か」「権力とは何か」を社会の内外から問い直す存在となったのです。
そして、彼の反骨の精神には、「生まれながらの反体制派」であった竹中労と通じるものがありました。彼らはともに「組織」に帰属せず、「思想を持ちながら、運動を語らずにいられる」稀有な人物たちでした。永の「反権力」は感情的でも情緒的でもなく、むしろ下町的な「勘」と「距離感」からくるものでした。「なんだか気にくわない」という直感に根ざしながらも、それを文化の言葉に変換する手腕が、彼の語りにユーモアと教養を与えていたのです。
このように永六輔は、戦前の混沌と戦中の抑圧を生き抜き、戦後民主主義の実験場としての東京に根を張りながら、常に「社会の斜めから」言葉を投げかけた文化人でした。彼の人生と発言は、近代日本が抱えた矛盾の縮図であり、また同時に「個」としてそれをいかに生きるかの手本とも言えるでしょう。
永六輔は1929年（昭和4年）、東京・浅草に生まれました。大正末から昭和初期にかけての日本は関東大震災（1923年）からの復興期にあり、都市部には「モダン東京」と呼ばれる洋風文化が流れ込む一方、世界恐慌の影響も色濃く、不況と社会不安の時代でもありました。浅草はその最前線ともいえる地域でした。雷門と寄席、活動写真と見世物小屋。大衆娯楽と宗教が混在する空間にあって、永は寺の子として生まれ、文字どおり「庶民と文化の坩堝（るつぼ）」の中で育ちます。
幼少期の永に大きな影を落としたのは、1930年代の日本の右傾化と戦時体制の進行でした。国民学校では軍国主義教育が徹底され、寺であっても国家神道と距離を取ることは困難でした。父が住職であるという立場も、時に国家権力との近接を強いられることもあり、永少年は早くから「公」と「私」、「権力」と「思想」のあいだにある葛藤を体感していたことでしょう。
戦争が終わった1945年、永は16歳。焦土と化した東京の下町にあって、彼はやがて早稲田大学に進学します。戦後の大学は民主主義の象徴のように語られていましたが、その内部には旧制的な空気と新たな自由主義が混在していました。この混沌の中で、永は詩人エロシェンコや高津正道らと親交を結びます。エロシェンコは盲目のまま世界を旅し、日本ではプロレタリア文化運動とも関わった人物。高津は戦前から民衆の側に立つ文化活動を行っていたことで知られています。永はそうした「敗者の思想家」たちと交わりながらも、「運動家にはなりきれなかった」と語ります。
永が目指したのは、運動の中核に入ることではなく、外縁でそれを観察し、文化として翻訳する役割でした。放送作家としてNHKや民放のラジオ・テレビ番組に関わりながら、彼は「笑い」と「皮肉」を武器に、戦後日本社会の矛盾や滑稽さをあぶり出していきます。宗教者でありながら、政治や社会の空気に対して鋭利な批評を加える姿勢は、まさに浅草の下町的な「型破りの美学」の体現でした。
1950〜60年代、日本は高度経済成長の真っ只中にありました。「三種の神器（白黒テレビ・洗濯機・冷蔵庫）」が家庭に普及し、モータリゼーションと郊外化が進み、地方の若者たちが集団就職で上京する時代。こうした急激な変化の中で、永は「昭和の記憶」「庶民の言葉」「忘れられた風景」といったものをラジオやエッセイで掘り起こし続けます。
また、ベトナム戦争反対運動や学生運動が盛んだった1960〜70年代には、永六輔は一貫して「反戦」「平和」「市民目線」といった立場から発言を続けます。坊主という身分にあって、檀家や教義ではなく、むしろ「人間とは何か」「権力とは何か」を社会の内外から問い直す存在となったのです。
そして、彼の反骨の精神には、「生まれながらの反体制派」であった竹中労と通じるものがありました。彼らはともに「組織」に帰属せず、「思想を持ちながら、運動を語らずにいられる」稀有な人物たちでした。永の「反権力」は感情的でも情緒的でもなく、むしろ下町的な「勘」と「距離感」からくるものでした。「なんだか気にくわない」という直感に根ざしながらも、それを文化の言葉に変換する手腕が、彼の語りにユーモアと教養を与えていたのです。
このように永六輔は、戦前の混沌と戦中の抑圧を生き抜き、戦後民主主義の実験場としての東京に根を張りながら、常に「社会の斜めから」言葉を投げかけた文化人でした。彼の人生と発言は、近代日本が抱えた矛盾の縮図であり、また同時に「個」としてそれをいかに生きるかの手本とも言えるでしょう。
▼ A variety of efforts have been initiated in various fields to ensure a sustainable society for the next generation.
▼ A variety of efforts have been initiated in various fields to ensure a sustainable society for the next generation.
Since the promulgation of the Basic Environment Law in 1993, the country's environmental, waste, and recycling-related legislation has been steadily progressing.
From a high-level perspective, the following three initiatives can be seen.
The first is resource recycling, which aims for effective use of limited resources and proper reuse of waste.
The second is the development of new renewable, decentralized energy sources to replace conventional energy sources and energy conservation efforts.
The third is the maintenance and preservation of existing natural ecosystems and the restoration and restoration of degraded natural ecosystems.
A variety of new businesses are being created in these various efforts to improve the environmental burden.
As we approach the 21st century, a book that will help us think of new business ideas is now making headlines in the United States.
The book is titled "Natural Capitalism" by Hunter Robbins, a well-known author of energy soft-bus theory.
In his book, Robbins focuses on the cycles of the natural world, or ecosystems.
For example, spiders eat crickets and flies and convert them into silk, abalone take in seawater and convert it into shells twice as strong as ceramic, and trees convert light, air, water, and soil into cellulose.
He calls these plants and animals "skilled manufacturers" that do not produce any waste.
He further argues that these ecologically friendly chemical processes are an attractive alternative to the brutal and inefficient production processes of existing industries.
In other words, they seek not only to reduce waste, but also to secure resources, energy, and ecosystems, as well as the endless possibilities of business opportunities.
He also cites many examples of the use of orange peels as an alternative to CFCs, as well as ideas for changing business models.
It seems that environmental businesses can find hints in the activities of the natural world.
Since the promulgation of the Basic Environment Law in 1993, the country's environmental, waste, and recycling-related legislation has been steadily progressing.
From a high-level perspective, the following three initiatives can be seen.
The first is resource recycling, which aims for effective use of limited resources and proper reuse of waste.
The second is the development of new renewable, decentralized energy sources to replace conventional energy sources and energy conservation efforts.
The third is the maintenance and preservation of existing natural ecosystems and the restoration and restoration of degraded natural ecosystems.
A variety of new businesses are being created in these various efforts to improve the environmental burden.
As we approach the 21st century, a book that will help us think of new business ideas is now making headlines in the United States.
The book is titled "Natural Capitalism" by Hunter Robbins, a well-known author of energy soft-bus theory.
In his book, Robbins focuses on the cycles of the natural world, or ecosystems.
For example, spiders eat crickets and flies and convert them into silk, abalone take in seawater and convert it into shells twice as strong as ceramic, and trees convert light, air, water, and soil into cellulose.
He calls these plants and animals "skilled manufacturers" that do not produce any waste.
He further argues that these ecologically friendly chemical processes are an attractive alternative to the brutal and inefficient production processes of existing industries.
In other words, they seek not only to reduce waste, but also to secure resources, energy, and ecosystems, as well as the endless possibilities of business opportunities.
He also cites many examples of the use of orange peels as an alternative to CFCs, as well as ideas for changing business models.
It seems that environmental businesses can find hints in the activities of the natural world.
▼次世代の持続可能な社会を確保するためにさまざまな分野での取り維みが開始されている。
▼次世代の持続可能な社会を確保するためにさまざまな分野での取り維みが開始されている。
1993年に環境基本法が公布されて以来、この国の環境・廃棄物・リサイクル関連の法整備も着々と進んでいる。
その法整備の流れを高所から俯廠すると、おおよそ次の 3つの取り組みが見えてくる。
その一つが限りある資源の有効利用と廃棄物の適正な再利用を図る資源循環。
2つめが従来型のエネルギーに代わる再生可能な、分散型の新エネルギー開発と省エネルギーの取り組み。
3 つめが現存する自然生態系の維持・保全と劣化してしまった自然•生態系の修復・復元である。
こうしたさまざまな環境負荷の改善の取り組みの局面で多様な新たなビジネスが創出されようとしている。
▼環境の21世紀を間近に控え、新たなビジネスヘの発想に役立つ1冊の本がいま、アメリカで話題を呼んでいる。
エネルギー ソフトバス論で知られるハンター・ロビンス著「自然資本主義」がそれだ。
同氏は自然界つまり生態系の循環に注目。
たとえば蜘蛛（くも）はコオロギやハエなど食べて絹に転換、あわびは海水を取り込みセラミックの2倍の強度を持つ貝殻に転換、さらに樹木は光、空気、水、土をセルロ ースに転換するなどの事例を紹介している。
同氏はこうした動植物は廃棄物を一切出さない「モノづくりの熟練者」と呼ぶ。
さらにこうした生態系に準拠した優しい化学プロセスが既存産業の持つ残忍で非効率な生産プロセスにとって代わる魅力的な方法だと主張する。
つまり廃棄物の削減にとどまらず資源、エネルギー、生態系を確保するための発想及びビジネスチャンスの無限の可能性をそこに求めている。
他にフロンの代替物質にオレンジの皮の利用、さらにビジネスモデルの転換への発想について多くの事例を挙げる。
環境ビジネスは自然界の営為の中に案外ヒントがあるといえそうだ。
1993年に環境基本法が公布されて以来、この国の環境・廃棄物・リサイクル関連の法整備も着々と進んでいる。
その法整備の流れを高所から俯廠すると、おおよそ次の 3つの取り組みが見えてくる。
その一つが限りある資源の有効利用と廃棄物の適正な再利用を図る資源循環。
2つめが従来型のエネルギーに代わる再生可能な、分散型の新エネルギー開発と省エネルギーの取り組み。
3 つめが現存する自然生態系の維持・保全と劣化してしまった自然•生態系の修復・復元である。
こうしたさまざまな環境負荷の改善の取り組みの局面で多様な新たなビジネスが創出されようとしている。
▼環境の21世紀を間近に控え、新たなビジネスヘの発想に役立つ1冊の本がいま、アメリカで話題を呼んでいる。
エネルギー ソフトバス論で知られるハンター・ロビンス著「自然資本主義」がそれだ。
同氏は自然界つまり生態系の循環に注目。
たとえば蜘蛛（くも）はコオロギやハエなど食べて絹に転換、あわびは海水を取り込みセラミックの2倍の強度を持つ貝殻に転換、さらに樹木は光、空気、水、土をセルロ ースに転換するなどの事例を紹介している。
同氏はこうした動植物は廃棄物を一切出さない「モノづくりの熟練者」と呼ぶ。
さらにこうした生態系に準拠した優しい化学プロセスが既存産業の持つ残忍で非効率な生産プロセスにとって代わる魅力的な方法だと主張する。
つまり廃棄物の削減にとどまらず資源、エネルギー、生態系を確保するための発想及びビジネスチャンスの無限の可能性をそこに求めている。
他にフロンの代替物質にオレンジの皮の利用、さらにビジネスモデルの転換への発想について多くの事例を挙げる。
環境ビジネスは自然界の営為の中に案外ヒントがあるといえそうだ。
Illegal Release of Chemical Substances in Yokohama City, Kanagawa Prefecture - 2003
Illegal Release of Chemical Substances in Yokohama City, Kanagawa Prefecture - 2003
In 2003, a company in Yokohama, Kanagawa Prefecture, illegally discharged chromium and mercury exceeding standard values into the Tsurumi River, causing water pollution and mass fish deaths. Furthermore, the companies falsified discharge concentration data, and the local government and the Ministry of the Environment are considering fines of up to 50 million yen and criminal penalties. In response to this incident, Yokohama City has increased the number of surveillance cameras and the frequency of water quality monitoring, and the Ministry of the Environment plans to strengthen regulations.
In 2003, a company in Yokohama, Kanagawa Prefecture, illegally discharged chromium and mercury exceeding standard values into the Tsurumi River, causing water pollution and mass fish deaths. Furthermore, the companies falsified discharge concentration data, and the local government and the Ministry of the Environment are considering fines of up to 50 million yen and criminal penalties. In response to this incident, Yokohama City has increased the number of surveillance cameras and the frequency of water quality monitoring, and the Ministry of the Environment plans to strengthen regulations.
神奈川県横浜市における化学物質違法排出事件 - 2003年
神奈川県横浜市における化学物質違法排出事件 - 2003年
2003年、神奈川県横浜市の企業が、基準値を超えるクロムや水銀を違法に鶴見川へ排出し、水質汚染と魚類の大量死を引き起こしました。さらに、企業は排出濃度データを改ざんしており、自治体と環境省は最大5000万円の罰金や刑事罰を検討しています。この事件を受け、横浜市は監視カメラの増設や水質モニタリングの頻度を増やし、環境省も規制強化を進める方針です。
2003年、神奈川県横浜市の企業が、基準値を超えるクロムや水銀を違法に鶴見川へ排出し、水質汚染と魚類の大量死を引き起こしました。さらに、企業は排出濃度データを改ざんしており、自治体と環境省は最大5000万円の罰金や刑事罰を検討しています。この事件を受け、横浜市は監視カメラの増設や水質モニタリングの頻度を増やし、環境省も規制強化を進める方針です。
Illegal Dumping of Waste Oil - Ise Bay and Seto Inland Sea - October 2024
Illegal Dumping of Waste Oil - Ise Bay and Seto Inland Sea - October 2024
In the 2020s, illegal dumping of waste oil remains a serious problem in coastal areas throughout Japan, especially in Ise Bay in Mie Prefecture, the Seto Inland Sea, and Tokyo Bay. In Ise Bay, an estimated 2,000 tons or more of waste oil is illegally dumped annually, with a particularly serious impact on the fishing industry. When waste oil is spilled onto the sea surface, it forms an oil slick that interrupts the oxygen supply to marine organisms, causing extensive damage to coral reefs, shellfish, and fish in particular. A similar situation is occurring in the Seto Inland Sea, where a survey by a local fishery association has confirmed that marine resources have been reduced by approximately 30%.
In addition, marine pollution from waste oil is having a negative impact on the health of fishermen and local residents. Toxic substances contained in waste oil, especially benzene, toluene, and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), are carcinogenic and may accumulate in the human body through marine organisms. In recent years, skin and respiratory diseases have been increasing among coastal residents, and some reports indicate an increased risk of developing liver disease and cancer. In the area around Ise Bay, particular attention has been paid to the health of fishermen, and the risk of health problems has become a social issue.
In response to this problem, the Environmental Agency and local governments have strengthened their monitoring systems, and in 2023, more than 200 cases related to illegal dumping in Tokyo Bay were uncovered. In particular, small and medium-sized companies that handle industrial waste are increasingly illegally dumping waste oil to reduce costs, and fines of up to 50 million yen per case of illegal dumping have been imposed when such dumping is discovered. However, illegal dumping continues to take place in areas that are not well monitored and late at night, and drastic measures are required.
On the other hand, major companies are also actively addressing this issue: JXTG Energy (now ENEOS) has launched a project to expand its system for proper treatment of waste oil and to increase the waste oil recovery rate; by 2022, ENEOS will take the lead in establishing waste oil treatment facilities at major ports throughout Japan; by 2022, ENEOS will be able to recover 10,000 tons of waste oil per year; and by 2023, JXTG Energy will be able to recover 10,000 tons of waste oil per year, ENEOS has announced a plan to collect and process 10,000 tons of waste oil per year. Similar waste oil treatment technologies are also being introduced in Singapore and other Asian countries in collaboration with Japanese companies to promote environmental measures.
The Ministry of the Environment plans to install waste oil monitoring cameras at ports nationwide over the next five years and introduce measures to curb illegal activities. 2024 recovery rates have increased by 15% over the previous year, and waste oil dumping has decreased by 10%, especially in Ise Bay, but the situation remains serious and further enhancement of measures is required. However, the situation remains serious, and further reinforcement of measures is required.
In the 2020s, illegal dumping of waste oil remains a serious problem in coastal areas throughout Japan, especially in Ise Bay in Mie Prefecture, the Seto Inland Sea, and Tokyo Bay. In Ise Bay, an estimated 2,000 tons or more of waste oil is illegally dumped annually, with a particularly serious impact on the fishing industry. When waste oil is spilled onto the sea surface, it forms an oil slick that interrupts the oxygen supply to marine organisms, causing extensive damage to coral reefs, shellfish, and fish in particular. A similar situation is occurring in the Seto Inland Sea, where a survey by a local fishery association has confirmed that marine resources have been reduced by approximately 30%.
In addition, marine pollution from waste oil is having a negative impact on the health of fishermen and local residents. Toxic substances contained in waste oil, especially benzene, toluene, and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), are carcinogenic and may accumulate in the human body through marine organisms. In recent years, skin and respiratory diseases have been increasing among coastal residents, and some reports indicate an increased risk of developing liver disease and cancer. In the area around Ise Bay, particular attention has been paid to the health of fishermen, and the risk of health problems has become a social issue.
In response to this problem, the Environmental Agency and local governments have strengthened their monitoring systems, and in 2023, more than 200 cases related to illegal dumping in Tokyo Bay were uncovered. In particular, small and medium-sized companies that handle industrial waste are increasingly illegally dumping waste oil to reduce costs, and fines of up to 50 million yen per case of illegal dumping have been imposed when such dumping is discovered. However, illegal dumping continues to take place in areas that are not well monitored and late at night, and drastic measures are required.
On the other hand, major companies are also actively addressing this issue: JXTG Energy (now ENEOS) has launched a project to expand its system for proper treatment of waste oil and to increase the waste oil recovery rate; by 2022, ENEOS will take the lead in establishing waste oil treatment facilities at major ports throughout Japan; by 2022, ENEOS will be able to recover 10,000 tons of waste oil per year; and by 2023, JXTG Energy will be able to recover 10,000 tons of waste oil per year, ENEOS has announced a plan to collect and process 10,000 tons of waste oil per year. Similar waste oil treatment technologies are also being introduced in Singapore and other Asian countries in collaboration with Japanese companies to promote environmental measures.
The Ministry of the Environment plans to install waste oil monitoring cameras at ports nationwide over the next five years and introduce measures to curb illegal activities. 2024 recovery rates have increased by 15% over the previous year, and waste oil dumping has decreased by 10%, especially in Ise Bay, but the situation remains serious and further enhancement of measures is required. However, the situation remains serious, and further reinforcement of measures is required.
廃油の不法投棄-伊勢湾・瀬戸内海-2024年10月
廃油の不法投棄-伊勢湾・瀬戸内海-2024年10月
2020年代に入り、日本各地の沿岸部、特に三重県の伊勢湾や瀬戸内海、東京湾で廃油の不法投棄が依然として深刻な問題となっています。伊勢湾では、年間推定2000トン以上の廃油が不法に投棄されており、特に漁業に対する影響が深刻です。廃油が海面に流出すると、油膜が形成され海洋生物への酸素供給が遮断され、特にサンゴ礁や貝類、魚類が甚大な被害を受けています。瀬戸内海でも同様の状況が発生しており、地元の漁業組合による調査では、約30％の水産資源が減少していることが確認されています。
また、廃油による海洋汚染は、漁業従事者や地元住民の健康にも悪影響を及ぼしています。廃油に含まれる有害物質、特にベンゼンやトルエン、ポリ塩化ビフェニル（PCB）などは発がん性があり、これらが海洋生物を通じて人体に蓄積される可能性があります。近年、沿岸部住民の間で皮膚疾患や呼吸器系の病気が増加しており、一部では、肝臓疾患やがんの発症リスクが高まっているとの報告もあります。伊勢湾周辺では、特に漁業従事者の健康状態に注意が払われており、健康被害のリスクが社会問題化しています。
この問題に対し、環境庁や地方自治体は監視体制を強化し、2023年には東京湾での不法投棄に関連する200件以上の摘発が行われました。特に、産業廃棄物を取り扱う中小企業がコスト削減のために廃油の違法投棄を行うケースが増加しており、違法投棄が発覚した際には1件あたり最大で5000万円の罰金が課されています。しかし、監視が行き届かない地域や深夜に行われる不法投棄が続いており、抜本的な対策が求められています。
一方、大手企業もこの問題に対して積極的に取り組んでいます。JXTGエネルギー（現ENEOS）は、廃油の適正処理を行うシステムを拡充し、廃油回収率を向上させるプロジェクトを開始しました。2022年には、ENEOSが中心となって全国の主要港に廃油処理施設を設置し、年間1万トンの廃油を回収・処理する計画を発表しました。また、シンガポールなどアジア諸国でも、日本企業との連携により同様の廃油処理技術が導入され、環境対策が進められています。
環境省は、今後5年間で全国の港湾に廃油監視カメラを設置し、違法行為を抑制する施策を導入予定です。2024年時点での回収率は前年に比べて15％増加し、特に伊勢湾では廃油投棄が10％減少していますが、依然として深刻な状況が続いており、さらなる対策強化が求められています。
2020年代に入り、日本各地の沿岸部、特に三重県の伊勢湾や瀬戸内海、東京湾で廃油の不法投棄が依然として深刻な問題となっています。伊勢湾では、年間推定2000トン以上の廃油が不法に投棄されており、特に漁業に対する影響が深刻です。廃油が海面に流出すると、油膜が形成され海洋生物への酸素供給が遮断され、特にサンゴ礁や貝類、魚類が甚大な被害を受けています。瀬戸内海でも同様の状況が発生しており、地元の漁業組合による調査では、約30％の水産資源が減少していることが確認されています。
また、廃油による海洋汚染は、漁業従事者や地元住民の健康にも悪影響を及ぼしています。廃油に含まれる有害物質、特にベンゼンやトルエン、ポリ塩化ビフェニル（PCB）などは発がん性があり、これらが海洋生物を通じて人体に蓄積される可能性があります。近年、沿岸部住民の間で皮膚疾患や呼吸器系の病気が増加しており、一部では、肝臓疾患やがんの発症リスクが高まっているとの報告もあります。伊勢湾周辺では、特に漁業従事者の健康状態に注意が払われており、健康被害のリスクが社会問題化しています。
この問題に対し、環境庁や地方自治体は監視体制を強化し、2023年には東京湾での不法投棄に関連する200件以上の摘発が行われました。特に、産業廃棄物を取り扱う中小企業がコスト削減のために廃油の違法投棄を行うケースが増加しており、違法投棄が発覚した際には1件あたり最大で5000万円の罰金が課されています。しかし、監視が行き届かない地域や深夜に行われる不法投棄が続いており、抜本的な対策が求められています。
一方、大手企業もこの問題に対して積極的に取り組んでいます。JXTGエネルギー（現ENEOS）は、廃油の適正処理を行うシステムを拡充し、廃油回収率を向上させるプロジェクトを開始しました。2022年には、ENEOSが中心となって全国の主要港に廃油処理施設を設置し、年間1万トンの廃油を回収・処理する計画を発表しました。また、シンガポールなどアジア諸国でも、日本企業との連携により同様の廃油処理技術が導入され、環境対策が進められています。
環境省は、今後5年間で全国の港湾に廃油監視カメラを設置し、違法行為を抑制する施策を導入予定です。2024年時点での回収率は前年に比べて15％増加し、特に伊勢湾では廃油投棄が10％減少していますが、依然として深刻な状況が続いており、さらなる対策強化が求められています。
Tuesday, April 29, 2025
Kawasaki Eco-Town Project History and Current Status - From 1997 to the 2020s
Kawasaki Eco-Town Project History and Current Status - From 1997 to the 2020s
In 1997, Kawasaki City in Kanagawa Prefecture was recognized as Japan's first "Eco-Town" and began a waste-free initiative with support from the Ministry of International Trade and Industry. Kawasaki City introduced a reverse engineering approach called "Inverse Manufacturing" that includes waste collection, separation, recycling, and product production to establish a circular waste system within the region. Companies like Toshiba and Mitsubishi Chemical have advanced technologies to recycle plastic and incinerated ash, facilitating efficient recycling of household and business waste generated within the area. Additionally, up to 50% of the costs for setting up recycling-related facilities are subsidized, bolstering the structure toward the goal of zero industrial waste.
In the 2020s, the Eco-Town Project has continued to make further progress. Kawasaki City has established a "Zero Emissions Industrial Complex" that promotes mutual utilization of waste between companies, allowing them to use byproducts as resources to reduce waste. In 2024, Kawasaki announced the "Kawasaki Carbon Neutral Complex Initiative," where companies like JFE Plastic Resources Corporation work on plastic waste and CO₂ recycling to create a carbon-circular complex. JFE Urban Recycle Corporation, which handles appliance recycling, also contributes to reducing environmental impact with the latest technologies.
In 2023, Kawasaki joined the "Circular Partners" partnership established by the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry, promoting a circular economy. The project in the coastal area, named "Kawasaki Circular Design Park," actively shares information, supporting new inter-company projects. International collaborations are also progressing, with Kawasaki working with the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) to share the achievements of the Eco-Town Project abroad. Kawasaki hosts the Kawasaki International Eco-Tech Fair, attracting attention as a model case for a sustainable society both domestically and internationally.
In 1997, Kawasaki City in Kanagawa Prefecture was recognized as Japan's first "Eco-Town" and began a waste-free initiative with support from the Ministry of International Trade and Industry. Kawasaki City introduced a reverse engineering approach called "Inverse Manufacturing" that includes waste collection, separation, recycling, and product production to establish a circular waste system within the region. Companies like Toshiba and Mitsubishi Chemical have advanced technologies to recycle plastic and incinerated ash, facilitating efficient recycling of household and business waste generated within the area. Additionally, up to 50% of the costs for setting up recycling-related facilities are subsidized, bolstering the structure toward the goal of zero industrial waste.
In the 2020s, the Eco-Town Project has continued to make further progress. Kawasaki City has established a "Zero Emissions Industrial Complex" that promotes mutual utilization of waste between companies, allowing them to use byproducts as resources to reduce waste. In 2024, Kawasaki announced the "Kawasaki Carbon Neutral Complex Initiative," where companies like JFE Plastic Resources Corporation work on plastic waste and CO₂ recycling to create a carbon-circular complex. JFE Urban Recycle Corporation, which handles appliance recycling, also contributes to reducing environmental impact with the latest technologies.
In 2023, Kawasaki joined the "Circular Partners" partnership established by the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry, promoting a circular economy. The project in the coastal area, named "Kawasaki Circular Design Park," actively shares information, supporting new inter-company projects. International collaborations are also progressing, with Kawasaki working with the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) to share the achievements of the Eco-Town Project abroad. Kawasaki hosts the Kawasaki International Eco-Tech Fair, attracting attention as a model case for a sustainable society both domestically and internationally.
Kawasaki Eco-Town Project History and Current Status - From 1997 to the 2020s
Kawasaki Eco-Town Project History and Current Status - From 1997 to the 2020s
In 1997, Kawasaki City in Kanagawa Prefecture was recognized as Japan's first "Eco-Town" and began a waste-free initiative with support from the Ministry of International Trade and Industry. Kawasaki City introduced a reverse engineering approach called "Inverse Manufacturing" that includes waste collection, separation, recycling, and product production to establish a circular waste system within the region. Companies like Toshiba and Mitsubishi Chemical have advanced technologies to recycle plastic and incinerated ash, facilitating efficient recycling of household and business waste generated within the area. Additionally, up to 50% of the costs for setting up recycling-related facilities are subsidized, bolstering the structure toward the goal of zero industrial waste.
In the 2020s, the Eco-Town Project has continued to make further progress. Kawasaki City has established a "Zero Emissions Industrial Complex" that promotes mutual utilization of waste between companies, allowing them to use byproducts as resources to reduce waste. In 2024, Kawasaki announced the "Kawasaki Carbon Neutral Complex Initiative," where companies like JFE Plastic Resources Corporation work on plastic waste and CO₂ recycling to create a carbon-circular complex. JFE Urban Recycle Corporation, which handles appliance recycling, also contributes to reducing environmental impact with the latest technologies.
In 2023, Kawasaki joined the "Circular Partners" partnership established by the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry, promoting a circular economy. The project in the coastal area, named "Kawasaki Circular Design Park," actively shares information, supporting new inter-company projects. International collaborations are also progressing, with Kawasaki working with the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) to share the achievements of the Eco-Town Project abroad. Kawasaki hosts the Kawasaki International Eco-Tech Fair, attracting attention as a model case for a sustainable society both domestically and internationally.
In 1997, Kawasaki City in Kanagawa Prefecture was recognized as Japan's first "Eco-Town" and began a waste-free initiative with support from the Ministry of International Trade and Industry. Kawasaki City introduced a reverse engineering approach called "Inverse Manufacturing" that includes waste collection, separation, recycling, and product production to establish a circular waste system within the region. Companies like Toshiba and Mitsubishi Chemical have advanced technologies to recycle plastic and incinerated ash, facilitating efficient recycling of household and business waste generated within the area. Additionally, up to 50% of the costs for setting up recycling-related facilities are subsidized, bolstering the structure toward the goal of zero industrial waste.
In the 2020s, the Eco-Town Project has continued to make further progress. Kawasaki City has established a "Zero Emissions Industrial Complex" that promotes mutual utilization of waste between companies, allowing them to use byproducts as resources to reduce waste. In 2024, Kawasaki announced the "Kawasaki Carbon Neutral Complex Initiative," where companies like JFE Plastic Resources Corporation work on plastic waste and CO₂ recycling to create a carbon-circular complex. JFE Urban Recycle Corporation, which handles appliance recycling, also contributes to reducing environmental impact with the latest technologies.
In 2023, Kawasaki joined the "Circular Partners" partnership established by the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry, promoting a circular economy. The project in the coastal area, named "Kawasaki Circular Design Park," actively shares information, supporting new inter-company projects. International collaborations are also progressing, with Kawasaki working with the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) to share the achievements of the Eco-Town Project abroad. Kawasaki hosts the Kawasaki International Eco-Tech Fair, attracting attention as a model case for a sustainable society both domestically and internationally.
The Contours of an Invisible Rainbow: the MIT "Gaydar" Study, Facebook, and the Global LGBTQ+ Situation (2009-2017)
The Contours of an Invisible Rainbow: the MIT "Gaydar" Study, Facebook, and the Global LGBTQ+ Situation (2009-2017)
In 2009, two young researchers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology quietly shocked the world when they presented their "gaydar" study. They showed that the composition of friendships can be used to infer an individual's inner life: they analyzed 4,080 profiles from the facebook network and found that if a person's friends were more likely to be men who preferred the same sex, they were more likely to be so themselves. Even without any special declarations, the study revealed the horror of the hidden attributes that can be revealed only by the connections with the people around you.
Furthermore, in 2017, researchers at Stanford University attempted to infer an individual's orientation based on facial features and found that they were right on target more than 80% of the time for men and 74% of the time for women. However, the results drew both praise and intense criticism. The unwanted reading of sensitive information can sometimes be life-threatening.
In fact, British newspapers reported that in 2013, homosexuality was illegal in about 40% of the world's countries. In former British territories in particular, the legal system of the past still casts a shadow and is a hotbed of repression. In Jamaica, a young man was tragically killed by a mob because of his cross-dressing. There was indeed a world in which one's clothing could make one a target of hatred.
The technology that makes invisible rainbows appear both expands and constrains people's freedom. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology's research has once again shown us the deep shadows that lurk behind the lights of progress. A new dialogue based on ethics and human rights is now desperately needed.
In 2009, two young researchers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology quietly shocked the world when they presented their "gaydar" study. They showed that the composition of friendships can be used to infer an individual's inner life: they analyzed 4,080 profiles from the facebook network and found that if a person's friends were more likely to be men who preferred the same sex, they were more likely to be so themselves. Even without any special declarations, the study revealed the horror of the hidden attributes that can be revealed only by the connections with the people around you.
Furthermore, in 2017, researchers at Stanford University attempted to infer an individual's orientation based on facial features and found that they were right on target more than 80% of the time for men and 74% of the time for women. However, the results drew both praise and intense criticism. The unwanted reading of sensitive information can sometimes be life-threatening.
In fact, British newspapers reported that in 2013, homosexuality was illegal in about 40% of the world's countries. In former British territories in particular, the legal system of the past still casts a shadow and is a hotbed of repression. In Jamaica, a young man was tragically killed by a mob because of his cross-dressing. There was indeed a world in which one's clothing could make one a target of hatred.
The technology that makes invisible rainbows appear both expands and constrains people's freedom. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology's research has once again shown us the deep shadows that lurk behind the lights of progress. A new dialogue based on ethics and human rights is now desperately needed.
見えざる虹の輪郭――MIT『ゲイダー』研究とfacebookと世界のLGBTQ+事情（2009〜2017年）
見えざる虹の輪郭――MIT『ゲイダー』研究とfacebookと世界のLGBTQ+事情（2009〜2017年）
2009年、マサチューセッツ工科大学で、2人の若き研究者が発表した「ゲイダー」研究は、静かに世界に衝撃を与えた。彼らは、友人関係の構成から個人の内面を推測できることを示したのである。facebookのネットワークに登録された4080件のプロフィールを解析し、同性を好む男性が友人に多い場合、その人物自身もそうである可能性が高いという傾向を見いだした。特別な宣言がなくとも、周囲とのつながりだけで秘めた属性が露わになる恐ろしさが、そこにはあった。
さらに2017年には、スタンフォード大学の研究者たちが、顔立ちの特徴から個人の指向を推測する試みを行い、男性で80%以上、女性で74%の的中率を記録した。だが、その成果は称賛とともに激しい批判も招いた。本人の望まぬ形で繊細な情報が読み取られることは、ときに命を脅かす危険すら孕むからである。
実際、イギリスの新聞が報じたところによれば、2013年当時、世界の約40%の国々で同性愛は違法とされていた。特に旧英領諸国では、過去の法制度が今もなお影を落とし、抑圧の温床となっている。ジャマイカでは、異性装を理由に若者が暴徒に命を奪われたという悲劇も起きた。服装一つで憎悪の標的となる世界が、確かに存在していたのだ。
見えない虹を浮かび上がらせる技術は、人々の自由を広げもすれば、縛りつけもする。マサチューセッツ工科大学の研究は、進歩の光の裏に潜む深い影を、私たちに改めて突きつけたのである。倫理と人権を土台とした新たな対話が、いま切実に求められている。
2009年、マサチューセッツ工科大学で、2人の若き研究者が発表した「ゲイダー」研究は、静かに世界に衝撃を与えた。彼らは、友人関係の構成から個人の内面を推測できることを示したのである。facebookのネットワークに登録された4080件のプロフィールを解析し、同性を好む男性が友人に多い場合、その人物自身もそうである可能性が高いという傾向を見いだした。特別な宣言がなくとも、周囲とのつながりだけで秘めた属性が露わになる恐ろしさが、そこにはあった。
さらに2017年には、スタンフォード大学の研究者たちが、顔立ちの特徴から個人の指向を推測する試みを行い、男性で80%以上、女性で74%の的中率を記録した。だが、その成果は称賛とともに激しい批判も招いた。本人の望まぬ形で繊細な情報が読み取られることは、ときに命を脅かす危険すら孕むからである。
実際、イギリスの新聞が報じたところによれば、2013年当時、世界の約40%の国々で同性愛は違法とされていた。特に旧英領諸国では、過去の法制度が今もなお影を落とし、抑圧の温床となっている。ジャマイカでは、異性装を理由に若者が暴徒に命を奪われたという悲劇も起きた。服装一つで憎悪の標的となる世界が、確かに存在していたのだ。
見えない虹を浮かび上がらせる技術は、人々の自由を広げもすれば、縛りつけもする。マサチューセッツ工科大学の研究は、進歩の光の裏に潜む深い影を、私たちに改めて突きつけたのである。倫理と人権を土台とした新たな対話が、いま切実に求められている。
Overview of the Recycle Mine Park Plan
Overview of the Recycle Mine Park Plan
The Recycle Mine Park Plan, formulated by the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) in 1995, is a groundbreaking policy that promotes waste disposal and resource recycling by reusing abandoned mines. The Mochikoshi Mine in Izu-Yugashima-cho, Shizuoka Prefecture, produces about 100 kilograms of gold and 15 tons of silver per month for Chugai Mining, and recovers rare metals from electronic device waste, In the 2020s, lithium and cobalt will be recovered to meet the demand for electric vehicles (EVs). In addition, we are contributing to the creation of a sustainable resource-recycling society by achieving a construction waste recycling rate of 97%.
The Recycle Mine Park Plan, formulated by the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) in 1995, is a groundbreaking policy that promotes waste disposal and resource recycling by reusing abandoned mines. The Mochikoshi Mine in Izu-Yugashima-cho, Shizuoka Prefecture, produces about 100 kilograms of gold and 15 tons of silver per month for Chugai Mining, and recovers rare metals from electronic device waste, In the 2020s, lithium and cobalt will be recovered to meet the demand for electric vehicles (EVs). In addition, we are contributing to the creation of a sustainable resource-recycling society by achieving a construction waste recycling rate of 97%.
リサイクル・マイン・パーク計画の概要
リサイクル・マイン・パーク計画の概要
1995年、通産省が策定した「リサイクル・マイン・パーク計画」は、廃鉱山を再利用し、廃棄物処理と資源リサイクルを進める画期的な政策です。静岡県伊豆湯ヶ島町の持越鉱山では、中外鉱業が月間約100キログラムの金と約15トンの銀を生産するほか、電子機器廃棄物から希少金属を回収。2011年の東日本大震災では、岩手県松尾鉱山などが災害廃棄物処理拠点となり、地域復興に貢献しました。2020年代には、リチウムやコバルトの回収が進み、電動車両（EV）需要に対応。また、建設廃棄物リサイクル率97%を達成するなど、持続可能な資源循環型社会の構築に寄与しています。
1995年、通産省が策定した「リサイクル・マイン・パーク計画」は、廃鉱山を再利用し、廃棄物処理と資源リサイクルを進める画期的な政策です。静岡県伊豆湯ヶ島町の持越鉱山では、中外鉱業が月間約100キログラムの金と約15トンの銀を生産するほか、電子機器廃棄物から希少金属を回収。2011年の東日本大震災では、岩手県松尾鉱山などが災害廃棄物処理拠点となり、地域復興に貢献しました。2020年代には、リチウムやコバルトの回収が進み、電動車両（EV）需要に対応。また、建設廃棄物リサイクル率97%を達成するなど、持続可能な資源循環型社会の構築に寄与しています。
History and Current Status of Dioxin Contamination in Miyoshi Town, Saitama Prefecture - 2000s to 2020s
History and Current Status of Dioxin Contamination in Miyoshi Town, Saitama Prefecture - 2000s to 2020s
### Discovery and initial response in 2000
In December 2000, dioxins were detected at 1500 pg-TEQ/g (exceeding the standard of 1000 pg-TEQ/g) in soil around an industrial waste treatment plant in Kamitomi, Miyoshi Town, Saitama Prefecture. Therefore, in order to determine the extent and cause of contamination, the prefectural government began an investigation by collecting 10 samples from a 50m square plot using a portable conductivity meter. The analysis was conducted at the Saitama Prefectural International Center for Environmental Science in accordance with the "Soil Survey and Measurement Manual.
Improper management of incinerator ash and waste plastic was suspected as the cause of the contamination, and inadequate management at a facility that processes approximately 5,000 tons of waste per year was pointed out. This prompted local residents to express concern about health risks and demanded prompt countermeasures.
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### Current Status and Progress in the 2020s
Since 2021, the prefecture has continued monitoring based on the Law Concerning Special Measures against Dioxins, and various facilities are being regulated and improved. According to the latest survey, dioxin concentrations in soil at 28 sites, including Miyoshi Town, were reduced to a maximum of 43 pg-TEQ/g, below the environmental standard of 1000 pg-TEQ/g. Although a maximum of 230 pg-TEQ/g was observed in river sediment, it was reported that the standard was achieved through appropriate management and treatment. In a survey of nine sites related to groundwater, the standard value of 1 pg-TEQ/L or less was maintained at all sites.
Through a series of measures, dioxin emissions for the entire prefecture have been reduced by more than 90% compared to the 1990s, and levels well below the environmental standard have been maintained at a stable level. Saitama Prefecture will continue to strengthen the safety of residents and environmental protection through continuous monitoring and appropriate measures.
### Discovery and initial response in 2000
In December 2000, dioxins were detected at 1500 pg-TEQ/g (exceeding the standard of 1000 pg-TEQ/g) in soil around an industrial waste treatment plant in Kamitomi, Miyoshi Town, Saitama Prefecture. Therefore, in order to determine the extent and cause of contamination, the prefectural government began an investigation by collecting 10 samples from a 50m square plot using a portable conductivity meter. The analysis was conducted at the Saitama Prefectural International Center for Environmental Science in accordance with the "Soil Survey and Measurement Manual.
Improper management of incinerator ash and waste plastic was suspected as the cause of the contamination, and inadequate management at a facility that processes approximately 5,000 tons of waste per year was pointed out. This prompted local residents to express concern about health risks and demanded prompt countermeasures.
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### Current Status and Progress in the 2020s
Since 2021, the prefecture has continued monitoring based on the Law Concerning Special Measures against Dioxins, and various facilities are being regulated and improved. According to the latest survey, dioxin concentrations in soil at 28 sites, including Miyoshi Town, were reduced to a maximum of 43 pg-TEQ/g, below the environmental standard of 1000 pg-TEQ/g. Although a maximum of 230 pg-TEQ/g was observed in river sediment, it was reported that the standard was achieved through appropriate management and treatment. In a survey of nine sites related to groundwater, the standard value of 1 pg-TEQ/L or less was maintained at all sites.
Through a series of measures, dioxin emissions for the entire prefecture have been reduced by more than 90% compared to the 1990s, and levels well below the environmental standard have been maintained at a stable level. Saitama Prefecture will continue to strengthen the safety of residents and environmental protection through continuous monitoring and appropriate measures.
埼玉県三芳町におけるダイオキシン汚染の歴史と現状 - 2000年から2020年代
埼玉県三芳町におけるダイオキシン汚染の歴史と現状 - 2000年から2020年代
### 2000年の発覚と初期対応
2000年12月、埼玉県三芳町上富の産業廃棄物処理場周辺の土壌から、ダイオキシン類が1500pg-TEQ/g（基準の1000pg-TEQ/gを超過）で検出されました。このため、県は汚染範囲や原因の特定に向け、携帯型電気伝導度計を用いて50m四方の区画から10サンプルを採取し、調査を開始しました。分析は「土壌調査測定マニュアル」に従い、埼玉県環境科学国際センターで実施されました。
汚染の原因としては、焼却灰や廃プラスチックの不適切な管理が疑われ、年間約5000トンの廃棄物を処理する施設での管理の不備が指摘されました。これにより、地域住民は健康リスクへの懸念を表明し、迅速な対策が求められました。
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### 2020年代の現状と進展
2021年以降、県は「ダイオキシン類対策特別措置法」に基づく監視を継続し、各種施設の規制と改善が進められています。最新の調査によれば、三芳町を含む28地点で土壌のダイオキシン濃度が最大43pg-TEQ/gと、環境基準の1000pg-TEQ/g以下に抑えられました。また、河川底質では最大230pg-TEQ/gが確認されたものの、適切な管理と処理により基準値の達成が報告されています。地下水に関する9地点の調査では、すべての地点で基準値1pg-TEQ/L以下が維持されました。
一連の対策により、1990年代比で県全体のダイオキシン排出量は90%以上削減され、環境基準を大幅に下回る水準が安定的に維持されています。今後も埼玉県は、継続的な監視を通じて住民の安全と環境保全を強化し、適切な対応を図っていく方針です。
### 2000年の発覚と初期対応
2000年12月、埼玉県三芳町上富の産業廃棄物処理場周辺の土壌から、ダイオキシン類が1500pg-TEQ/g（基準の1000pg-TEQ/gを超過）で検出されました。このため、県は汚染範囲や原因の特定に向け、携帯型電気伝導度計を用いて50m四方の区画から10サンプルを採取し、調査を開始しました。分析は「土壌調査測定マニュアル」に従い、埼玉県環境科学国際センターで実施されました。
汚染の原因としては、焼却灰や廃プラスチックの不適切な管理が疑われ、年間約5000トンの廃棄物を処理する施設での管理の不備が指摘されました。これにより、地域住民は健康リスクへの懸念を表明し、迅速な対策が求められました。
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### 2020年代の現状と進展
2021年以降、県は「ダイオキシン類対策特別措置法」に基づく監視を継続し、各種施設の規制と改善が進められています。最新の調査によれば、三芳町を含む28地点で土壌のダイオキシン濃度が最大43pg-TEQ/gと、環境基準の1000pg-TEQ/g以下に抑えられました。また、河川底質では最大230pg-TEQ/gが確認されたものの、適切な管理と処理により基準値の達成が報告されています。地下水に関する9地点の調査では、すべての地点で基準値1pg-TEQ/L以下が維持されました。
一連の対策により、1990年代比で県全体のダイオキシン排出量は90%以上削減され、環境基準を大幅に下回る水準が安定的に維持されています。今後も埼玉県は、継続的な監視を通じて住民の安全と環境保全を強化し、適切な対応を図っていく方針です。
Hokkaido - Illegal Logging Case - July 2001
Hokkaido - Illegal Logging Case - July 2001
Large-scale illegal logging has been uncovered in state-owned forests in Hokkaido. In this incident, valuable forest resources, including Abies sachalinensis and larch, were logged without permission, mainly in the central Hokkaido area, and the amount is estimated to reach approximately 2,500 cubic meters per year. It has been confirmed that the logged timber was exported from the Port of Tomakomai in Hokkaido to overseas markets including China and Korea, and some of the timber was also supplied to domestic building material manufacturers.
Involved in this illegal activity was a lumber distributor headquartered in Sapporo City, who, together with several partner companies, falsified distribution routes. In particular, the company is alleged to have falsified permits to make the transactions appear legitimate, and to have used small local logging companies to conceal evidence. As a result, illegal logging had a negative impact on the local economy, and the local government and forest protection groups strengthened their countermeasures.
The environmental impact is also serious, with soil runoff rapidly progressing on the land after logging, increasing the risk of contamination to the adjacent Kushiro Marshland. The Ministry of the Environment and the provincial government have initiated a reforestation project to reforest the area and plan to reforest approximately 500 hectares by 2025. In addition, surveillance cameras are being installed and drones are being used to strengthen monitoring of illegal activities.
The incident has drawn domestic and international criticism and highlighted the challenges of Japan's forest resource management system. A new management system is being considered to strengthen timber traceability, and the entire timber distribution industry needs to regain trust. Furthermore, the parties involved are expected to be fined more than 150 million yen.
Large-scale illegal logging has been uncovered in state-owned forests in Hokkaido. In this incident, valuable forest resources, including Abies sachalinensis and larch, were logged without permission, mainly in the central Hokkaido area, and the amount is estimated to reach approximately 2,500 cubic meters per year. It has been confirmed that the logged timber was exported from the Port of Tomakomai in Hokkaido to overseas markets including China and Korea, and some of the timber was also supplied to domestic building material manufacturers.
Involved in this illegal activity was a lumber distributor headquartered in Sapporo City, who, together with several partner companies, falsified distribution routes. In particular, the company is alleged to have falsified permits to make the transactions appear legitimate, and to have used small local logging companies to conceal evidence. As a result, illegal logging had a negative impact on the local economy, and the local government and forest protection groups strengthened their countermeasures.
The environmental impact is also serious, with soil runoff rapidly progressing on the land after logging, increasing the risk of contamination to the adjacent Kushiro Marshland. The Ministry of the Environment and the provincial government have initiated a reforestation project to reforest the area and plan to reforest approximately 500 hectares by 2025. In addition, surveillance cameras are being installed and drones are being used to strengthen monitoring of illegal activities.
The incident has drawn domestic and international criticism and highlighted the challenges of Japan's forest resource management system. A new management system is being considered to strengthen timber traceability, and the entire timber distribution industry needs to regain trust. Furthermore, the parties involved are expected to be fined more than 150 million yen.
北海道 - 不法伐採事件 - 2001年7月
北海道 - 不法伐採事件 - 2001年7月
北海道内の国有林で、大規模な不法伐採が発覚しました。この事件では、道央地域を中心に、トドマツやカラマツを含む貴重な森林資源が許可なく伐採され、その量は年間約2500立方メートルに達すると推定されています。伐採された木材は道内の苫小牧港から中国や韓国を含む海外市場に輸出され、一部は国内の建材メーカーにも供給されていたことが確認されています。
この違法行為に関与したのは札幌市に本社を置く木材流通業者で、複数の協力会社とともに流通経路を偽装。特に、許可証を改ざんし合法的な取引であるかのように見せかけたほか、地元の小規模伐採業者を使って証拠隠滅を図ったとされています。これにより、違法伐採が地元経済にも悪影響を及ぼし、地元自治体と森林保護団体が対策を強化しました。
環境への影響も深刻で、伐採後の土地は急速に土壌流出が進行し、隣接する釧路湿原への汚染リスクが高まっています。環境省と道庁は、森林再生のための植林プロジェクトを開始し、2025年までに約500ヘクタールの再植林を計画。また、監視カメラの設置やドローンを活用した違法行為の監視強化が進められています。
この事件は、国内外での批判を呼び、日本の森林資源管理体制の課題を浮き彫りにしました。木材トレーサビリティを強化するため、新たな管理システムの導入が検討されており、木材流通業界全体の信頼回復が求められています。さらに、関係者には1億5000万円以上の罰金が科される見通しです。
北海道内の国有林で、大規模な不法伐採が発覚しました。この事件では、道央地域を中心に、トドマツやカラマツを含む貴重な森林資源が許可なく伐採され、その量は年間約2500立方メートルに達すると推定されています。伐採された木材は道内の苫小牧港から中国や韓国を含む海外市場に輸出され、一部は国内の建材メーカーにも供給されていたことが確認されています。
この違法行為に関与したのは札幌市に本社を置く木材流通業者で、複数の協力会社とともに流通経路を偽装。特に、許可証を改ざんし合法的な取引であるかのように見せかけたほか、地元の小規模伐採業者を使って証拠隠滅を図ったとされています。これにより、違法伐採が地元経済にも悪影響を及ぼし、地元自治体と森林保護団体が対策を強化しました。
環境への影響も深刻で、伐採後の土地は急速に土壌流出が進行し、隣接する釧路湿原への汚染リスクが高まっています。環境省と道庁は、森林再生のための植林プロジェクトを開始し、2025年までに約500ヘクタールの再植林を計画。また、監視カメラの設置やドローンを活用した違法行為の監視強化が進められています。
この事件は、国内外での批判を呼び、日本の森林資源管理体制の課題を浮き彫りにしました。木材トレーサビリティを強化するため、新たな管理システムの導入が検討されており、木材流通業界全体の信頼回復が求められています。さらに、関係者には1億5000万円以上の罰金が科される見通しです。
History of Dam Construction and Water Quality Issues - Summary
History of Dam Construction and Water Quality Issues - Summary
In 1999, eutrophication at the Shichigajuku Dam in Miyagi Prefecture caused a serious outbreak of blue-green algae, and phosphorus levels reached more than 20 times the standard value. In the 2000s, measures such as circulators and sediment removal were implemented, but their effects were limited. In the 2010s, the introduction of phosphorus adsorbents and groundwater recharge models were piloted and improvements were seen in some areas, but environmental impacts and community impacts remain a challenge. Continued environmental protection and sustainable water resource management are required.
In 1999, eutrophication at the Shichigajuku Dam in Miyagi Prefecture caused a serious outbreak of blue-green algae, and phosphorus levels reached more than 20 times the standard value. In the 2000s, measures such as circulators and sediment removal were implemented, but their effects were limited. In the 2010s, the introduction of phosphorus adsorbents and groundwater recharge models were piloted and improvements were seen in some areas, but environmental impacts and community impacts remain a challenge. Continued environmental protection and sustainable water resource management are required.
ダム建設と水質問題の歴史 - 要約
ダム建設と水質問題の歴史 - 要約
1999年、宮城県七ヶ宿ダムで富栄養化によるアオコ発生が深刻化し、リン濃度が基準値の20倍以上に達しました。岐阜県徳山ダムでは土砂流入により農業被害が年間1億円以上発生し、長野県木曽川流域では地下水位の低下が飲用水確保に影響を与えました。2000年代には循環装置や堆積土砂除去などの対策が進みましたが、効果は限定的でした。2010年代にはリン吸着剤の導入や地下水涵養モデルが試験的に導入され、一部地域で改善が見られましたが、環境負荷や地域社会への影響は依然として課題として残っています。継続的な環境保護と持続可能な水資源管理が求められています。
1999年、宮城県七ヶ宿ダムで富栄養化によるアオコ発生が深刻化し、リン濃度が基準値の20倍以上に達しました。岐阜県徳山ダムでは土砂流入により農業被害が年間1億円以上発生し、長野県木曽川流域では地下水位の低下が飲用水確保に影響を与えました。2000年代には循環装置や堆積土砂除去などの対策が進みましたが、効果は限定的でした。2010年代にはリン吸着剤の導入や地下水涵養モデルが試験的に導入され、一部地域で改善が見られましたが、環境負荷や地域社会への影響は依然として課題として残っています。継続的な環境保護と持続可能な水資源管理が求められています。
Between Soot and Green--Light and Shadow of Coal-Fired Power Generation in China (2020s)
Between Soot and Green--Light and Shadow of Coal-Fired Power Generation in China (2020s)
China has continued to rely on coal-fired power generation as if it were shaking the vast land, and even in the 2020s, coal is still behind the country's growth and stability, supporting more than 60% of its electricity generation. Inner Mongolia, Shanxi, and Shaanxi--these coal mining regions are sending vast amounts of coal to other parts of the country on a daily basis.
However, the tide of the times has changed. The Chinese government has promised the world that it will be carbon neutral by 2060, and is rushing to expand solar and wind power. Giant panels are being laid on dry land, and rows of turbines are being built to catch the sharp winds. Still, the coal-fired light remains on: in 2022, China will have licensed some 106 GW of new coal-fired power generation, more than 80% of the world's new capacity. Local governments, fearing power shortages and economic stagnation, are still opting to return to coal.
Nevertheless, occasional signs of hope cannot be ignored: in the first half of 2024, new coal-fired power approvals fell by about 80% year-on-year. Greenpeace East Asia sees this as a small step toward a coal-free world. However, the reality is that the underdevelopment of the electricity grid and concerns about stable supply stand in the way of the spread of renewable energy.
To support the prolongation of coal-fired power generation, China is also taking steps to introduce ultra-supercritical pressure power generation and CO2 capture and storage technology. However, technological innovation is slow, and it will take a long time before the curtain of black smoke that covers the vast country is completely lifted.
Under the three banners of economic growth, energy stability, and decarbonization, China is now moving toward a contradictory future.
Related Information Summary
- Reuters (April 25, 2025).
China's wind and solar power capacity exceeded its fossil fuel generation capacity for the first time, but on a generation basis, renewable energy accounted for only 22.5% of the total. Challenges in power transmission infrastructure were also highlighted.
- EcoMatome (2024)
14 new coal-fired power plants with a total capacity of 10.34 GW were approved in the first half of 2024, a decrease of about 80% y/y, indicating a move away from coal.
- JOGMEC (2022)
China's domestic coal-fired power generation capacity under construction or planned is 366 GW, 68% of the global total. Promoted by local governments against a backdrop of tight energy supply and demand.
- JETRO (2024)
China aims to peak out CO2 emissions by 2030 and become carbon neutral by 2060. Investment in renewable energy, hydrogen, and energy-saving technologies will increase.
- The Guardian (February 13, 2024)
In 2024, China will begin construction of 94.5 GW of coal-fired power plants. This will be the highest level in the past decade, and will be inconsistent with the carbon neutral goal.
China has continued to rely on coal-fired power generation as if it were shaking the vast land, and even in the 2020s, coal is still behind the country's growth and stability, supporting more than 60% of its electricity generation. Inner Mongolia, Shanxi, and Shaanxi--these coal mining regions are sending vast amounts of coal to other parts of the country on a daily basis.
However, the tide of the times has changed. The Chinese government has promised the world that it will be carbon neutral by 2060, and is rushing to expand solar and wind power. Giant panels are being laid on dry land, and rows of turbines are being built to catch the sharp winds. Still, the coal-fired light remains on: in 2022, China will have licensed some 106 GW of new coal-fired power generation, more than 80% of the world's new capacity. Local governments, fearing power shortages and economic stagnation, are still opting to return to coal.
Nevertheless, occasional signs of hope cannot be ignored: in the first half of 2024, new coal-fired power approvals fell by about 80% year-on-year. Greenpeace East Asia sees this as a small step toward a coal-free world. However, the reality is that the underdevelopment of the electricity grid and concerns about stable supply stand in the way of the spread of renewable energy.
To support the prolongation of coal-fired power generation, China is also taking steps to introduce ultra-supercritical pressure power generation and CO2 capture and storage technology. However, technological innovation is slow, and it will take a long time before the curtain of black smoke that covers the vast country is completely lifted.
Under the three banners of economic growth, energy stability, and decarbonization, China is now moving toward a contradictory future.
Related Information Summary
- Reuters (April 25, 2025).
China's wind and solar power capacity exceeded its fossil fuel generation capacity for the first time, but on a generation basis, renewable energy accounted for only 22.5% of the total. Challenges in power transmission infrastructure were also highlighted.
- EcoMatome (2024)
14 new coal-fired power plants with a total capacity of 10.34 GW were approved in the first half of 2024, a decrease of about 80% y/y, indicating a move away from coal.
- JOGMEC (2022)
China's domestic coal-fired power generation capacity under construction or planned is 366 GW, 68% of the global total. Promoted by local governments against a backdrop of tight energy supply and demand.
- JETRO (2024)
China aims to peak out CO2 emissions by 2030 and become carbon neutral by 2060. Investment in renewable energy, hydrogen, and energy-saving technologies will increase.
- The Guardian (February 13, 2024)
In 2024, China will begin construction of 94.5 GW of coal-fired power plants. This will be the highest level in the past decade, and will be inconsistent with the carbon neutral goal.
Water Pollution History of Teganuma Swamp - 1996 to 2020s
Water Pollution History of Teganuma Swamp - 1996 to 2020s
Teganuma is a lake that stretches across the cities of Kashiwa, Abiko, Shirai, Inzai, and Kamagaya in Chiba Prefecture, and has long been a symbol of the region. However, with the rapid urbanization and intensification of agriculture after World War II, domestic and agricultural wastewater flowed into the lake, resulting in serious water pollution.
Current Situation in 1996
According to a survey by the Environment Agency, the chemical oxygen demand (COD) of Teganuma Swamp reached 25 mg/L, which was considered the worst water quality among all lakes in Japan. This COD value is more serious than that of Inbauma (21 mg/L) and Lake Sanariko in Shizuoka Prefecture (12 mg/L). The main causes of the pollution were organic substances contained in domestic wastewater and nitrogen compounds and phosphates derived from agricultural wastewater, which caused eutrophication, resulting in the abnormal occurrence of blue-green algae.
At that time, local governments and residents in the Teganuma watershed worked to improve the sewage system and spread the use of home-use combined treatment septic tanks. In addition, Asahi Kasei and Hitachi Zosen offered advanced water purification technology and worked with local residents to find ways to improve the situation, but no drastic improvements were achieved.
Current Status and Challenges in the 2020s
The water quality of Teganuma in the 2020s has been improving, with COD decreasing to 10 mg/L. However, it has yet to achieve the environmental standard of 5 mg/L or less, and is ranked fourth worst among all lakes in Japan. Based on Chiba Prefecture's "Action Plan for the Restoration of Water Circulation in Teganuma (Revised Version)," the following efforts are underway.
Sewerage improvement and rainwater infiltration facilities: Kashiwa City and Abiko City have installed new rainwater infiltration facilities and are promoting appropriate management of domestic wastewater. The installation rate of combined treatment septic tanks is also increasing year by year.
Technical cooperation of companies: Fuji Electric and Ebara Corporation are providing water quality improvement technology, and systems to efficiently remove nitrogen and phosphorus contained in agricultural wastewater are being introduced.
Citizen participation: The Teganuma Water Environment Conservation Council conducts cleanup activities and environmental education for citizens. In particular, environmental education programs for elementary school students have been well received.
Specific Sources of Pollution and Their Impacts
The main cause of pollution in Teganuma is not only domestic wastewater from the cities of Kashiwa and Abiko, but also excessive use of fertilizers from agricultural activities in the watershed. Nitrogen contained in agricultural wastewater is converted to nitrate nitrogen in the water body, causing abnormal algae growth. Phosphate likewise becomes a nutrient for algae, leading to eutrophication.
Future Prospects
Further technological innovation and collaboration throughout the region are needed to improve the water quality of Teganuma. Chiba Prefecture is working with companies and research institutions to promote the use of equipment that increases the efficiency of nitrogen and phosphorus removal. In addition, local governments are strengthening environmental education for local residents and raising awareness to reduce domestic wastewater from households.
The revitalization of Teganuma is an initiative that will greatly contribute to the region's economy, tourism, and environmental sustainability. Going forward, it is expected that local governments, businesses, and citizens will continue to work together to eliminate pollution and restore the ecosystem.
Teganuma is a lake that stretches across the cities of Kashiwa, Abiko, Shirai, Inzai, and Kamagaya in Chiba Prefecture, and has long been a symbol of the region. However, with the rapid urbanization and intensification of agriculture after World War II, domestic and agricultural wastewater flowed into the lake, resulting in serious water pollution.
Current Situation in 1996
According to a survey by the Environment Agency, the chemical oxygen demand (COD) of Teganuma Swamp reached 25 mg/L, which was considered the worst water quality among all lakes in Japan. This COD value is more serious than that of Inbauma (21 mg/L) and Lake Sanariko in Shizuoka Prefecture (12 mg/L). The main causes of the pollution were organic substances contained in domestic wastewater and nitrogen compounds and phosphates derived from agricultural wastewater, which caused eutrophication, resulting in the abnormal occurrence of blue-green algae.
At that time, local governments and residents in the Teganuma watershed worked to improve the sewage system and spread the use of home-use combined treatment septic tanks. In addition, Asahi Kasei and Hitachi Zosen offered advanced water purification technology and worked with local residents to find ways to improve the situation, but no drastic improvements were achieved.
Current Status and Challenges in the 2020s
The water quality of Teganuma in the 2020s has been improving, with COD decreasing to 10 mg/L. However, it has yet to achieve the environmental standard of 5 mg/L or less, and is ranked fourth worst among all lakes in Japan. Based on Chiba Prefecture's "Action Plan for the Restoration of Water Circulation in Teganuma (Revised Version)," the following efforts are underway.
Sewerage improvement and rainwater infiltration facilities: Kashiwa City and Abiko City have installed new rainwater infiltration facilities and are promoting appropriate management of domestic wastewater. The installation rate of combined treatment septic tanks is also increasing year by year.
Technical cooperation of companies: Fuji Electric and Ebara Corporation are providing water quality improvement technology, and systems to efficiently remove nitrogen and phosphorus contained in agricultural wastewater are being introduced.
Citizen participation: The Teganuma Water Environment Conservation Council conducts cleanup activities and environmental education for citizens. In particular, environmental education programs for elementary school students have been well received.
Specific Sources of Pollution and Their Impacts
The main cause of pollution in Teganuma is not only domestic wastewater from the cities of Kashiwa and Abiko, but also excessive use of fertilizers from agricultural activities in the watershed. Nitrogen contained in agricultural wastewater is converted to nitrate nitrogen in the water body, causing abnormal algae growth. Phosphate likewise becomes a nutrient for algae, leading to eutrophication.
Future Prospects
Further technological innovation and collaboration throughout the region are needed to improve the water quality of Teganuma. Chiba Prefecture is working with companies and research institutions to promote the use of equipment that increases the efficiency of nitrogen and phosphorus removal. In addition, local governments are strengthening environmental education for local residents and raising awareness to reduce domestic wastewater from households.
The revitalization of Teganuma is an initiative that will greatly contribute to the region's economy, tourism, and environmental sustainability. Going forward, it is expected that local governments, businesses, and citizens will continue to work together to eliminate pollution and restore the ecosystem.
煤煙と緑の狭間に――中国石炭火力発電の光と影（2020年代）
煤煙と緑の狭間に――中国石炭火力発電の光と影（2020年代）
中国は、広大な大地を揺るがすかのごとく、石炭火力発電に依存し続けてきた。2020年代に入ってなお、石炭は発電量の60%以上を支え、国の成長と安定を背後から支えている。内モンゴル、山西省、陝西省――これら炭鉱地帯は、日々、膨大な石炭を各地へと送り出している。
しかし、時代の潮流は変わった。中国政府は「2060年カーボンニュートラル」達成を世界に約束し、太陽光と風力の拡大を急ぐ。巨大なパネル群が乾いた大地に敷かれ、鋭い風を受けるタービンが列をなす。それでもなお、石炭火力の灯は消えない。2022年、中国は新たに約106GWもの石炭火力発電を許可し、世界の新設分の80%以上を占めた。地方政府は、電力不足と経済停滞を恐れ、今も石炭への回帰を選び取っている。
とはいえ、時折見える希望の兆しも無視できない。2024年上半期、石炭火力の新規承認量は前年同期比で約80%減少した。グリーンピース東アジアは、これを脱石炭への小さな一歩と見る。しかし、電力グリッドの未整備や安定供給への不安が、再エネの普及に立ちはだかる現実もある。
石炭火力の延命を支えるため、中国は超超臨界圧発電やCO2回収・貯留技術の導入にも踏み出している。だが、技術革新の歩みは遅く、広大な国土を覆う黒い煙の幕を完全に晴らすには、なお長い時間が必要だ。
経済成長、エネルギー安定、脱炭素――三つの旗を掲げながら、中国は矛盾する未来へ、いま、歩みを進めている。
関連情報まとめ
- ロイター（2025年4月25日）
中国の風力・太陽光発電容量が初めて化石燃料発電容量を上回ったが、発電量ベースでは再生可能エネルギーが全体の22.5%にとどまった。送電インフラの課題も浮き彫りに。
- EcoMatome（2024年）
2024年上半期に新規承認された石炭火力発電所は14基、総容量10.34GW。前年同期比で約80%減少し、脱石炭への動きが見られる。
- JOGMEC（2022年）
建設中または計画中の中国国内の石炭火力発電容量は366GW、世界全体の68%。エネルギー需給逼迫を背景に地方政府が推進。
- ジェトロ（2024年）
中国は2030年までにCO2排出量ピークアウト、2060年までにカーボンニュートラルを目指す。再エネ、水素、省エネ技術への投資が拡大。
- The Guardian（2024年2月13日）
2024年に中国は94.5GWの石炭火力発電所建設を開始。過去10年で最高水準となり、カーボンニュートラル目標との矛盾が指摘される。
中国は、広大な大地を揺るがすかのごとく、石炭火力発電に依存し続けてきた。2020年代に入ってなお、石炭は発電量の60%以上を支え、国の成長と安定を背後から支えている。内モンゴル、山西省、陝西省――これら炭鉱地帯は、日々、膨大な石炭を各地へと送り出している。
しかし、時代の潮流は変わった。中国政府は「2060年カーボンニュートラル」達成を世界に約束し、太陽光と風力の拡大を急ぐ。巨大なパネル群が乾いた大地に敷かれ、鋭い風を受けるタービンが列をなす。それでもなお、石炭火力の灯は消えない。2022年、中国は新たに約106GWもの石炭火力発電を許可し、世界の新設分の80%以上を占めた。地方政府は、電力不足と経済停滞を恐れ、今も石炭への回帰を選び取っている。
とはいえ、時折見える希望の兆しも無視できない。2024年上半期、石炭火力の新規承認量は前年同期比で約80%減少した。グリーンピース東アジアは、これを脱石炭への小さな一歩と見る。しかし、電力グリッドの未整備や安定供給への不安が、再エネの普及に立ちはだかる現実もある。
石炭火力の延命を支えるため、中国は超超臨界圧発電やCO2回収・貯留技術の導入にも踏み出している。だが、技術革新の歩みは遅く、広大な国土を覆う黒い煙の幕を完全に晴らすには、なお長い時間が必要だ。
経済成長、エネルギー安定、脱炭素――三つの旗を掲げながら、中国は矛盾する未来へ、いま、歩みを進めている。
関連情報まとめ
- ロイター（2025年4月25日）
中国の風力・太陽光発電容量が初めて化石燃料発電容量を上回ったが、発電量ベースでは再生可能エネルギーが全体の22.5%にとどまった。送電インフラの課題も浮き彫りに。
- EcoMatome（2024年）
2024年上半期に新規承認された石炭火力発電所は14基、総容量10.34GW。前年同期比で約80%減少し、脱石炭への動きが見られる。
- JOGMEC（2022年）
建設中または計画中の中国国内の石炭火力発電容量は366GW、世界全体の68%。エネルギー需給逼迫を背景に地方政府が推進。
- ジェトロ（2024年）
中国は2030年までにCO2排出量ピークアウト、2060年までにカーボンニュートラルを目指す。再エネ、水素、省エネ技術への投資が拡大。
- The Guardian（2024年2月13日）
2024年に中国は94.5GWの石炭火力発電所建設を開始。過去10年で最高水準となり、カーボンニュートラル目標との矛盾が指摘される。
手賀沼の水質汚染史-1996年から2020年代まで
手賀沼の水質汚染史-1996年から2020年代まで
手賀沼は千葉県柏市、我孫子市、白井市、印西市、鎌ケ谷市にまたがる湖沼で、古くから地域の象徴として親しまれてきました。しかし、戦後の急速な都市化と農業の集約化に伴い、生活排水や農業排水が流入し、深刻な水質汚染が進行しました。
1996年の現状
環境庁の調査では、手賀沼の化学的酸素要求量（COD）は25mg/Lに達し、全国の湖沼で最悪の水質とされました。このCOD値は、印旛沼（21mg/L）や静岡県佐鳴湖（12mg/L）を上回る深刻な数値です。汚染の主な原因は、生活排水に含まれる有機物質や農業排水由来の窒素化合物、リン酸塩であり、これらが富栄養化を引き起こし、アオコの異常発生をもたらしていました。
当時、手賀沼流域の自治体や住民は、下水道の整備や家庭用合併処理浄化槽の普及に取り組みました。さらに、旭化成や日立造船は高度な水質浄化技術を提供し、地域住民と協力して改善策を模索しましたが、抜本的な改善には至りませんでした。
2020年代の現状と課題
2020年代における手賀沼の水質は改善が進み、CODは10mg/Lまで減少しました。しかし、環境基準である5mg/L以下の達成には至っておらず、全国湖沼のワースト4位に位置しています。千葉県の「手賀沼水循環回復行動計画（改定版）」に基づき、以下の取り組みが進められています。
下水道整備と雨水浸透施設: 柏市や我孫子市では、雨水浸透施設を新たに設置し、生活排水の適切な管理を進めています。また、合併処理浄化槽の設置率も年々向上しています。
企業の技術協力: 富士電機や荏原製作所が水質改善技術を提供し、農業排水に含まれる窒素・リンを効率的に除去するシステムが導入されつつあります。
市民の参加: 手賀沼水環境保全協議会は、市民を対象とした清掃活動や環境教育を展開。特に、小学生を対象とした環境学習プログラムが好評を得ています。
具体的な汚染源とその影響
手賀沼の汚染は、柏市や我孫子市の生活排水だけでなく、流域の農業活動による肥料の過剰使用が主因とされています。農業排水に含まれる窒素は、水域内で硝酸態窒素に変化し、藻類の異常繁殖を引き起こします。リン酸塩も同様に藻類の栄養分となり、富栄養化が進行します。
今後の展望
手賀沼の水質改善には、さらなる技術革新と地域全体の連携が必要です。千葉県は、企業や研究機関と連携し、窒素・リンの除去効率を高める装置の普及を図っています。また、自治体は地域住民への環境教育を強化し、家庭からの生活排水の削減に向けた意識改革を進めています。
手賀沼の再生は、地域の経済、観光、環境の持続可能性に大きく寄与する取り組みです。今後も、自治体、企業、市民が一体となり、汚染解消と生態系回復を目指す取り組みが期待されています。
手賀沼は千葉県柏市、我孫子市、白井市、印西市、鎌ケ谷市にまたがる湖沼で、古くから地域の象徴として親しまれてきました。しかし、戦後の急速な都市化と農業の集約化に伴い、生活排水や農業排水が流入し、深刻な水質汚染が進行しました。
1996年の現状
環境庁の調査では、手賀沼の化学的酸素要求量（COD）は25mg/Lに達し、全国の湖沼で最悪の水質とされました。このCOD値は、印旛沼（21mg/L）や静岡県佐鳴湖（12mg/L）を上回る深刻な数値です。汚染の主な原因は、生活排水に含まれる有機物質や農業排水由来の窒素化合物、リン酸塩であり、これらが富栄養化を引き起こし、アオコの異常発生をもたらしていました。
当時、手賀沼流域の自治体や住民は、下水道の整備や家庭用合併処理浄化槽の普及に取り組みました。さらに、旭化成や日立造船は高度な水質浄化技術を提供し、地域住民と協力して改善策を模索しましたが、抜本的な改善には至りませんでした。
2020年代の現状と課題
2020年代における手賀沼の水質は改善が進み、CODは10mg/Lまで減少しました。しかし、環境基準である5mg/L以下の達成には至っておらず、全国湖沼のワースト4位に位置しています。千葉県の「手賀沼水循環回復行動計画（改定版）」に基づき、以下の取り組みが進められています。
下水道整備と雨水浸透施設: 柏市や我孫子市では、雨水浸透施設を新たに設置し、生活排水の適切な管理を進めています。また、合併処理浄化槽の設置率も年々向上しています。
企業の技術協力: 富士電機や荏原製作所が水質改善技術を提供し、農業排水に含まれる窒素・リンを効率的に除去するシステムが導入されつつあります。
市民の参加: 手賀沼水環境保全協議会は、市民を対象とした清掃活動や環境教育を展開。特に、小学生を対象とした環境学習プログラムが好評を得ています。
具体的な汚染源とその影響
手賀沼の汚染は、柏市や我孫子市の生活排水だけでなく、流域の農業活動による肥料の過剰使用が主因とされています。農業排水に含まれる窒素は、水域内で硝酸態窒素に変化し、藻類の異常繁殖を引き起こします。リン酸塩も同様に藻類の栄養分となり、富栄養化が進行します。
今後の展望
手賀沼の水質改善には、さらなる技術革新と地域全体の連携が必要です。千葉県は、企業や研究機関と連携し、窒素・リンの除去効率を高める装置の普及を図っています。また、自治体は地域住民への環境教育を強化し、家庭からの生活排水の削減に向けた意識改革を進めています。
手賀沼の再生は、地域の経済、観光、環境の持続可能性に大きく寄与する取り組みです。今後も、自治体、企業、市民が一体となり、汚染解消と生態系回復を目指す取り組みが期待されています。
Recycling of Waste in Japan: Progress from 2000 to the 2020s
Recycling of Waste in Japan: Progress from 2000 to the 2020s
--- (Japanese only)
#### Situation and issues in 2000
In 2000, Japan was trying to build a "recycling-oriented society" to cope with the rapid increase in waste. Fifty-two million tons of waste was generated annually, 9 million of which was plastic waste. The government set a goal of raising the plastic recycling rate to 25% by 2005 and promoted the spread of reuse technologies.
Reuse of organic waste was also promoted, with Sapporo City composting 8,000 tons of food waste per year and supplying it to local farmers. The Tokyo Metropolitan Government also aimed to reduce waste and CO₂ emissions by using biogas as fuel for metropolitan buses. Because of a lack of recycling facilities in rural areas, the government expanded its subsidy program to support efficient waste management.
---.
#### Current Status and Progress in the 2020s
In the 2020s, Japan's total waste volume continued to decline, falling to 40.95 million tons in 2021; per capita waste emissions also fell to 890 grams per day, thanks to strict separation and collection practices and government educational efforts. However, 87% of plastic recycling is heat recovery with incineration, which requires decarbonization.
Companies are also working to develop new technologies. Sekisui Chemical is currently working on a project to produce 2,000 liters of ethanol per year from waste. Mitsubishi Electric Corporation has achieved efficient recycling of plastics using electrostatic separation technology at its plant in Chiba Prefecture. This reduces the time and effort required for sorting and streamlines the recycling process.
Waste power generation is also being introduced in urban areas, with Tokyo's incineration facilities processing 171 tons/day of waste and 38.5% of facilities having the capacity to generate electricity. This initiative is enhancing the supply of renewable energy while reducing waste.
--- (Japanese only)
#### Situation and issues in 2000
In 2000, Japan was trying to build a "recycling-oriented society" to cope with the rapid increase in waste. Fifty-two million tons of waste was generated annually, 9 million of which was plastic waste. The government set a goal of raising the plastic recycling rate to 25% by 2005 and promoted the spread of reuse technologies.
Reuse of organic waste was also promoted, with Sapporo City composting 8,000 tons of food waste per year and supplying it to local farmers. The Tokyo Metropolitan Government also aimed to reduce waste and CO₂ emissions by using biogas as fuel for metropolitan buses. Because of a lack of recycling facilities in rural areas, the government expanded its subsidy program to support efficient waste management.
---.
#### Current Status and Progress in the 2020s
In the 2020s, Japan's total waste volume continued to decline, falling to 40.95 million tons in 2021; per capita waste emissions also fell to 890 grams per day, thanks to strict separation and collection practices and government educational efforts. However, 87% of plastic recycling is heat recovery with incineration, which requires decarbonization.
Companies are also working to develop new technologies. Sekisui Chemical is currently working on a project to produce 2,000 liters of ethanol per year from waste. Mitsubishi Electric Corporation has achieved efficient recycling of plastics using electrostatic separation technology at its plant in Chiba Prefecture. This reduces the time and effort required for sorting and streamlines the recycling process.
Waste power generation is also being introduced in urban areas, with Tokyo's incineration facilities processing 171 tons/day of waste and 38.5% of facilities having the capacity to generate electricity. This initiative is enhancing the supply of renewable energy while reducing waste.
日本の廃棄物の循環利用：2000年から2020年代までの歩み
日本の廃棄物の循環利用：2000年から2020年代までの歩み
---
#### 2000年の状況と課題
2000年当時、日本は廃棄物の急増に対応するため「循環型社会」の構築を目指していました。年間5200万トンの廃棄物が発生し、そのうち900万トンはプラスチック廃棄物でした。政府は、2005年までにプラスチックリサイクル率を25％に引き上げることを目標とし、再利用技術の普及を推進しました。
有機廃棄物の再利用も進められ、札幌市では年間8000トンの生ごみをコンポスト化し、地元農家に供給する取り組みが行われました。また、東京都では、バイオガスを都バスの燃料として活用し、廃棄物とCO₂排出の削減を目指しました。地方ではリサイクル施設が不足していたため、政府は補助金制度を拡充し、効率的な廃棄物管理の支援に努めました。
---
#### 2020年代の現状と進展
2020年代に入ると、日本の総廃棄物量は減少を続け、2021年には4095万トンに減少しました。1人当たりの廃棄物排出量も1日890グラムに減少し、分別回収の徹底や政府の啓発活動が功を奏しました。しかし、プラスチックリサイクルの87％が焼却を伴う熱回収であるため、脱炭素化が求められています。
企業も新たな技術開発に取り組んでいます。積水化学工業は廃棄物から年間2000リットルのエタノールを生産するプロジェクトを進行中です。また、三菱電機は千葉県の工場で静電分離技術を用いたプラスチックの効率的なリサイクルを実現しました。これにより、分別の手間を削減し、リサイクルプロセスが効率化されています。
都市部では廃棄物発電の導入も進んでおり、東京都の焼却施設は171トン/日の廃棄物を処理し、38.5％の施設が発電能力を持つようになっています。この取り組みにより、廃棄物の削減と同時に再生可能エネルギーの供給が強化されています。
---
#### 2000年の状況と課題
2000年当時、日本は廃棄物の急増に対応するため「循環型社会」の構築を目指していました。年間5200万トンの廃棄物が発生し、そのうち900万トンはプラスチック廃棄物でした。政府は、2005年までにプラスチックリサイクル率を25％に引き上げることを目標とし、再利用技術の普及を推進しました。
有機廃棄物の再利用も進められ、札幌市では年間8000トンの生ごみをコンポスト化し、地元農家に供給する取り組みが行われました。また、東京都では、バイオガスを都バスの燃料として活用し、廃棄物とCO₂排出の削減を目指しました。地方ではリサイクル施設が不足していたため、政府は補助金制度を拡充し、効率的な廃棄物管理の支援に努めました。
---
#### 2020年代の現状と進展
2020年代に入ると、日本の総廃棄物量は減少を続け、2021年には4095万トンに減少しました。1人当たりの廃棄物排出量も1日890グラムに減少し、分別回収の徹底や政府の啓発活動が功を奏しました。しかし、プラスチックリサイクルの87％が焼却を伴う熱回収であるため、脱炭素化が求められています。
企業も新たな技術開発に取り組んでいます。積水化学工業は廃棄物から年間2000リットルのエタノールを生産するプロジェクトを進行中です。また、三菱電機は千葉県の工場で静電分離技術を用いたプラスチックの効率的なリサイクルを実現しました。これにより、分別の手間を削減し、リサイクルプロセスが効率化されています。
都市部では廃棄物発電の導入も進んでおり、東京都の焼却施設は171トン/日の廃棄物を処理し、38.5％の施設が発電能力を持つようになっています。この取り組みにより、廃棄物の削減と同時に再生可能エネルギーの供給が強化されています。
Carbon Wind Blowing from the Continent--Testimony of Yonaguni Island and Hateruma Island (2020s)
Carbon Wind Blowing from the Continent--Testimony of Yonaguni Island and Hateruma Island (2020s)
Even in the 2020s, carbon dioxide emissions from mainland China continue to have a significant impact on the atmosphere of Yonaguni Island and Hateruma Island, located at the westernmost tip of Japan. Yonaguni Island is only 111 kilometers from the Chinese mainland, and especially in winter, the monsoon winds from East Asia blow in from the mainland, making it easy for carbon dioxide emitted from China to reach the island directly. Therefore, the island's atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration is highly dependent on China's industrial activities.
In 2000, a global pandemic of a new coronavirus infection led to a widespread lockdown in China, and the suspension of industrial activity temporarily reduced carbon dioxide emissions by 32 percent. However, emissions recovered rapidly as the economy resumed, and by 22001, China's domestic coal-fired power plants were operating at full capacity. As a result, China's coal-derived carbon dioxide emissions reached 15.3 gigatons, exceeding the level of 2004, the largest year on record. In particular, the port of Nantong in Jiangsu Province saw an increase in coal transport and consumption, and a sharp increase in production in power generation and cement manufacturing.
Concentrations of greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide and methane transported by winds from the continent have been continuously observed on Yonaguni and Hateruma islands, and these data are important indicators for assessing fossil fuel emissions in China. Observations are essential for capturing the real-time impact of increases and decreases in industrial activity and fluctuations in electricity demand on carbon dioxide emissions. For example, it has been confirmed that during rapid economic recoveries and extreme weather events, carbon dioxide concentrations increase to record levels due to surges in coal consumption.
Thus, Yonaguni Island is becoming a frontline for understanding air pollution and greenhouse gas dynamics in East Asia.
Related Sources.
Observation data and carbon dioxide emission estimation method for Yonaguni Island and Hateruma Island
The National Institute for Environmental Studies (NIES) has developed a method for real-time estimation of fossil fuel-derived carbon dioxide emissions in China based on observations of carbon dioxide and methane concentrations on Yonaguni and Hateruma islands.
Emission Estimation Methodology Using Carbon Dioxide and Methane Concentration Ratios
A method for estimating fossil fuel emissions has been established based on observations at Hateruma Island and Yonaguni Island.
Coal-Fired Power Generation and Carbon Dioxide Emissions in China
The construction of coal-fired power plants in China has been progressing rapidly, and the installed capacity of coal-fired power plants in China is now 20 times that of Japan. In addition, new coal-fired power plants are expected to be built in China in the next few years, with a capacity that is six times that of Japan.
Detailed Analysis of Energy Supply, Demand, and Emissions Trends in China
The report also details trends in coal production and consumption, as well as the introduction of renewable energy sources, which are expected to have a significant impact on future carbon dioxide emissions.
Even in the 2020s, carbon dioxide emissions from mainland China continue to have a significant impact on the atmosphere of Yonaguni Island and Hateruma Island, located at the westernmost tip of Japan. Yonaguni Island is only 111 kilometers from the Chinese mainland, and especially in winter, the monsoon winds from East Asia blow in from the mainland, making it easy for carbon dioxide emitted from China to reach the island directly. Therefore, the island's atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration is highly dependent on China's industrial activities.
In 2000, a global pandemic of a new coronavirus infection led to a widespread lockdown in China, and the suspension of industrial activity temporarily reduced carbon dioxide emissions by 32 percent. However, emissions recovered rapidly as the economy resumed, and by 22001, China's domestic coal-fired power plants were operating at full capacity. As a result, China's coal-derived carbon dioxide emissions reached 15.3 gigatons, exceeding the level of 2004, the largest year on record. In particular, the port of Nantong in Jiangsu Province saw an increase in coal transport and consumption, and a sharp increase in production in power generation and cement manufacturing.
Concentrations of greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide and methane transported by winds from the continent have been continuously observed on Yonaguni and Hateruma islands, and these data are important indicators for assessing fossil fuel emissions in China. Observations are essential for capturing the real-time impact of increases and decreases in industrial activity and fluctuations in electricity demand on carbon dioxide emissions. For example, it has been confirmed that during rapid economic recoveries and extreme weather events, carbon dioxide concentrations increase to record levels due to surges in coal consumption.
Thus, Yonaguni Island is becoming a frontline for understanding air pollution and greenhouse gas dynamics in East Asia.
Related Sources.
Observation data and carbon dioxide emission estimation method for Yonaguni Island and Hateruma Island
The National Institute for Environmental Studies (NIES) has developed a method for real-time estimation of fossil fuel-derived carbon dioxide emissions in China based on observations of carbon dioxide and methane concentrations on Yonaguni and Hateruma islands.
Emission Estimation Methodology Using Carbon Dioxide and Methane Concentration Ratios
A method for estimating fossil fuel emissions has been established based on observations at Hateruma Island and Yonaguni Island.
Coal-Fired Power Generation and Carbon Dioxide Emissions in China
The construction of coal-fired power plants in China has been progressing rapidly, and the installed capacity of coal-fired power plants in China is now 20 times that of Japan. In addition, new coal-fired power plants are expected to be built in China in the next few years, with a capacity that is six times that of Japan.
Detailed Analysis of Energy Supply, Demand, and Emissions Trends in China
The report also details trends in coal production and consumption, as well as the introduction of renewable energy sources, which are expected to have a significant impact on future carbon dioxide emissions.
大陸から吹く炭素の風――与那国島と波照間島の証言（2020年代）
大陸から吹く炭素の風――与那国島と波照間島の証言（2020年代）
2020年代に入ってもなお、中国大陸から排出される二酸化炭素が、日本最西端に位置する与那国島や波照間島の大気に大きな影響を与え続けている。与那国島は中国大陸からわずか百十一キロメートルの距離にあり、特に冬季には、東アジアの季節風により大陸からの風が吹き込み、中国から放出された二酸化炭素が直接島に到達しやすい状況にある。このため、島の大気中の二酸化炭素濃度は中国の産業活動に大きく左右される。
二千二十年には、新型コロナウイルス感染症の世界的流行により、中国国内で広範なロックダウンが実施され、産業活動の停止によって二酸化炭素排出量は一時的に三十二パーセント減少した。しかし、その後の経済再開と共に排出量は急速に回復し、二千二十一年には中国国内の石炭火力発電所がフル稼働状態となった。結果、中国の石炭由来二酸化炭素排出量は十五・三ギガトンに達し、過去最大だった二千十四年の水準を上回った。とりわけ、江蘇省の南通港では石炭輸送と消費が拡大し、発電やセメント製造において急激な増産が見られた。
与那国島および波照間島では、大陸からの風によって運ばれる二酸化炭素やメタンなど温室効果ガスの濃度が継続的に観測されており、これらのデータは中国の化石燃料起源の排出量を評価する重要な指標となっている。観測結果は、産業活動の増減や電力需要の変動が二酸化炭素排出に与える影響をリアルタイムで捉える上で不可欠であり、例えば経済急回復や異常気象時には、石炭消費の急増により二酸化炭素濃度が記録的に高まることが確認されている。
こうして与那国島は、東アジアの大気汚染と温室効果ガス動態を知るための最前線となりつつあるのである。
【関連情報源】
■ 与那国島・波照間島における観測データと二酸化炭素排出推定手法
国立環境研究所により、与那国島・波照間島での二酸化炭素およびメタン濃度観測を基に、中国の化石燃料起源二酸化炭素排出量をリアルタイム推定する手法が開発されている。
■ 二酸化炭素とメタンの濃度比を用いた排出推定の手法
波照間島と与那国島での観測データに基づき、化石燃料起源排出量を推定する方法が確立されている。
■ 中国における石炭火力発電と二酸化炭素排出の現状
中国では石炭火力発電所の建設が急速に進み、日本の二十倍にあたる設備容量を持つに至っている。さらに、今後数年で日本の六倍に相当する新たな石炭火力発電設備が建設される見込みである。
■ 中国のエネルギー需給と排出動向の詳細分析
石炭の生産と消費、そして再生可能エネルギー導入の動向についても詳述されており、今後の二酸化炭素排出量に大きな影響を与えると見られている。
2020年代に入ってもなお、中国大陸から排出される二酸化炭素が、日本最西端に位置する与那国島や波照間島の大気に大きな影響を与え続けている。与那国島は中国大陸からわずか百十一キロメートルの距離にあり、特に冬季には、東アジアの季節風により大陸からの風が吹き込み、中国から放出された二酸化炭素が直接島に到達しやすい状況にある。このため、島の大気中の二酸化炭素濃度は中国の産業活動に大きく左右される。
二千二十年には、新型コロナウイルス感染症の世界的流行により、中国国内で広範なロックダウンが実施され、産業活動の停止によって二酸化炭素排出量は一時的に三十二パーセント減少した。しかし、その後の経済再開と共に排出量は急速に回復し、二千二十一年には中国国内の石炭火力発電所がフル稼働状態となった。結果、中国の石炭由来二酸化炭素排出量は十五・三ギガトンに達し、過去最大だった二千十四年の水準を上回った。とりわけ、江蘇省の南通港では石炭輸送と消費が拡大し、発電やセメント製造において急激な増産が見られた。
与那国島および波照間島では、大陸からの風によって運ばれる二酸化炭素やメタンなど温室効果ガスの濃度が継続的に観測されており、これらのデータは中国の化石燃料起源の排出量を評価する重要な指標となっている。観測結果は、産業活動の増減や電力需要の変動が二酸化炭素排出に与える影響をリアルタイムで捉える上で不可欠であり、例えば経済急回復や異常気象時には、石炭消費の急増により二酸化炭素濃度が記録的に高まることが確認されている。
こうして与那国島は、東アジアの大気汚染と温室効果ガス動態を知るための最前線となりつつあるのである。
【関連情報源】
■ 与那国島・波照間島における観測データと二酸化炭素排出推定手法
国立環境研究所により、与那国島・波照間島での二酸化炭素およびメタン濃度観測を基に、中国の化石燃料起源二酸化炭素排出量をリアルタイム推定する手法が開発されている。
■ 二酸化炭素とメタンの濃度比を用いた排出推定の手法
波照間島と与那国島での観測データに基づき、化石燃料起源排出量を推定する方法が確立されている。
■ 中国における石炭火力発電と二酸化炭素排出の現状
中国では石炭火力発電所の建設が急速に進み、日本の二十倍にあたる設備容量を持つに至っている。さらに、今後数年で日本の六倍に相当する新たな石炭火力発電設備が建設される見込みである。
■ 中国のエネルギー需給と排出動向の詳細分析
石炭の生産と消費、そして再生可能エネルギー導入の動向についても詳述されており、今後の二酸化炭素排出量に大きな影響を与えると見られている。
From Beyond Carbon: The Breath of the Continent Reaching Yonaguni Island (2020s)
From Beyond Carbon: The Breath of the Continent Reaching Yonaguni Island (2020s)
Yonaguni Island. Located only 111 kilometers from mainland China, the island receives air from the continent in winter from the East Asian monsoon, which contains carbon dioxide emitted from coal burned in China. In the 2020s, instruments that measure the skies over Yonaguni Island and Hateruma Island will keenly reflect events occurring far away on the continent.
In 2020, the lockdown of all of China due to the spread of a new coronavirus temporarily halted industrial activity and reduced emissions by more than 30%. But as the economy resumed, carbon dioxide was once again released into the sky, reaching a record level of 15.3 gigatons in 2021. Coal was unloaded at the port of Nantong in Jiangsu Province, and the chimneys of power plants and cement factories billowed white smoke without a break.
A faint stream of carbon reaching Yonaguni Island. It is like a letter announcing a change in global respiration. The people standing on the island are unknowingly crossing with the breath of the continent. This wind that blows with coal will continue to silently dye the sky of the island now and in the future.
Yonaguni Island. Located only 111 kilometers from mainland China, the island receives air from the continent in winter from the East Asian monsoon, which contains carbon dioxide emitted from coal burned in China. In the 2020s, instruments that measure the skies over Yonaguni Island and Hateruma Island will keenly reflect events occurring far away on the continent.
In 2020, the lockdown of all of China due to the spread of a new coronavirus temporarily halted industrial activity and reduced emissions by more than 30%. But as the economy resumed, carbon dioxide was once again released into the sky, reaching a record level of 15.3 gigatons in 2021. Coal was unloaded at the port of Nantong in Jiangsu Province, and the chimneys of power plants and cement factories billowed white smoke without a break.
A faint stream of carbon reaching Yonaguni Island. It is like a letter announcing a change in global respiration. The people standing on the island are unknowingly crossing with the breath of the continent. This wind that blows with coal will continue to silently dye the sky of the island now and in the future.
炭素の彼方より――与那国島に届く大陸の息吹（2020年代）
炭素の彼方より――与那国島に届く大陸の息吹（2020年代）
与那国島。中国大陸からわずか百十一キロメートルに位置するこの島は、冬季、東アジアの季節風を受けて大陸からの空気を吸い込む。そこには、中国で燃やされた石炭が発する二酸化炭素が含まれている。2020年代、与那国島や波照間島の空を測る観測機器は、遠く大陸で起きた出来事を鋭敏に映し出す。
2020年、新型コロナウイルスの拡大による中国全土のロックダウンは、一時的に産業活動を止め、排出量を三割以上も減少させた。しかし経済再開とともに、二酸化炭素はふたたび空へと放たれ、2021年には十五・三ギガトンという過去最高水準に達した。江蘇省の南通港では石炭が積み下ろされ、発電所とセメント工場の煙突が休むことなく白煙を上げた。
与那国島に届く微かな炭素の流れ。それは、地球規模の呼吸の変化を告げる手紙のようなものだ。島に立つ人々は知らず知らずのうちに、大陸の息吹と交差している。石炭とともに吹き寄せるこの風は、今も未来も、静かに島の空を染め続けるだろう。
与那国島。中国大陸からわずか百十一キロメートルに位置するこの島は、冬季、東アジアの季節風を受けて大陸からの空気を吸い込む。そこには、中国で燃やされた石炭が発する二酸化炭素が含まれている。2020年代、与那国島や波照間島の空を測る観測機器は、遠く大陸で起きた出来事を鋭敏に映し出す。
2020年、新型コロナウイルスの拡大による中国全土のロックダウンは、一時的に産業活動を止め、排出量を三割以上も減少させた。しかし経済再開とともに、二酸化炭素はふたたび空へと放たれ、2021年には十五・三ギガトンという過去最高水準に達した。江蘇省の南通港では石炭が積み下ろされ、発電所とセメント工場の煙突が休むことなく白煙を上げた。
与那国島に届く微かな炭素の流れ。それは、地球規模の呼吸の変化を告げる手紙のようなものだ。島に立つ人々は知らず知らずのうちに、大陸の息吹と交差している。石炭とともに吹き寄せるこの風は、今も未来も、静かに島の空を染め続けるだろう。
From Beyond Carbon: The Breath of the Continent Reaching Yonaguni Island (2020s)
From Beyond Carbon: The Breath of the Continent Reaching Yonaguni Island (2020s)
Yonaguni Island. Located only 111 kilometers from mainland China, the island receives air from the continent in winter from the East Asian monsoon, which contains carbon dioxide emitted from coal burned in China. In the 2020s, instruments that measure the skies over Yonaguni Island and Hateruma Island will keenly reflect events occurring far away on the continent.
In 2020, the lockdown of all of China due to the spread of a new coronavirus temporarily halted industrial activity and reduced emissions by more than 30%. But as the economy resumed, carbon dioxide was once again released into the sky, reaching a record level of 15.3 gigatons in 2021. Coal was unloaded at the port of Nantong in Jiangsu Province, and the chimneys of power plants and cement factories billowed white smoke without a break.
A faint stream of carbon reaching Yonaguni Island. It is like a letter announcing a change in global respiration. The people on the island are unknowingly crossing with the breath of the continent. This wind that blows with the coal will continue to silently dye the sky of the island now and in the future.
Yonaguni Island. Located only 111 kilometers from mainland China, the island receives air from the continent in winter from the East Asian monsoon, which contains carbon dioxide emitted from coal burned in China. In the 2020s, instruments that measure the skies over Yonaguni Island and Hateruma Island will keenly reflect events occurring far away on the continent.
In 2020, the lockdown of all of China due to the spread of a new coronavirus temporarily halted industrial activity and reduced emissions by more than 30%. But as the economy resumed, carbon dioxide was once again released into the sky, reaching a record level of 15.3 gigatons in 2021. Coal was unloaded at the port of Nantong in Jiangsu Province, and the chimneys of power plants and cement factories billowed white smoke without a break.
A faint stream of carbon reaching Yonaguni Island. It is like a letter announcing a change in global respiration. The people on the island are unknowingly crossing with the breath of the continent. This wind that blows with the coal will continue to silently dye the sky of the island now and in the future.
炭素の彼方より――与那国島に届く大陸の息吹（2020年代）
炭素の彼方より――与那国島に届く大陸の息吹（2020年代）
与那国島。中国大陸からわずか百十一キロメートルに位置するこの島は、冬季、東アジアの季節風を受けて大陸からの空気を吸い込む。そこには、中国で燃やされた石炭が発する二酸化炭素が含まれている。2020年代、与那国島や波照間島の空を測る観測機器は、遠く大陸で起きた出来事を鋭敏に映し出す。
2020年、新型コロナウイルスの拡大による中国全土のロックダウンは、一時的に産業活動を止め、排出量を三割以上も減少させた。しかし経済再開とともに、二酸化炭素はふたたび空へと放たれ、2021年には十五・三ギガトンという過去最高水準に達した。江蘇省の南通港では石炭が積み下ろされ、発電所とセメント工場の煙突が休むことなく白煙を上げた。
与那国島に届く微かな炭素の流れ。それは、地球規模の呼吸の変化を告げる手紙のようなものだ。島に立つ人々は知らず知らずのうちに、大陸の息吹と交差している。石炭とともに吹き寄せるこの風は、今も未来も、静かに島の空を染め続けるだろう。
与那国島。中国大陸からわずか百十一キロメートルに位置するこの島は、冬季、東アジアの季節風を受けて大陸からの空気を吸い込む。そこには、中国で燃やされた石炭が発する二酸化炭素が含まれている。2020年代、与那国島や波照間島の空を測る観測機器は、遠く大陸で起きた出来事を鋭敏に映し出す。
2020年、新型コロナウイルスの拡大による中国全土のロックダウンは、一時的に産業活動を止め、排出量を三割以上も減少させた。しかし経済再開とともに、二酸化炭素はふたたび空へと放たれ、2021年には十五・三ギガトンという過去最高水準に達した。江蘇省の南通港では石炭が積み下ろされ、発電所とセメント工場の煙突が休むことなく白煙を上げた。
与那国島に届く微かな炭素の流れ。それは、地球規模の呼吸の変化を告げる手紙のようなものだ。島に立つ人々は知らず知らずのうちに、大陸の息吹と交差している。石炭とともに吹き寄せるこの風は、今も未来も、静かに島の空を染め続けるだろう。
Green GDP in China - State of the Art in the 2020s
Green GDP in China - State of the Art in the 2020s
China's economic losses due to environmental pollution in the 2020s remain significant, with air and water pollution being particularly serious problems. This is equivalent to about 2.5% of China's GDP. These losses include health hazards, ecosystem destruction, and impacts on agricultural production.
Air Pollution
PM2.5 concentrations remain high in major cities in northern China, including Beijing, Tianjin, and Hebei Province; in 2020, the annual average PM2.5 concentration in Beijing was 35 μg/m³, well above the World Health Organization (WHO) standard of 5 μg/m³. In addition, the average national health losses due to air pollution amounted to about 1.4 trillion yuan (about 22 trillion yen). This includes treatment costs for respiratory diseases and labor losses.
Water Pollution
Water pollution throughout China is also severe, particularly affecting the Yangtze and Yellow River basins. In the Yangtze River Basin, 210 million tons of wastewater will be discharged into rivers in 2020 due to industrial and urban wastewater, which is causing eutrophication and a decline in aquatic life. Nationwide, economic losses due to water pollution amounted to about 700 billion yuan (about 11 trillion yen), affecting fisheries, agriculture, and the availability of drinking water.
Soil Pollution
Soil pollution is another major challenge, especially in Henan, Hunan, and Guangxi provinces, where heavy metal contamination is particularly severe. according to a 2021 survey, about 16.1% of China's cultivated land is contaminated with some form of heavy metal, mainly cadmium, lead, and arsenic. Losses to agricultural production due to soil contamination are estimated to be approximately RMB 200 billion, with a significant impact on food security.
Corporate Responses
China Petrochemical Group (Sinopec) aims to reduce carbon dioxide emissions by operating a hydrogen production project with an annual capacity of 1 million tons by 2023. In addition, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) is expanding its natural gas supply and investing in renewable energy, with plans to invest 10 trillion yuan (about 150 trillion yen) over the next five years. Through these measures, CNPC aims to achieve peak CO2 emissions by 2025.
Technology and Government Initiatives
China is using AI and big data technologies to enhance real-time environmental monitoring. The "Wind Cloud" series of environmental monitoring satellites managed by the National Satellite Meteorological Center are being used to monitor air and water pollutants, allowing for more accurate green GDP calculations. In addition, while the variation in regulations among local governments has been an issue, the goal is to achieve both sustainable economic growth and environmental protection through consistent tightening of regulations and the introduction of penalties.
[146-2006-09-20
China's economic losses due to environmental pollution in the 2020s remain significant, with air and water pollution being particularly serious problems. This is equivalent to about 2.5% of China's GDP. These losses include health hazards, ecosystem destruction, and impacts on agricultural production.
Air Pollution
PM2.5 concentrations remain high in major cities in northern China, including Beijing, Tianjin, and Hebei Province; in 2020, the annual average PM2.5 concentration in Beijing was 35 μg/m³, well above the World Health Organization (WHO) standard of 5 μg/m³. In addition, the average national health losses due to air pollution amounted to about 1.4 trillion yuan (about 22 trillion yen). This includes treatment costs for respiratory diseases and labor losses.
Water Pollution
Water pollution throughout China is also severe, particularly affecting the Yangtze and Yellow River basins. In the Yangtze River Basin, 210 million tons of wastewater will be discharged into rivers in 2020 due to industrial and urban wastewater, which is causing eutrophication and a decline in aquatic life. Nationwide, economic losses due to water pollution amounted to about 700 billion yuan (about 11 trillion yen), affecting fisheries, agriculture, and the availability of drinking water.
Soil Pollution
Soil pollution is another major challenge, especially in Henan, Hunan, and Guangxi provinces, where heavy metal contamination is particularly severe. according to a 2021 survey, about 16.1% of China's cultivated land is contaminated with some form of heavy metal, mainly cadmium, lead, and arsenic. Losses to agricultural production due to soil contamination are estimated to be approximately RMB 200 billion, with a significant impact on food security.
Corporate Responses
China Petrochemical Group (Sinopec) aims to reduce carbon dioxide emissions by operating a hydrogen production project with an annual capacity of 1 million tons by 2023. In addition, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) is expanding its natural gas supply and investing in renewable energy, with plans to invest 10 trillion yuan (about 150 trillion yen) over the next five years. Through these measures, CNPC aims to achieve peak CO2 emissions by 2025.
Technology and Government Initiatives
China is using AI and big data technologies to enhance real-time environmental monitoring. The "Wind Cloud" series of environmental monitoring satellites managed by the National Satellite Meteorological Center are being used to monitor air and water pollutants, allowing for more accurate green GDP calculations. In addition, while the variation in regulations among local governments has been an issue, the goal is to achieve both sustainable economic growth and environmental protection through consistent tightening of regulations and the introduction of penalties.
[146-2006-09-20
中国におけるグリーンGDP - 2020年代の現状
中国におけるグリーンGDP - 2020年代の現状
2020年代における中国の環境汚染による経済損失は依然として大きく、特に大気汚染と水質汚染が深刻な問題となっています。2021年のデータによると、中国の環境汚染による経済損失は年間で約2.5兆元（約39兆円）に達し、これは中国のGDPの約2.5%を占める規模です。この損失には、健康被害や生態系の破壊、農業生産への影響が含まれています。
大気汚染
北京市や天津市、河北省を含む中国北部の主要都市では、PM2.5濃度が依然として高いままです。2020年、北京市の年間平均PM2.5濃度は35μg/m³で、世界保健機関（WHO）の基準値である5μg/m³を大きく上回っています。また、全国の平均大気汚染による健康被害による損失は、約1.4兆元（約22兆円）に達しています。これには、呼吸器疾患の治療費や労働損失が含まれています。
水質汚染
中国全土での水質汚染も深刻で、特に長江流域と黄河流域が影響を受けています。長江流域では、工業廃水や都市排水によって2020年に2.1億トンの廃水が河川に排出され、その影響により富栄養化や水生生物の減少が進行しています。全国の水質汚染による経済損失は約7,000億元（約11兆円）に達し、漁業や農業、飲料水の確保に影響を与えています。
土壌汚染
土壌汚染も大きな課題で、特に河南省、湖南省、広西チワン族自治区では、重金属による汚染が深刻です。2021年の調査では、中国の耕作地の約16.1%が何らかの形で重金属汚染されており、主にカドミウム、鉛、砒素が問題視されています。土壌汚染による農業生産への損失は、約2,000億元（約3兆円）と推定されており、食糧の安全保障にも大きな影響を与えています。
企業の対応
中国石油化工集団（Sinopec）は、2023年に年間100万トンの水素製造プロジェクトを稼働させ、二酸化炭素の排出削減を目指しています。また、中国石油天然気集団（CNPC）は、天然ガス供給の拡大と再生可能エネルギーへの投資を進めており、今後5年間で10兆元（約150兆円）の投資を計画しています。これらの対策により、CO2排出量のピークアウトを2025年までに達成することを目指しています。
技術と政府の取り組み
中国は、AIやビッグデータ技術を活用して、リアルタイムでの環境モニタリングを強化しています。国家衛星気象センターが管理する「風雲」シリーズの環境モニタリング衛星を活用し、大気汚染物質や水質汚染を監視することで、より正確なグリーンGDPの算出が可能となっています。また、地方政府間の規制のばらつきが問題視されていますが、今後は一貫した規制強化と罰則の導入が進められ、持続可能な経済成長と環境保護を両立させることが目標です。
【146-2006-09-20】
2020年代における中国の環境汚染による経済損失は依然として大きく、特に大気汚染と水質汚染が深刻な問題となっています。2021年のデータによると、中国の環境汚染による経済損失は年間で約2.5兆元（約39兆円）に達し、これは中国のGDPの約2.5%を占める規模です。この損失には、健康被害や生態系の破壊、農業生産への影響が含まれています。
大気汚染
北京市や天津市、河北省を含む中国北部の主要都市では、PM2.5濃度が依然として高いままです。2020年、北京市の年間平均PM2.5濃度は35μg/m³で、世界保健機関（WHO）の基準値である5μg/m³を大きく上回っています。また、全国の平均大気汚染による健康被害による損失は、約1.4兆元（約22兆円）に達しています。これには、呼吸器疾患の治療費や労働損失が含まれています。
水質汚染
中国全土での水質汚染も深刻で、特に長江流域と黄河流域が影響を受けています。長江流域では、工業廃水や都市排水によって2020年に2.1億トンの廃水が河川に排出され、その影響により富栄養化や水生生物の減少が進行しています。全国の水質汚染による経済損失は約7,000億元（約11兆円）に達し、漁業や農業、飲料水の確保に影響を与えています。
土壌汚染
土壌汚染も大きな課題で、特に河南省、湖南省、広西チワン族自治区では、重金属による汚染が深刻です。2021年の調査では、中国の耕作地の約16.1%が何らかの形で重金属汚染されており、主にカドミウム、鉛、砒素が問題視されています。土壌汚染による農業生産への損失は、約2,000億元（約3兆円）と推定されており、食糧の安全保障にも大きな影響を与えています。
企業の対応
中国石油化工集団（Sinopec）は、2023年に年間100万トンの水素製造プロジェクトを稼働させ、二酸化炭素の排出削減を目指しています。また、中国石油天然気集団（CNPC）は、天然ガス供給の拡大と再生可能エネルギーへの投資を進めており、今後5年間で10兆元（約150兆円）の投資を計画しています。これらの対策により、CO2排出量のピークアウトを2025年までに達成することを目指しています。
技術と政府の取り組み
中国は、AIやビッグデータ技術を活用して、リアルタイムでの環境モニタリングを強化しています。国家衛星気象センターが管理する「風雲」シリーズの環境モニタリング衛星を活用し、大気汚染物質や水質汚染を監視することで、より正確なグリーンGDPの算出が可能となっています。また、地方政府間の規制のばらつきが問題視されていますが、今後は一貫した規制強化と罰則の導入が進められ、持続可能な経済成長と環境保護を両立させることが目標です。
【146-2006-09-20】
Monday, April 28, 2025
Eiko Mizuno and the Free Air of Tokiwaso: Performing Arts Culture and Young People at the End of the 1950s
Eiko Mizuno and the Free Air of Tokiwaso: Performing Arts Culture and Young People at the End of the 1950s
Eiko Mizuno (Hideko Mizuno) is known as Japan's first real manga artist for girls. She used to frequent the legendary apartment house, Tokiwa-so. It was the place where Osamu Tezuka, Shotaro Ishimori (later Shotaro Ishinomori), Fujio Akatsuka, Fujio Fujiko, and others spent their youth.
In the late 1950s, Japan was on the threshold of high economic growth during the postwar reconstruction period. Television, manga, and movies were appearing one after another, and the younger generation was creating a new culture. However, society as a whole was still feudalistic, and manga was looked down upon as something for children.
The young people of Tokiwa-so were not deterred by such prejudice and were searching for new forms of expression in their impoverished lives. Eiko Mizuno frequented the house and collaborated with Shotaro Ishimori and Fujio Akatsuka. At that time, "harem topics" were an everyday occurrence at Tokiwaso. Harenchi" is what we now call "light-hearted provocation of taboos. There was an atmosphere of free discussion of sexual matters, without concern for public opinion. It was not mere spinelessness, but a rebellion against old morality, an energy that propelled manga into a new entertainment culture.
Mizuno himself brought "romance and love" to shoujo manga, opening up a world beyond mere educational manga. His attempts were not unrelated to the free spirit nurtured at Tokiwa-so.
And the young Shotaro Ishimori was like the innocent king of Tokiwaso.
He was a prankster and would play the following pranks on his friends, which drew laughter.
For example, he interfered with manuscripts at the deadline by playing "ping-pong dash," or by secretly turning over the pages of manuscripts on his desk and rearranging their order. Sometimes he would make phone calls posing as an editor, and would send his colleagues right and left, asking them to come to a meeting right away. Fujio Akatsuka, for example, fell for this many times.
Why did Ishimori repeatedly pull such pranks? It was because he was working on his manuscripts at an overwhelming speed and had plenty of time to spare, and it was also an unconscious way of creating a community, using laughter to relieve the tension in the small Tokiwaso house. For them, laughter was an "energy for living" that was just as important as comic expression.
This spirit of mischief flowed directly into the dark and light drama structure of Shotaro Ishimori's later works, such as "Cyborg 009" and "Masked Rider.
The freedom, laughter, and even the provocations of the dirty tricks that took place in the space of Tokiwaso were all the soil that would later enrich Japanese manga, anime, and entertainment culture as a whole.
Eiko Mizuno (Hideko Mizuno) is known as Japan's first real manga artist for girls. She used to frequent the legendary apartment house, Tokiwa-so. It was the place where Osamu Tezuka, Shotaro Ishimori (later Shotaro Ishinomori), Fujio Akatsuka, Fujio Fujiko, and others spent their youth.
In the late 1950s, Japan was on the threshold of high economic growth during the postwar reconstruction period. Television, manga, and movies were appearing one after another, and the younger generation was creating a new culture. However, society as a whole was still feudalistic, and manga was looked down upon as something for children.
The young people of Tokiwa-so were not deterred by such prejudice and were searching for new forms of expression in their impoverished lives. Eiko Mizuno frequented the house and collaborated with Shotaro Ishimori and Fujio Akatsuka. At that time, "harem topics" were an everyday occurrence at Tokiwaso. Harenchi" is what we now call "light-hearted provocation of taboos. There was an atmosphere of free discussion of sexual matters, without concern for public opinion. It was not mere spinelessness, but a rebellion against old morality, an energy that propelled manga into a new entertainment culture.
Mizuno himself brought "romance and love" to shoujo manga, opening up a world beyond mere educational manga. His attempts were not unrelated to the free spirit nurtured at Tokiwa-so.
And the young Shotaro Ishimori was like the innocent king of Tokiwaso.
He was a prankster and would play the following pranks on his friends, which drew laughter.
For example, he interfered with manuscripts at the deadline by playing "ping-pong dash," or by secretly turning over the pages of manuscripts on his desk and rearranging their order. Sometimes he would make phone calls posing as an editor, and would send his colleagues right and left, asking them to come to a meeting right away. Fujio Akatsuka, for example, fell for this many times.
Why did Ishimori repeatedly pull such pranks? It was because he was working on his manuscripts at an overwhelming speed and had plenty of time to spare, and it was also an unconscious way of creating a community, using laughter to relieve the tension in the small Tokiwaso house. For them, laughter was an "energy for living" that was just as important as comic expression.
This spirit of mischief flowed directly into the dark and light drama structure of Shotaro Ishimori's later works, such as "Cyborg 009" and "Masked Rider.
The freedom, laughter, and even the provocations of the dirty tricks that took place in the space of Tokiwaso were all the soil that would later enrich Japanese manga, anime, and entertainment culture as a whole.
水野英子とトキワ荘の自由な空気――1950年代末の芸能文化と若者たち
水野英子とトキワ荘の自由な空気――1950年代末の芸能文化と若者たち
水野英子（みずの ひでこ）は、日本初の本格少女漫画家として知られる。彼女が出入りしていた伝説のアパート、トキワ荘。そこは、手塚治虫を筆頭に、石森章太郎（のちの石ノ森章太郎）、赤塚不二夫、藤子不二雄らが青春を燃やしていた場所だった。
1950年代後半、戦後復興期の日本は高度経済成長の入り口に立っていた。テレビや漫画、映画が次々と登場し、若い世代が新しい文化を作り出しつつあった時代である。だが社会全体はまだ封建的で、子どものためのものという目で漫画は見下されてもいた。
トキワ荘の若者たちは、そんな偏見をものともせず、貧乏暮らしの中で新しい表現を模索していた。水野英子はそこに頻繁に出入りし、石森章太郎や赤塚不二夫と合作を重ねた。当時のトキワ荘では、「ハレンチな話題」が日常茶飯事だったという。ハレンチとは、今でいう「タブーへの軽やかな挑発」。性的なこと、世間体を気にせず自由に語り合う空気があった。それは単なる無軌道ではなく、古い道徳への反抗であり、漫画を新たな芸能文化へと押し上げるためのエネルギーだった。
水野自身、少女漫画に「ロマンと恋愛」を持ち込み、単なる教育漫画を超えた世界を切り開いた。その試みは、トキワ荘で育まれた自由な精神と無縁ではない。
そして、トキワ荘の無邪気な王様のような存在だったのが、若き日の石森章太郎である。
彼はイタズラ好きで、仲間たちに次のような悪戯をしかけては笑いを誘っていた。
たとえば、原稿締め切り間際に「ピンポンダッシュ」をして邪魔をしたり、机の上の原稿のページをこっそり裏返したり順番を入れ替えたりした。時には編集者を装って電話をかけ、「今すぐ打ち合わせに来て」と仲間を右往左往させたこともある。赤塚不二夫などは、何度もこれに引っかかっている。
なぜ石森がそんなイタズラを繰り返したのか。それは、彼が原稿を圧倒的なスピードでこなし、時間に余裕があったからであり、また狭いトキワ荘での緊張感を笑いでほぐす、無意識の共同体づくりでもあった。笑いは彼らにとって、漫画表現と同じくらい切実な「生きるためのエネルギー」だったのである。
このイタズラ精神は、後年の石森章太郎の作品世界、たとえば『サイボーグ009』や『仮面ライダー』の、暗さと明るさを併せ持つドラマ構造にそのまま流れ込んでいる。
トキワ荘という空間で交錯した自由、笑い、そしてハレンチな挑発――それらすべてが、のちの日本漫画、アニメ、さらには芸能文化全体を豊かにした土壌だったのだ。
水野英子（みずの ひでこ）は、日本初の本格少女漫画家として知られる。彼女が出入りしていた伝説のアパート、トキワ荘。そこは、手塚治虫を筆頭に、石森章太郎（のちの石ノ森章太郎）、赤塚不二夫、藤子不二雄らが青春を燃やしていた場所だった。
1950年代後半、戦後復興期の日本は高度経済成長の入り口に立っていた。テレビや漫画、映画が次々と登場し、若い世代が新しい文化を作り出しつつあった時代である。だが社会全体はまだ封建的で、子どものためのものという目で漫画は見下されてもいた。
トキワ荘の若者たちは、そんな偏見をものともせず、貧乏暮らしの中で新しい表現を模索していた。水野英子はそこに頻繁に出入りし、石森章太郎や赤塚不二夫と合作を重ねた。当時のトキワ荘では、「ハレンチな話題」が日常茶飯事だったという。ハレンチとは、今でいう「タブーへの軽やかな挑発」。性的なこと、世間体を気にせず自由に語り合う空気があった。それは単なる無軌道ではなく、古い道徳への反抗であり、漫画を新たな芸能文化へと押し上げるためのエネルギーだった。
水野自身、少女漫画に「ロマンと恋愛」を持ち込み、単なる教育漫画を超えた世界を切り開いた。その試みは、トキワ荘で育まれた自由な精神と無縁ではない。
そして、トキワ荘の無邪気な王様のような存在だったのが、若き日の石森章太郎である。
彼はイタズラ好きで、仲間たちに次のような悪戯をしかけては笑いを誘っていた。
たとえば、原稿締め切り間際に「ピンポンダッシュ」をして邪魔をしたり、机の上の原稿のページをこっそり裏返したり順番を入れ替えたりした。時には編集者を装って電話をかけ、「今すぐ打ち合わせに来て」と仲間を右往左往させたこともある。赤塚不二夫などは、何度もこれに引っかかっている。
なぜ石森がそんなイタズラを繰り返したのか。それは、彼が原稿を圧倒的なスピードでこなし、時間に余裕があったからであり、また狭いトキワ荘での緊張感を笑いでほぐす、無意識の共同体づくりでもあった。笑いは彼らにとって、漫画表現と同じくらい切実な「生きるためのエネルギー」だったのである。
このイタズラ精神は、後年の石森章太郎の作品世界、たとえば『サイボーグ009』や『仮面ライダー』の、暗さと明るさを併せ持つドラマ構造にそのまま流れ込んでいる。
トキワ荘という空間で交錯した自由、笑い、そしてハレンチな挑発――それらすべてが、のちの日本漫画、アニメ、さらには芸能文化全体を豊かにした土壌だったのだ。
Spinning Laughter from Beyond the Stars: Eiko Mizuno and the Youth of Tokiwaso (Late 1950s)
Spinning Laughter from Beyond the Stars: Eiko Mizuno and the Youth of Tokiwaso (Late 1950s)
At the end of the 1950s, Japan was moving from reconstruction to rapid economic growth. Young manga artists who admired Osamu Tezuka gathered at Tokiwa-so in Shiinamachi, Tokyo, and lived with faith in the future. Eiko Mizuno was one of them. She infused romance and love into girls' manga, opening the door to the genre, and spent many passionate days collaborating with Shotaro Ishimori and Fujio Akatsuka.
Tokiwasou was small and poor, but freer than anyone else. Hurtsome topics were exchanged, and the laughter of the young people who were opening a hole in the old morality pushed the times forward. Shotaro Ishimori, the king of innocence, played tricks on his friends with ping-pong dashes, manuscript swapping, fake editor phone calls, and numerous other pranks. But these were no mere pranks. In the midst of stagnation and tension, laughter was a weapon for survival.
Eventually, they pushed Japanese manga, anime, and entertainment culture to a new level. The laughter and struggle of Tokiwaso was a quiet revolution of young people weaving a future from beyond the stars.
At the end of the 1950s, Japan was moving from reconstruction to rapid economic growth. Young manga artists who admired Osamu Tezuka gathered at Tokiwa-so in Shiinamachi, Tokyo, and lived with faith in the future. Eiko Mizuno was one of them. She infused romance and love into girls' manga, opening the door to the genre, and spent many passionate days collaborating with Shotaro Ishimori and Fujio Akatsuka.
Tokiwasou was small and poor, but freer than anyone else. Hurtsome topics were exchanged, and the laughter of the young people who were opening a hole in the old morality pushed the times forward. Shotaro Ishimori, the king of innocence, played tricks on his friends with ping-pong dashes, manuscript swapping, fake editor phone calls, and numerous other pranks. But these were no mere pranks. In the midst of stagnation and tension, laughter was a weapon for survival.
Eventually, they pushed Japanese manga, anime, and entertainment culture to a new level. The laughter and struggle of Tokiwaso was a quiet revolution of young people weaving a future from beyond the stars.
星の彼方から笑いを紡ぐ――水野英子とトキワ荘の青春（1950年代末）
星の彼方から笑いを紡ぐ――水野英子とトキワ荘の青春（1950年代末）
1950年代末、日本は復興から高度成長へ歩み出していた。東京・椎名町のトキワ荘には、手塚治虫を慕う若き漫画家たちが集い、未来を信じて生きていた。水野英子もそのひとり。少女漫画にロマンと恋愛を吹き込み、ジャンルの扉を開いた彼女は、石森章太郎や赤塚不二夫と合作を重ね、熱い日々を過ごした。
トキワ荘は狭く、貧しく、しかし誰よりも自由だった。ハレンチな話題が飛び交い、旧い道徳に風穴を開ける若者たちの笑いが、時代を突き動かした。無邪気な王様・石森章太郎は、ピンポンダッシュや原稿のすり替え、偽の編集者電話と、数々のイタズラで仲間たちを翻弄した。だがそれは、ただの悪ふざけではない。閉塞と緊張のなかで、笑いこそが生きるための武器だった。
やがて彼らは、日本の漫画、アニメ、芸能文化を新たな次元へ押し上げる。トキワ荘の笑いと闘争、それは、星の彼方から未来を紡ぐ、若者たちの静かな革命だった。
1950年代末、日本は復興から高度成長へ歩み出していた。東京・椎名町のトキワ荘には、手塚治虫を慕う若き漫画家たちが集い、未来を信じて生きていた。水野英子もそのひとり。少女漫画にロマンと恋愛を吹き込み、ジャンルの扉を開いた彼女は、石森章太郎や赤塚不二夫と合作を重ね、熱い日々を過ごした。
トキワ荘は狭く、貧しく、しかし誰よりも自由だった。ハレンチな話題が飛び交い、旧い道徳に風穴を開ける若者たちの笑いが、時代を突き動かした。無邪気な王様・石森章太郎は、ピンポンダッシュや原稿のすり替え、偽の編集者電話と、数々のイタズラで仲間たちを翻弄した。だがそれは、ただの悪ふざけではない。閉塞と緊張のなかで、笑いこそが生きるための武器だった。
やがて彼らは、日本の漫画、アニメ、芸能文化を新たな次元へ押し上げる。トキワ荘の笑いと闘争、それは、星の彼方から未来を紡ぐ、若者たちの静かな革命だった。
Black Hair Blooming in Silence--Portrait of Sayoko Yamaguchi and Light (1949-2007)
Black Hair Blooming in Silence--Portrait of Sayoko Yamaguchi and Light (1949-2007)
Sayoko Yamaguchi was born in Yokohama in 1949. She studied at Sugino Gakuen Dressmaker Academy in Tokyo, and in the early 1970s was selected as an advertising model for Shiseido. With her black bob, long slit eyes, and almost expressionless appearance, she embodied a quiet and powerful oriental beauty that was different from Western beauty.
Japanese society, which was experiencing rapid economic growth, was searching for its own cultural uniqueness. Sayoko Yamaguchi became a symbol of the spirit of the times. Photographer Isamitsu Yokosuka recognized the beauty of her silence and sealed her presence in the tranquil margins of his work. Their collaboration transcended mere advertising and reflected the very atmosphere of the times.
Eventually, Sayoko entered the Paris collection. She was praised as "the fairy from the Orient," and her work caught the world's attention. However, she felt uncomfortable with her own existence being consumed by commercialism, and moved on to the stage, film, and butoh dance. She has arrived at a form of expression that "communicates with the world through the body.
She died suddenly in 2007 at the age of 58. However, Sayoko Yamaguchi's black hair continues to bloom in serenity. She became a portrait of light in the murmur of the times.
Sayoko Yamaguchi was born in Yokohama in 1949. She studied at Sugino Gakuen Dressmaker Academy in Tokyo, and in the early 1970s was selected as an advertising model for Shiseido. With her black bob, long slit eyes, and almost expressionless appearance, she embodied a quiet and powerful oriental beauty that was different from Western beauty.
Japanese society, which was experiencing rapid economic growth, was searching for its own cultural uniqueness. Sayoko Yamaguchi became a symbol of the spirit of the times. Photographer Isamitsu Yokosuka recognized the beauty of her silence and sealed her presence in the tranquil margins of his work. Their collaboration transcended mere advertising and reflected the very atmosphere of the times.
Eventually, Sayoko entered the Paris collection. She was praised as "the fairy from the Orient," and her work caught the world's attention. However, she felt uncomfortable with her own existence being consumed by commercialism, and moved on to the stage, film, and butoh dance. She has arrived at a form of expression that "communicates with the world through the body.
She died suddenly in 2007 at the age of 58. However, Sayoko Yamaguchi's black hair continues to bloom in serenity. She became a portrait of light in the murmur of the times.
静けさに咲く黒髪――山口小夜子と光の肖像（1949年〜2007年）
静けさに咲く黒髪――山口小夜子と光の肖像（1949年〜2007年）
山口小夜子（やまぐち・さよこ）は、1949年、横浜に生まれた。東京・杉野学園ドレスメーカー学院で学び、1970年代初頭、資生堂の広告モデルに抜擢される。黒髪のボブと切れ長の瞳、無表情に近い佇まい――彼女は、西洋的な美とは異なる、静かで力強い東洋の美を体現した。
高度経済成長を駆け抜けた日本社会は、自己の文化的独自性を模索していた。山口小夜子は、その時代精神の象徴となった。写真家・横須賀功光は、彼女の沈黙の美を見抜き、静謐な余白の中に彼女の存在を封じた。ふたりのコラボレーションは、単なる広告を超え、時代の空気そのものを映し出した。
やがて小夜子は、パリ・コレクションに進出。「東洋から来た妖精」と讃えられ、世界の視線を集めた。しかし、商業主義に消費される自らの存在に違和感を覚え、舞台や映像、舞踏へと歩みを進める。彼女は「身体を通して世界と対話する」表現にたどり着いた。
2007年、58歳で急逝。だが、山口小夜子の黒髪は、今なお静けさの中に咲き続けている。彼女は、時代のざわめきの中で、光の肖像となったのである。
山口小夜子（やまぐち・さよこ）は、1949年、横浜に生まれた。東京・杉野学園ドレスメーカー学院で学び、1970年代初頭、資生堂の広告モデルに抜擢される。黒髪のボブと切れ長の瞳、無表情に近い佇まい――彼女は、西洋的な美とは異なる、静かで力強い東洋の美を体現した。
高度経済成長を駆け抜けた日本社会は、自己の文化的独自性を模索していた。山口小夜子は、その時代精神の象徴となった。写真家・横須賀功光は、彼女の沈黙の美を見抜き、静謐な余白の中に彼女の存在を封じた。ふたりのコラボレーションは、単なる広告を超え、時代の空気そのものを映し出した。
やがて小夜子は、パリ・コレクションに進出。「東洋から来た妖精」と讃えられ、世界の視線を集めた。しかし、商業主義に消費される自らの存在に違和感を覚え、舞台や映像、舞踏へと歩みを進める。彼女は「身体を通して世界と対話する」表現にたどり着いた。
2007年、58歳で急逝。だが、山口小夜子の黒髪は、今なお静けさの中に咲き続けている。彼女は、時代のざわめきの中で、光の肖像となったのである。
Waste Incineration Facility Issues - October 2000
Waste Incineration Facility Issues - October 2000
Oita Prefecture's wide-area waste management plan calls for the construction of a waste incineration facility, with particular attention being paid to the establishment of the Sano Garbage Disposal Center. The facility is scheduled to start operation in 2003 and is designed with a capacity to incinerate 3.87 million tons of waste per day. The total project cost amounts to 21.8 billion yen, and the design and construction will be handled by Takuma Corporation, a major player in cleaning equipment. On the technical side, state-of-the-art exhaust gas treatment equipment will be installed to significantly reduce emissions of dioxins and soot generated by the incineration process. In addition, efforts are being made to recycle incinerator ash, and the production of building materials using incinerator ash is being considered.
The facility will be located in Oita City, and will serve to collect and process waste from throughout Oita Prefecture over a wide area. However, with the construction of the facility, residents in the area have raised concerns about air pollution and health hazards, with particular emphasis on their concerns about dioxin emissions. In response, Oita Prefecture is making efforts to build a relationship of trust with the local community by holding explanatory meetings for residents to explain in detail the safety of the facility and its impact on the environment.
In addition, new burner technology will be introduced to improve the combustion efficiency of the incineration facility, which is expected to enable complete combustion of the waste and significantly reduce emissions of hazardous substances. This project is attracting attention from within and outside the prefecture as one solution to the waste disposal problems facing Oita Prefecture.
Oita Prefecture's wide-area waste management plan calls for the construction of a waste incineration facility, with particular attention being paid to the establishment of the Sano Garbage Disposal Center. The facility is scheduled to start operation in 2003 and is designed with a capacity to incinerate 3.87 million tons of waste per day. The total project cost amounts to 21.8 billion yen, and the design and construction will be handled by Takuma Corporation, a major player in cleaning equipment. On the technical side, state-of-the-art exhaust gas treatment equipment will be installed to significantly reduce emissions of dioxins and soot generated by the incineration process. In addition, efforts are being made to recycle incinerator ash, and the production of building materials using incinerator ash is being considered.
The facility will be located in Oita City, and will serve to collect and process waste from throughout Oita Prefecture over a wide area. However, with the construction of the facility, residents in the area have raised concerns about air pollution and health hazards, with particular emphasis on their concerns about dioxin emissions. In response, Oita Prefecture is making efforts to build a relationship of trust with the local community by holding explanatory meetings for residents to explain in detail the safety of the facility and its impact on the environment.
In addition, new burner technology will be introduced to improve the combustion efficiency of the incineration facility, which is expected to enable complete combustion of the waste and significantly reduce emissions of hazardous substances. This project is attracting attention from within and outside the prefecture as one solution to the waste disposal problems facing Oita Prefecture.
廃棄物焼却施設の問題 - 2000年10月
廃棄物焼却施設の問題 - 2000年10月
大分県の広域ゴミ処理計画では、廃棄物焼却施設の建設が進行しており、特に佐野清掃センターの設立が注目されています。この施設は2003年の稼働を予定しており、1日あたり387万トンの廃棄物を焼却処理する能力を持つ設計です。総事業費は218億円に上り、設計・施工を担当するのは清掃設備の大手、タクマ株式会社です。技術面では、焼却によって発生するダイオキシン類やばいじんの排出を大幅に削減するために、最新の排ガス処理設備が導入される予定です。また、焼却灰の再資源化にも力を入れ、焼却灰を利用した建材の製造が検討されています。
施設の建設場所は大分市内に位置し、大分県全域からの廃棄物を広域的に集めて処理する役割を担います。しかし、施設の建設に伴い、周辺住民からは大気汚染や健康被害への懸念が寄せられており、特にダイオキシンの排出量に対する不安が強調されています。これに対して、大分県は住民説明会を開催し、施設の安全性や環境への影響を詳しく説明するなど、地域社会との信頼関係を構築する努力を進めています。
さらに、焼却施設の燃焼効率を向上させるために、新型のバーナー技術が導入される予定で、これにより廃棄物の完全燃焼が可能となり、有害物質の排出を大幅に削減できるとされています。このプロジェクトは、大分県が直面する廃棄物処理問題に対する一つの解決策として、県内外からも注目されています。
大分県の広域ゴミ処理計画では、廃棄物焼却施設の建設が進行しており、特に佐野清掃センターの設立が注目されています。この施設は2003年の稼働を予定しており、1日あたり387万トンの廃棄物を焼却処理する能力を持つ設計です。総事業費は218億円に上り、設計・施工を担当するのは清掃設備の大手、タクマ株式会社です。技術面では、焼却によって発生するダイオキシン類やばいじんの排出を大幅に削減するために、最新の排ガス処理設備が導入される予定です。また、焼却灰の再資源化にも力を入れ、焼却灰を利用した建材の製造が検討されています。
施設の建設場所は大分市内に位置し、大分県全域からの廃棄物を広域的に集めて処理する役割を担います。しかし、施設の建設に伴い、周辺住民からは大気汚染や健康被害への懸念が寄せられており、特にダイオキシンの排出量に対する不安が強調されています。これに対して、大分県は住民説明会を開催し、施設の安全性や環境への影響を詳しく説明するなど、地域社会との信頼関係を構築する努力を進めています。
さらに、焼却施設の燃焼効率を向上させるために、新型のバーナー技術が導入される予定で、これにより廃棄物の完全燃焼が可能となり、有害物質の排出を大幅に削減できるとされています。このプロジェクトは、大分県が直面する廃棄物処理問題に対する一つの解決策として、県内外からも注目されています。
■(1) Conceptualization of the standard.
■(1) Conceptualization of the standard.
ISO 14001 certification means establishing and operating an environmental management system.
Then, the results are reviewed, and the top management is responsible for spiraling up the environmental policy, objectives, and targets to solve the next problem, in accordance with the ISO standard.
It is important to note that this sequence of steps is called "continuous improvement through the PDCA cycle" of the environmental management system, and that the ISO 14001 international standard only establishes the framework of the environmental management system and how this framework is to be operated.
The "policies, objectives, and targets" positioned in the environmental management system are not modeled anywhere, but rather must be determined voluntarily by each organization or company that adopts the environmental management system based on ISO 14001.
In layman's terms, we will create a framework for solving problems and teach how to move that framework, but we do not touch on how to fill that framework or how to improve its contents.
Furthermore, to determine whether the environmental management system is functioning well, companies are supposed to conduct internal environmental audits, followed by third-party certification through surveillance and reassessment by an audit organization.
In other words, there are two aspects to obtaining ISO 14001 certification: (1) the creation of an environmental management system and (2) having an audit organization assure the status of maintenance and operation of the environmental management system as a third-party certification.
First, (1) is characterized as a system standard that is said to have started with ISO 9000.
（Third-party certification (2), as mentioned in the previous section, evaluates an organization or company in terms of quality, environment, health and safety, financial accounting, labor, travel, and so on.
The evaluation is then certified by a third-party organization.
(2) Fulfillment of standards, practical response.
When considered in this way, it is clear that ISO 14001 itself does not plan to develop a specific "how to incorporate and solve international problems into a management system.
For example, in the environmental management system, it states that first, an environmental policy is to be established, environmental aspects are to be evaluated, important environmental aspects are to be identified, and objectives and targets to be implemented are to be determined.
As for the environmental policy, this can only be the maintenance and preservation of ecosystems for organisms, water, air, and soil.
But what about the evaluation of environmental aspects?
Before evaluating environmental aspects, it would be better if the company has a quality management system of the same level, not to say the level of certification from ISO 9000, but it would be better if the company has a quality management system of the same level.
If the environmental aspects are evaluated on top of that, and if LCA is developed, even greater environmental improvement effects can be achieved.
I believe that an ISO 14001 environmental management system will function effectively only when the prerequisites for quality and production control behind it are in place, and when there is information that contributes to decision making for spiraling up, LCA, and EPE.
That is why the ISO 14000 series includes LCA (Life Cycle Assessment), EL (Ecolabel), and EPE (Environmental Performance Evaluation).
In addition to the above, environmental reporting, international transfer of waste, etc., ISO as an international standard will continue to form a vertical flow, while environmental problems and their solutions will continue to form a horizontal flow.
It should be noted that ISO 14001 is at the intersection of these flows and cannot exist independently of either the vertical or horizontal flows.
So, in terms of environmental issues, it is not too late to focus on the preliminary stages of quality and production management and preparation for certification, and to gain confidence for the implementation of LCA and EL in the future, rather than focusing solely on the target of obtaining ISO 14001 certification.
Actions directed solely at certification will only delay the resolution of the problem.
■ "Environmental risks" for companies generally include: 1) legal risks, 2) risks associated with newly strengthened environmental laws, and 3) risks such as damage to the company's image.
Legal risks include administrative and criminal penalties imposed for violations, suspension of operations, liability for pollution cleanup, and liability for damages to third parties due to tortious behavior.
In addition, risks associated with the new stricter environmental laws include worsening profitability due to capital investment to comply with stricter environmental standards, withdrawal from business, including plant closures, and difficulties for new businesses to enter the market.
And risks such as damage to corporate image refer to cases in which violations of environmental laws or environmental pollution accidents are picked up by the mass media, or when consumer groups brand a company as producing products that are harmful to the environment.
Today, in addition to legal responsibility, moral or social responsibility is becoming increasingly important.
A typical example of corporate environmental risk is the 1978 Love Canal incident, an environmental pollution accident caused by hazardous waste in the United States.
This incident led to the enactment of the Superfund Law (Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA)) in 1980, which was designed to promote the cleanup of soil contaminated by hazardous substances.
In Japan, however, there has been no legal basis for ordering companies and other polluters to clean up contaminated sites, and most contaminated sites have been left unattended.
However, in May 1996, the Water Pollution Control Law was amended, and since April 1997, prefectural governors have been able to order companies that have contaminated soil with hazardous substances to clean up their sites.
In addition, a manifest system to curb illegal dumping of industrial waste has been introduced and penalties for violators have been imposed. In the future, regulations related to dioxin are expected to be substantially tightened.
■ Thus, Japan's environmental regulations are also moving in the direction of strictly pursuing corporate responsibility, and companies must thoroughly manage their environmental risks or face severe damage to their business operations.
One way to handle such environmental risks is risk financing through property insurance.
Insurance coverage varies from country to country, but mainly covers two types of risk: liability for damages to third parties due to tortious behavior and liability for pollution cleanup.
In the past, Japanese insurance companies insured only "accidents that occurred accidentally" under third-party liability insurance, but this was no longer sufficient to deal with real environmental risks, and in 1992 AIU Insurance Company (Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo) developed and launched a new environmental pollution liability insurance policy that also covers "liability for pollution that occurs gradually. The policy covers only business activities.
The policy covers damages caused by water, air, and soil pollution resulting from business activities, and specifically covers the following seven items
The following seven items are specifically covered: bodily injury to a third party and damage to property, loss of use of a third party's property, infringement of fishing rights and fishing rights, pollution cleanup costs based on the operator's share of pollution prevention project expenses (however, cleanup costs for land owned by the operator are not covered), damage prevention mitigation costs, costs to preserve indemnity rights, and litigation costs.
Insured businesses include chemical plants, intermediate treatment facilities and final disposal facilities, places that store or use hazardous substances in their premises, and semiconductor plants.
In order to join the insurance program, environmental audits are conducted by a third party, and the financial capacity of the insured company to prevent pollution is checked.
It is said that fewer than 100 companies in Japan have environmental pollution liability insurance, but if regulations are tightened, such as by expanding the scope of coverage for hazardous substances, it is expected that a significant number of companies will have environmental pollution.
The environmental liability insurance framework is expanding, as evidenced by the fact that in January 1997, Sumitomo Marine became the first company in Japan to sell environmental pollution liability insurance for waste dischargers that outsource the disposal of industrial waste to outside contractors.
Furthermore, in September 1997, AIU launched dioxin insurance as a special policy for environmental pollution liability insurance.
Meanwhile, in the U.S., with its strict environmental laws such as the Superfund law, environmental pollution liability insurance is a ¥50 billion market.
In the U.S., where strict environmental laws such as the Superfund law exist, environmental pollution liability insurance is a 50 billion yen market, and participation in environmental pollution liability insurance has already become a social system.
In addition, some insurance companies in the U.S. have launched insurance policies that specifically cover only liability for environmental pollution, professional liability insurance for environmental consultants, and contractor liability insurance for waste disposal companies and others.
ISO 14001 certification means establishing and operating an environmental management system.
Then, the results are reviewed, and the top management is responsible for spiraling up the environmental policy, objectives, and targets to solve the next problem, in accordance with the ISO standard.
It is important to note that this sequence of steps is called "continuous improvement through the PDCA cycle" of the environmental management system, and that the ISO 14001 international standard only establishes the framework of the environmental management system and how this framework is to be operated.
The "policies, objectives, and targets" positioned in the environmental management system are not modeled anywhere, but rather must be determined voluntarily by each organization or company that adopts the environmental management system based on ISO 14001.
In layman's terms, we will create a framework for solving problems and teach how to move that framework, but we do not touch on how to fill that framework or how to improve its contents.
Furthermore, to determine whether the environmental management system is functioning well, companies are supposed to conduct internal environmental audits, followed by third-party certification through surveillance and reassessment by an audit organization.
In other words, there are two aspects to obtaining ISO 14001 certification: (1) the creation of an environmental management system and (2) having an audit organization assure the status of maintenance and operation of the environmental management system as a third-party certification.
First, (1) is characterized as a system standard that is said to have started with ISO 9000.
（Third-party certification (2), as mentioned in the previous section, evaluates an organization or company in terms of quality, environment, health and safety, financial accounting, labor, travel, and so on.
The evaluation is then certified by a third-party organization.
(2) Fulfillment of standards, practical response.
When considered in this way, it is clear that ISO 14001 itself does not plan to develop a specific "how to incorporate and solve international problems into a management system.
For example, in the environmental management system, it states that first, an environmental policy is to be established, environmental aspects are to be evaluated, important environmental aspects are to be identified, and objectives and targets to be implemented are to be determined.
As for the environmental policy, this can only be the maintenance and preservation of ecosystems for organisms, water, air, and soil.
But what about the evaluation of environmental aspects?
Before evaluating environmental aspects, it would be better if the company has a quality management system of the same level, not to say the level of certification from ISO 9000, but it would be better if the company has a quality management system of the same level.
If the environmental aspects are evaluated on top of that, and if LCA is developed, even greater environmental improvement effects can be achieved.
I believe that an ISO 14001 environmental management system will function effectively only when the prerequisites for quality and production control behind it are in place, and when there is information that contributes to decision making for spiraling up, LCA, and EPE.
That is why the ISO 14000 series includes LCA (Life Cycle Assessment), EL (Ecolabel), and EPE (Environmental Performance Evaluation).
In addition to the above, environmental reporting, international transfer of waste, etc., ISO as an international standard will continue to form a vertical flow, while environmental problems and their solutions will continue to form a horizontal flow.
It should be noted that ISO 14001 is at the intersection of these flows and cannot exist independently of either the vertical or horizontal flows.
So, in terms of environmental issues, it is not too late to focus on the preliminary stages of quality and production management and preparation for certification, and to gain confidence for the implementation of LCA and EL in the future, rather than focusing solely on the target of obtaining ISO 14001 certification.
Actions directed solely at certification will only delay the resolution of the problem.
■ "Environmental risks" for companies generally include: 1) legal risks, 2) risks associated with newly strengthened environmental laws, and 3) risks such as damage to the company's image.
Legal risks include administrative and criminal penalties imposed for violations, suspension of operations, liability for pollution cleanup, and liability for damages to third parties due to tortious behavior.
In addition, risks associated with the new stricter environmental laws include worsening profitability due to capital investment to comply with stricter environmental standards, withdrawal from business, including plant closures, and difficulties for new businesses to enter the market.
And risks such as damage to corporate image refer to cases in which violations of environmental laws or environmental pollution accidents are picked up by the mass media, or when consumer groups brand a company as producing products that are harmful to the environment.
Today, in addition to legal responsibility, moral or social responsibility is becoming increasingly important.
A typical example of corporate environmental risk is the 1978 Love Canal incident, an environmental pollution accident caused by hazardous waste in the United States.
This incident led to the enactment of the Superfund Law (Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA)) in 1980, which was designed to promote the cleanup of soil contaminated by hazardous substances.
In Japan, however, there has been no legal basis for ordering companies and other polluters to clean up contaminated sites, and most contaminated sites have been left unattended.
However, in May 1996, the Water Pollution Control Law was amended, and since April 1997, prefectural governors have been able to order companies that have contaminated soil with hazardous substances to clean up their sites.
In addition, a manifest system to curb illegal dumping of industrial waste has been introduced and penalties for violators have been imposed. In the future, regulations related to dioxin are expected to be substantially tightened.
■ Thus, Japan's environmental regulations are also moving in the direction of strictly pursuing corporate responsibility, and companies must thoroughly manage their environmental risks or face severe damage to their business operations.
One way to handle such environmental risks is risk financing through property insurance.
Insurance coverage varies from country to country, but mainly covers two types of risk: liability for damages to third parties due to tortious behavior and liability for pollution cleanup.
In the past, Japanese insurance companies insured only "accidents that occurred accidentally" under third-party liability insurance, but this was no longer sufficient to deal with real environmental risks, and in 1992 AIU Insurance Company (Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo) developed and launched a new environmental pollution liability insurance policy that also covers "liability for pollution that occurs gradually. The policy covers only business activities.
The policy covers damages caused by water, air, and soil pollution resulting from business activities, and specifically covers the following seven items
The following seven items are specifically covered: bodily injury to a third party and damage to property, loss of use of a third party's property, infringement of fishing rights and fishing rights, pollution cleanup costs based on the operator's share of pollution prevention project expenses (however, cleanup costs for land owned by the operator are not covered), damage prevention mitigation costs, costs to preserve indemnity rights, and litigation costs.
Insured businesses include chemical plants, intermediate treatment facilities and final disposal facilities, places that store or use hazardous substances in their premises, and semiconductor plants.
In order to join the insurance program, environmental audits are conducted by a third party, and the financial capacity of the insured company to prevent pollution is checked.
It is said that fewer than 100 companies in Japan have environmental pollution liability insurance, but if regulations are tightened, such as by expanding the scope of coverage for hazardous substances, it is expected that a significant number of companies will have environmental pollution.
The environmental liability insurance framework is expanding, as evidenced by the fact that in January 1997, Sumitomo Marine became the first company in Japan to sell environmental pollution liability insurance for waste dischargers that outsource the disposal of industrial waste to outside contractors.
Furthermore, in September 1997, AIU launched dioxin insurance as a special policy for environmental pollution liability insurance.
Meanwhile, in the U.S., with its strict environmental laws such as the Superfund law, environmental pollution liability insurance is a ¥50 billion market.
In the U.S., where strict environmental laws such as the Superfund law exist, environmental pollution liability insurance is a 50 billion yen market, and participation in environmental pollution liability insurance has already become a social system.
In addition, some insurance companies in the U.S. have launched insurance policies that specifically cover only liability for environmental pollution, professional liability insurance for environmental consultants, and contractor liability insurance for waste disposal companies and others.
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