The Flower that Bloomed at the End of the Journey - Jyoji Yamamoto's Enka Road (1970s-2000s)
Joji Yamamoto is a representative singer who supported the Japanese enka world from the 1970s to the 2000s. Although his debut was not a budding success, with the support of his mentor Saburo Kitajima, he achieved his big break with "Michinoku Hitori Tabi" (Michinoku Hitori Tabi). Especially in the 1980s, she continued to attract fans nationwide with her passionate singing voice and personable character. Her many songs such as "Michinoku" and "Hana mo Arashi mo" depicted the sorrows of travel and life, and she was well known as a singer who was close to the sentiments of the common people in the Showa period. In his private life, he was known as a passionate humanist, and his righteousness was impressive in his TV programs. His singing ability did not diminish as time passed into the Heisei era, and he continued to preserve the soul of enka. Along with singers of his generation such as Saburo Kitajima and Takashi Hosokawa, Yamamoto's songs, which colored the "golden age of en
ka in the Showa era," are etched with the truth of his travels and life. His representative songs continue to overlap with the travel scenes that remain in the hearts of Japanese people even today, in 2025.
Friday, October 31, 2025
旅の涯てに咲いた花 - 山本譲二の演歌道（1970年代-2000年代）
旅の涯てに咲いた花 - 山本譲二の演歌道（1970年代-2000年代）
山本譲二は、1970年代から2000年代にかけての日本演歌界を支えた代表的歌手である。デビュー当初は芽が出なかったが、恩師・北島三郎の支援のもと、「みちのくひとり旅」で大ブレイクを果たす。特に1980年代には、情熱的な歌声と人情味溢れるキャラクターで全国のファンを魅了し続けた。「みちのく」や「花も嵐も」など、旅情や人生の哀歓を描いた作品が多く、昭和の庶民の心情に寄り添う歌手として親しまれた。プライベートでは熱い人情家として知られ、テレビ番組では義理堅い姿が印象的だった。時代が平成に移ってもその歌唱力は衰えず、演歌の魂を守り続けた。北島三郎や細川たかしといった同世代の歌手たちと共に、「昭和の演歌黄金時代」を彩った山本の歌には、旅と人生の真実が刻まれている。彼の代表曲の数
々は、令和の今もなお、日本人の心に残る旅の風景と重なり続けている。
山本譲二は、1970年代から2000年代にかけての日本演歌界を支えた代表的歌手である。デビュー当初は芽が出なかったが、恩師・北島三郎の支援のもと、「みちのくひとり旅」で大ブレイクを果たす。特に1980年代には、情熱的な歌声と人情味溢れるキャラクターで全国のファンを魅了し続けた。「みちのく」や「花も嵐も」など、旅情や人生の哀歓を描いた作品が多く、昭和の庶民の心情に寄り添う歌手として親しまれた。プライベートでは熱い人情家として知られ、テレビ番組では義理堅い姿が印象的だった。時代が平成に移ってもその歌唱力は衰えず、演歌の魂を守り続けた。北島三郎や細川たかしといった同世代の歌手たちと共に、「昭和の演歌黄金時代」を彩った山本の歌には、旅と人生の真実が刻まれている。彼の代表曲の数
々は、令和の今もなお、日本人の心に残る旅の風景と重なり続けている。
Kadokuri no Uta to Kame Onna Odori no Laughter - Folk Scenery of Yakushima Island and the Showa Period (1950s)
Kadokuri no Uta to Kame Onna Odori no Laughter - Folk Scenery of Yakushima Island and the Showa Period (1950s)
In the 1950s, Yakushima was still a place where the ties between nature and community were strong. The "Kadomawari," or "round the gate," held on the seventh night of the New Year, was a custom in which children visited each house to celebrate the rebirth of the community by singing a festive song. The joy of life and the bonds of community were alive and well in the sight of the children receiving rice cakes and gifts. The author has a story about an accidental fall into a pot of manure, which is later connected to the "Kamejo Odori" (Turtle Woman Dance). In the Turtle Woman Dance, there is a play on words that combines the words "turtle" (kame) and "jar" (kame), which shows the wisdom of the island in turning the games between the sexes into laughter. These customs were a rite of passage for children to participate in the local community and a festival that reaffirmed the relationship between the blessings of nature and people. The "communal humor" of laughing off poverty a
nd hardship was the very essence of the folk wisdom of Yakushima, where people live in harmony with nature.
In the 1950s, Yakushima was still a place where the ties between nature and community were strong. The "Kadomawari," or "round the gate," held on the seventh night of the New Year, was a custom in which children visited each house to celebrate the rebirth of the community by singing a festive song. The joy of life and the bonds of community were alive and well in the sight of the children receiving rice cakes and gifts. The author has a story about an accidental fall into a pot of manure, which is later connected to the "Kamejo Odori" (Turtle Woman Dance). In the Turtle Woman Dance, there is a play on words that combines the words "turtle" (kame) and "jar" (kame), which shows the wisdom of the island in turning the games between the sexes into laughter. These customs were a rite of passage for children to participate in the local community and a festival that reaffirmed the relationship between the blessings of nature and people. The "communal humor" of laughing off poverty a
nd hardship was the very essence of the folk wisdom of Yakushima, where people live in harmony with nature.
門回りの唄と亀女踊りの笑い―屋久島・昭和の民俗風景（1950年代）
門回りの唄と亀女踊りの笑い―屋久島・昭和の民俗風景（1950年代）
昭和三十年代の屋久島は、まだ自然と共同体の結びつきが濃い時代であった。正月七日の夜に行われた「門回り」は、子どもたちが各家を訪ね、祝い歌を歌いながら地域の再生を祝う風習である。「いおうてもおす、恒例の門松、今年は木戸の松が栄えた」と歌い、餅や祝儀をもらうその光景には、生活の喜びと共同体の絆が息づいていた。著者はその最中に肥壺へ落ちるという失敗談を持ち、それが後に「亀女踊り」と結びついて語られる。亀女踊りでは亀（カメ）と甕（カメ）を掛け合わせた言葉遊びがあり、男女の駆け引きを笑いに変える島の知恵が表れている。これらの風習は、子どもが地域社会へ参加する通過儀礼であり、自然の恵みと人の関係を再確認する祭りでもあった。貧しさや苦労を笑い飛ばす「共同のユーモア」
は、自然と共に生きる屋久島の民俗的知恵そのものだった。
昭和三十年代の屋久島は、まだ自然と共同体の結びつきが濃い時代であった。正月七日の夜に行われた「門回り」は、子どもたちが各家を訪ね、祝い歌を歌いながら地域の再生を祝う風習である。「いおうてもおす、恒例の門松、今年は木戸の松が栄えた」と歌い、餅や祝儀をもらうその光景には、生活の喜びと共同体の絆が息づいていた。著者はその最中に肥壺へ落ちるという失敗談を持ち、それが後に「亀女踊り」と結びついて語られる。亀女踊りでは亀（カメ）と甕（カメ）を掛け合わせた言葉遊びがあり、男女の駆け引きを笑いに変える島の知恵が表れている。これらの風習は、子どもが地域社会へ参加する通過儀礼であり、自然の恵みと人の関係を再確認する祭りでもあった。貧しさや苦労を笑い飛ばす「共同のユーモア」
は、自然と共に生きる屋久島の民俗的知恵そのものだった。
Dioxin Removal Technology by Zorbalit"-April 1997
Dioxin Removal Technology by Zorbalit"-April 1997
Solvalit, an adsorbent developed by Ryoko Lime Industries, a subsidiary of Mitsubishi Materials Corporation, is a revolutionary technology that was developed through a partnership with Merkur Environmental Techniques GmbH of Germany. This technology has attracted attention for its ability to remove dioxins, a highly toxic chemical, with an extremely high efficiency of 99%.
Dioxins are especially likely to be generated during waste incineration and remain in the environment, so their removal has long been a challenge. Conventional removal technologies have had problems such as low treatment efficiency and high treatment costs, but "Zolbalit" is a new technology that solves these problems.
This adsorbent captures dioxin contained in exhaust gas emitted from incinerators and industrial facilities with extremely high accuracy, resulting in a significant reduction in the release of hazardous substances into the atmosphere. This technology is expected to be introduced in waste treatment and incineration facilities, especially in urban and industrial areas, and is considered an important development from an environmental protection perspective.
The high removal rate of 99% is extremely high compared to conventional technologies, and achieves a level of purification effectiveness that has been difficult to achieve with other methods. If this technology becomes more widely used in the future, it has the potential to make a significant contribution to the regulation of exhaust gas from incineration facilities and environmental protection.
Solvalit, an adsorbent developed by Ryoko Lime Industries, a subsidiary of Mitsubishi Materials Corporation, is a revolutionary technology that was developed through a partnership with Merkur Environmental Techniques GmbH of Germany. This technology has attracted attention for its ability to remove dioxins, a highly toxic chemical, with an extremely high efficiency of 99%.
Dioxins are especially likely to be generated during waste incineration and remain in the environment, so their removal has long been a challenge. Conventional removal technologies have had problems such as low treatment efficiency and high treatment costs, but "Zolbalit" is a new technology that solves these problems.
This adsorbent captures dioxin contained in exhaust gas emitted from incinerators and industrial facilities with extremely high accuracy, resulting in a significant reduction in the release of hazardous substances into the atmosphere. This technology is expected to be introduced in waste treatment and incineration facilities, especially in urban and industrial areas, and is considered an important development from an environmental protection perspective.
The high removal rate of 99% is extremely high compared to conventional technologies, and achieves a level of purification effectiveness that has been difficult to achieve with other methods. If this technology becomes more widely used in the future, it has the potential to make a significant contribution to the regulation of exhaust gas from incineration facilities and environmental protection.
「ゾルバリットによるダイオキシン除去技術」-1997年4月
「ゾルバリットによるダイオキシン除去技術」-1997年4月
三菱マテリアルの子会社である菱光石灰工業が開発した吸着剤「ゾルバリット」は、ドイツのメルカー環境テクニック社との提携によって生まれた画期的な技術です。この技術は、ダイオキシン類という非常に毒性が強い化学物質を、99％という非常に高い効率で除去することができる点で注目されています。
ダイオキシンは、特に廃棄物の焼却時に発生しやすく、環境中に残留しやすいため、従来からその除去が課題とされてきました。従来の除去技術は、処理効率が低かったり、処理コストが高かったりする問題がありましたが、「ゾルバリット」はこれらの課題を解決する新しい技術です。
この吸着剤は、焼却炉や工業施設から排出される排ガスに含まれるダイオキシンを、非常に高い精度で捕捉し、その結果として大気への有害物質の放出を大幅に抑制します。この技術は、特に都市部や工業地帯などでの廃棄物処理施設や焼却施設で導入されることが期待されており、環境保護の観点からも重要な進展とされています。
また、99％という高い除去率は、従来の技術と比べても非常に優れており、他の方法では達成が難しかったレベルの浄化効果を実現しています。この技術は、今後さらに普及が進めば、焼却施設からの排ガス規制や環境保全において、大きな貢献を果たす可能性があります。
三菱マテリアルの子会社である菱光石灰工業が開発した吸着剤「ゾルバリット」は、ドイツのメルカー環境テクニック社との提携によって生まれた画期的な技術です。この技術は、ダイオキシン類という非常に毒性が強い化学物質を、99％という非常に高い効率で除去することができる点で注目されています。
ダイオキシンは、特に廃棄物の焼却時に発生しやすく、環境中に残留しやすいため、従来からその除去が課題とされてきました。従来の除去技術は、処理効率が低かったり、処理コストが高かったりする問題がありましたが、「ゾルバリット」はこれらの課題を解決する新しい技術です。
この吸着剤は、焼却炉や工業施設から排出される排ガスに含まれるダイオキシンを、非常に高い精度で捕捉し、その結果として大気への有害物質の放出を大幅に抑制します。この技術は、特に都市部や工業地帯などでの廃棄物処理施設や焼却施設で導入されることが期待されており、環境保護の観点からも重要な進展とされています。
また、99％という高い除去率は、従来の技術と比べても非常に優れており、他の方法では達成が難しかったレベルの浄化効果を実現しています。この技術は、今後さらに普及が進めば、焼却施設からの排ガス規制や環境保全において、大きな貢献を果たす可能性があります。
The Flower that Bloomed at the End of the Journey - Joji Yamamoto's Enka Michi: 1970s-2000s
The Flower that Bloomed at the End of the Journey - Joji Yamamoto's Enka Michi: 1970s-2000s
Born in Shimonoseki City, Yamaguchi Prefecture, Joji Yamamoto (b. 1950) is a "singer of travel and life" who took the royal road of the enka world. A high school baseball player who played in the Koshien (the Japanese National High School Baseball Championship) and possessed a sportsman's temperament, he moved to Tokyo in 1968 with the intention of becoming a singer. It was composer Keisuke Hama who discovered him while he was still playing at a live coffee shop in Shinjuku.
In 1974, he made his debut under the stage name "Date Haruki," but failed to have any big hits, and in 1978 he made a fresh start under his real name, "Joji Yamamoto. Then, in 1979, his fate changed drastically when "Michinoku Hitori Tabi (Michinoku Solo Journey)" became a big hit. The song, with its melancholy melody and passionate description of a northern scene, sold over 1 million copies and remains one of his best-known songs.
Since then, he has released many enka songs such as "Tabi no Owari ni," "Yume Kaido," and "Nagareta no Hashi" that focus on travel, life, farewells, and nostalgia. In particular, "ROMAN," with its magnificent arrangement, crosses the fragility of life and dreams, and deeply appealed to many middle-aged and older people. There was more drama in his singing than just "enka.
His contemporaries include Takashi Hosokawa (b. 1950, debut in 1975, "Kokoro no Kori") and Ichiro Toba (b. 1952, "Siblings' Boat"), but Joji Yamamoto stands out for his singing style that evokes "tenderness in sorrow," his manly behavior on stage, and his friendly TV performances, He was also well known for his manly manner on stage and his friendly TV appearances.
During the golden age of enka from the 1950s to the early Heisei era, he was one of the few singers who established a consistent world view centering on "journey," and he continues to embody enka as a genre that sings about scenery.
As the representative of his own company, "George Promotion," he continues to support younger singers and actively collaborates with the local community, including his hometown of Shimonoseki. Even in an age when the role of enka as popular songs is being questioned, the songs of Joji Yamamoto continue to flow quietly with the sentiments of the Japanese people, who view life as a journey.
Born in Shimonoseki City, Yamaguchi Prefecture, Joji Yamamoto (b. 1950) is a "singer of travel and life" who took the royal road of the enka world. A high school baseball player who played in the Koshien (the Japanese National High School Baseball Championship) and possessed a sportsman's temperament, he moved to Tokyo in 1968 with the intention of becoming a singer. It was composer Keisuke Hama who discovered him while he was still playing at a live coffee shop in Shinjuku.
In 1974, he made his debut under the stage name "Date Haruki," but failed to have any big hits, and in 1978 he made a fresh start under his real name, "Joji Yamamoto. Then, in 1979, his fate changed drastically when "Michinoku Hitori Tabi (Michinoku Solo Journey)" became a big hit. The song, with its melancholy melody and passionate description of a northern scene, sold over 1 million copies and remains one of his best-known songs.
Since then, he has released many enka songs such as "Tabi no Owari ni," "Yume Kaido," and "Nagareta no Hashi" that focus on travel, life, farewells, and nostalgia. In particular, "ROMAN," with its magnificent arrangement, crosses the fragility of life and dreams, and deeply appealed to many middle-aged and older people. There was more drama in his singing than just "enka.
His contemporaries include Takashi Hosokawa (b. 1950, debut in 1975, "Kokoro no Kori") and Ichiro Toba (b. 1952, "Siblings' Boat"), but Joji Yamamoto stands out for his singing style that evokes "tenderness in sorrow," his manly behavior on stage, and his friendly TV performances, He was also well known for his manly manner on stage and his friendly TV appearances.
During the golden age of enka from the 1950s to the early Heisei era, he was one of the few singers who established a consistent world view centering on "journey," and he continues to embody enka as a genre that sings about scenery.
As the representative of his own company, "George Promotion," he continues to support younger singers and actively collaborates with the local community, including his hometown of Shimonoseki. Even in an age when the role of enka as popular songs is being questioned, the songs of Joji Yamamoto continue to flow quietly with the sentiments of the Japanese people, who view life as a journey.
旅の涯てに咲いた花 ― 山本譲二の演歌道 1970年代-2000年代
旅の涯てに咲いた花 ― 山本譲二の演歌道 1970年代-2000年代
山口県下関市に生まれた山本譲二（1950年生）は、演歌界の王道を歩んだ「旅と人生の歌い手」である。高校時代には甲子園を経験し、スポーツマンとしての気風を備えた彼は、1968年に歌手を志して上京。新宿のライブ喫茶で弾き語りを続けていた彼を見いだしたのが、作曲家・浜圭介だった。
1974年に「伊達春樹」の芸名でデビューを果たすも大きなヒットには恵まれず、1978年に本名の「山本譲二」で再出発を切った。そして1979年、「みちのくひとり旅」の大ヒットが、彼の運命を一変させた。哀愁を帯びた旋律と、北国の情景を情熱的に歌い上げたこの曲は、100万枚を超えるセールスを記録し、彼の代表作として燦然と輝いている。
以降、「旅の終りに」「夢街道」「流転の橋」など、旅と人生、別れと郷愁をテーマにした演歌を数多く発表。とくに「浪漫-ROMAN-」では、壮大な編曲とともに人生の儚さと夢を交差させ、多くの中高年層に深く訴えた。彼の歌唱には、ただの"演歌"にとどまらないドラマがあった。
同世代には、細川たかし（1950年生、デビュー1975年「心のこり」）、鳥羽一郎（1952年生、「兄弟船」）らがいるが、山本譲二は"哀しみの中の優しさ"を感じさせる歌風で際立ち、また舞台上での男気ある振る舞いや、気さくなテレビ出演でも親しまれた。
演歌の黄金期を彩った昭和50年代-平成初期において、彼は「旅」を中心に据えた一貫した世界観を築いた数少ない歌手の一人であり、演歌が"風景を歌う"ジャンルであることを体現し続けている。
なお現在も、自身の事務所「ジョージ・プロモーション」の代表として後進を支えながら、ふるさと下関をはじめとする地域との連携活動も活発である。演歌が大衆歌謡としての役割を問われる時代にあっても、「山本譲二の歌」は、人生を旅と見立てる日本人の情緒とともに、静かに流れ続けている。
山口県下関市に生まれた山本譲二（1950年生）は、演歌界の王道を歩んだ「旅と人生の歌い手」である。高校時代には甲子園を経験し、スポーツマンとしての気風を備えた彼は、1968年に歌手を志して上京。新宿のライブ喫茶で弾き語りを続けていた彼を見いだしたのが、作曲家・浜圭介だった。
1974年に「伊達春樹」の芸名でデビューを果たすも大きなヒットには恵まれず、1978年に本名の「山本譲二」で再出発を切った。そして1979年、「みちのくひとり旅」の大ヒットが、彼の運命を一変させた。哀愁を帯びた旋律と、北国の情景を情熱的に歌い上げたこの曲は、100万枚を超えるセールスを記録し、彼の代表作として燦然と輝いている。
以降、「旅の終りに」「夢街道」「流転の橋」など、旅と人生、別れと郷愁をテーマにした演歌を数多く発表。とくに「浪漫-ROMAN-」では、壮大な編曲とともに人生の儚さと夢を交差させ、多くの中高年層に深く訴えた。彼の歌唱には、ただの"演歌"にとどまらないドラマがあった。
同世代には、細川たかし（1950年生、デビュー1975年「心のこり」）、鳥羽一郎（1952年生、「兄弟船」）らがいるが、山本譲二は"哀しみの中の優しさ"を感じさせる歌風で際立ち、また舞台上での男気ある振る舞いや、気さくなテレビ出演でも親しまれた。
演歌の黄金期を彩った昭和50年代-平成初期において、彼は「旅」を中心に据えた一貫した世界観を築いた数少ない歌手の一人であり、演歌が"風景を歌う"ジャンルであることを体現し続けている。
なお現在も、自身の事務所「ジョージ・プロモーション」の代表として後進を支えながら、ふるさと下関をはじめとする地域との連携活動も活発である。演歌が大衆歌謡としての役割を問われる時代にあっても、「山本譲二の歌」は、人生を旅と見立てる日本人の情緒とともに、静かに流れ続けている。
Shadows Underground: Hamamatsu's Story of Contamination and Regeneration.
Shadows Underground: Hamamatsu's Story of Contamination and Regeneration.
1. 2006: Past cases of groundwater contamination
In Hamamatsu City, 10 cases of groundwater contamination were confirmed as of FY2006. The causes include volatile organic compounds (chemical substances that easily evaporate in the air, e.g., cleaning agents and solvents). Examples include trichloroethylene used as a cleaning agent or solvent) and heavy metals (lead, cadmium, and other metals harmful to the environment and human health). Improper disposal and underground seepage of wastewater are major contributors.
2. 2023: Underground water monitoring survey
Twenty-six items were measured at 12 sites in the city, all of which achieved environmental standards. However, trichloroethylene (a solvent used in industrial applications, with long-term exposure posing a health risk) and tetrachloroethylene (a volatile organic compound used as a cleaning agent) were detected at some monitoring sites in excess of the standards.
3. July 2024: Detection of Nitrate-Nitrogen and Nitrite-Nitrogen
In the July 2024 survey, nitrate nitrogen and nitrite nitrogen exceeded the standard value (10 mg/L) at 6 of the 31 sites. Nitrate nitrogen is a component of fertilizers and can contaminate groundwater through excessive use or infiltration. These are particularly problematic in areas with high agricultural activity.
4. PFAS Contamination: Around Air Self-Defense Force Hamamatsu Air Base
In the vicinity of the Air Self-Defense Force Hamamatsu Air Base, PFAS (organic fluorine compounds, also known as "PFAS") have been found in the air. It has water and heat repellency and is used in industrial products and fire extinguishing agents) has been detected in excess of provisional guideline values. This substance is difficult to decompose in the environment and is also referred to as a "permanent chemical substance. Investigations and responses are underway in contaminated areas.
5. measures taken by Hamamatsu City and hope for the future
Hamamatsu City has implemented the following measures in response to groundwater contamination caused by illegal dumping:
- Identification of the source of contamination and cleanup work
- Increased monitoring of waste disposal companies
- Fines for illegal dumpers
- Introduction of groundwater monitoring system
These efforts have received widespread attention as a response to the nationwide groundwater contamination problem and have served as an opportunity to reaffirm the importance of legal regulations and monitoring systems.
Sources:.
- Hamamatsu City Groundwater Environmental Monitoring
- Hamamatsu City Survey of Nitrate-Nitrogen and Nitrite-Nitrogen
- Shizuoka Shimbun News PFAS issue
- Recent arrests and other cases in Hamamatsu City
- Groundwater salinization survey results
1. 2006: Past cases of groundwater contamination
In Hamamatsu City, 10 cases of groundwater contamination were confirmed as of FY2006. The causes include volatile organic compounds (chemical substances that easily evaporate in the air, e.g., cleaning agents and solvents). Examples include trichloroethylene used as a cleaning agent or solvent) and heavy metals (lead, cadmium, and other metals harmful to the environment and human health). Improper disposal and underground seepage of wastewater are major contributors.
2. 2023: Underground water monitoring survey
Twenty-six items were measured at 12 sites in the city, all of which achieved environmental standards. However, trichloroethylene (a solvent used in industrial applications, with long-term exposure posing a health risk) and tetrachloroethylene (a volatile organic compound used as a cleaning agent) were detected at some monitoring sites in excess of the standards.
3. July 2024: Detection of Nitrate-Nitrogen and Nitrite-Nitrogen
In the July 2024 survey, nitrate nitrogen and nitrite nitrogen exceeded the standard value (10 mg/L) at 6 of the 31 sites. Nitrate nitrogen is a component of fertilizers and can contaminate groundwater through excessive use or infiltration. These are particularly problematic in areas with high agricultural activity.
4. PFAS Contamination: Around Air Self-Defense Force Hamamatsu Air Base
In the vicinity of the Air Self-Defense Force Hamamatsu Air Base, PFAS (organic fluorine compounds, also known as "PFAS") have been found in the air. It has water and heat repellency and is used in industrial products and fire extinguishing agents) has been detected in excess of provisional guideline values. This substance is difficult to decompose in the environment and is also referred to as a "permanent chemical substance. Investigations and responses are underway in contaminated areas.
5. measures taken by Hamamatsu City and hope for the future
Hamamatsu City has implemented the following measures in response to groundwater contamination caused by illegal dumping:
- Identification of the source of contamination and cleanup work
- Increased monitoring of waste disposal companies
- Fines for illegal dumpers
- Introduction of groundwater monitoring system
These efforts have received widespread attention as a response to the nationwide groundwater contamination problem and have served as an opportunity to reaffirm the importance of legal regulations and monitoring systems.
Sources:.
- Hamamatsu City Groundwater Environmental Monitoring
- Hamamatsu City Survey of Nitrate-Nitrogen and Nitrite-Nitrogen
- Shizuoka Shimbun News PFAS issue
- Recent arrests and other cases in Hamamatsu City
- Groundwater salinization survey results
「地下に眠る影――浜松の汚染と再生の物語」
「地下に眠る影――浜松の汚染と再生の物語」
1. 平成18年度：過去の地下水汚染事例
浜松市では平成18年度時点で10件の地下水汚染が確認されました。原因として、揮発性有機化合物（空気中で蒸発しやすい化学物質。例：クリーニング剤や溶剤として使用されるトリクロロエチレン）や重金属（鉛やカドミウムなど、環境や人体に有害な金属）が挙げられます。不適切な廃棄や排水の地下浸透が主要な要因です。
2. 令和5年度：地下水モニタリング調査
市内12地点で26項目を測定し、全て環境基準を達成しました。しかし、一部のモニタリング地点では、トリクロロエチレン（産業用途で使用される溶剤で、長期的な暴露は健康リスクを伴う）やテトラクロロエチレン（クリーニング剤として利用される揮発性有機化合物）が基準を超過して検出されています。
3. 令和6年7月：硝酸性窒素及び亜硝酸性窒素の検出
令和6年7月の調査では、31地点中6地点で硝酸性窒素及び亜硝酸性窒素が基準値（10mg/L）を超えました。硝酸性窒素は肥料の成分であり、過剰な使用や浸透により地下水を汚染する可能性があります。これらは特に農業活動が盛んな地域で問題となっています。
4. PFAS汚染：航空自衛隊浜松基地周辺
航空自衛隊浜松基地周辺では、PFAS（有機フッ素化合物。撥水性や耐熱性を持ち、工業製品や消火剤に使用される）が暫定指針値を超えて検出されています。この物質は環境中で分解されにくく、「永久化学物質」とも呼ばれます。汚染地域では調査と対応が進められています。
5. 浜松市の対応策と未来への希望
浜松市は、不法投棄による地下水汚染を受け、以下の対策を実施しています：
- 汚染源の特定と浄化作業
- 廃棄物処理業者への監視強化
- 不法投棄業者への罰金適用
- 地下水モニタリングシステムの導入
これらの取り組みは、全国的な地下水汚染問題への対応策として広く注目され、法規制と監視体制の重要性を再認識する契機となりました。
情報源:
- 浜松市 地下水環境モニタリング
- 浜松市 硝酸性窒素と亜硝酸性窒素の調査
- 静岡新聞ニュース PFAS問題
- 浜松市内における最近の検挙等事例
- 地下水の塩水化調査結果
1. 平成18年度：過去の地下水汚染事例
浜松市では平成18年度時点で10件の地下水汚染が確認されました。原因として、揮発性有機化合物（空気中で蒸発しやすい化学物質。例：クリーニング剤や溶剤として使用されるトリクロロエチレン）や重金属（鉛やカドミウムなど、環境や人体に有害な金属）が挙げられます。不適切な廃棄や排水の地下浸透が主要な要因です。
2. 令和5年度：地下水モニタリング調査
市内12地点で26項目を測定し、全て環境基準を達成しました。しかし、一部のモニタリング地点では、トリクロロエチレン（産業用途で使用される溶剤で、長期的な暴露は健康リスクを伴う）やテトラクロロエチレン（クリーニング剤として利用される揮発性有機化合物）が基準を超過して検出されています。
3. 令和6年7月：硝酸性窒素及び亜硝酸性窒素の検出
令和6年7月の調査では、31地点中6地点で硝酸性窒素及び亜硝酸性窒素が基準値（10mg/L）を超えました。硝酸性窒素は肥料の成分であり、過剰な使用や浸透により地下水を汚染する可能性があります。これらは特に農業活動が盛んな地域で問題となっています。
4. PFAS汚染：航空自衛隊浜松基地周辺
航空自衛隊浜松基地周辺では、PFAS（有機フッ素化合物。撥水性や耐熱性を持ち、工業製品や消火剤に使用される）が暫定指針値を超えて検出されています。この物質は環境中で分解されにくく、「永久化学物質」とも呼ばれます。汚染地域では調査と対応が進められています。
5. 浜松市の対応策と未来への希望
浜松市は、不法投棄による地下水汚染を受け、以下の対策を実施しています：
- 汚染源の特定と浄化作業
- 廃棄物処理業者への監視強化
- 不法投棄業者への罰金適用
- 地下水モニタリングシステムの導入
これらの取り組みは、全国的な地下水汚染問題への対応策として広く注目され、法規制と監視体制の重要性を再認識する契機となりました。
情報源:
- 浜松市 地下水環境モニタリング
- 浜松市 硝酸性窒素と亜硝酸性窒素の調査
- 静岡新聞ニュース PFAS問題
- 浜松市内における最近の検挙等事例
- 地下水の塩水化調査結果
Forest of the God Killer - Yakushima, Jyotake Period (17th Century)
Forest of the God Killer - Yakushima, Jyotake Period (17th Century)
In the 17th century, Yakushima Island was under the control of the Satsuma Clan, and forest resources were being managed, with Yakusugi cedars attracting attention as an important economic resource. To the islanders, Yakusugi was a sacred tree and cutting down the trees was forbidden. However, Jochiku Tomari, a Confucian scholar from Awa, broke the prohibition and presented a logic that justified the felling of the trees. He taught that one could stay on the mountain for 17 days and if the axe did not fall over, then the tree could be cut down. This act of examining the divine will as a phenomenon was an attempt to introduce rationality without denying faith, and was an ideological experiment that stood between folk society and the modern state. Thereafter, Yakusugi cedars became the basis of the clan's finances, and the landscape of the island changed drastically. The author calls this "Kami-slaying," but it was not the destruction of faith, but the translation of faith by r
eason. The modern era of Yakushima began on the basis of a dialogue between God and rationality, and the wisdom of this dialogue is also reflected in later environmental thought. Instead of killing God, God and reason are still talking to each other in the forest.
In the 17th century, Yakushima Island was under the control of the Satsuma Clan, and forest resources were being managed, with Yakusugi cedars attracting attention as an important economic resource. To the islanders, Yakusugi was a sacred tree and cutting down the trees was forbidden. However, Jochiku Tomari, a Confucian scholar from Awa, broke the prohibition and presented a logic that justified the felling of the trees. He taught that one could stay on the mountain for 17 days and if the axe did not fall over, then the tree could be cut down. This act of examining the divine will as a phenomenon was an attempt to introduce rationality without denying faith, and was an ideological experiment that stood between folk society and the modern state. Thereafter, Yakusugi cedars became the basis of the clan's finances, and the landscape of the island changed drastically. The author calls this "Kami-slaying," but it was not the destruction of faith, but the translation of faith by r
eason. The modern era of Yakushima began on the basis of a dialogue between God and rationality, and the wisdom of this dialogue is also reflected in later environmental thought. Instead of killing God, God and reason are still talking to each other in the forest.
神殺しの森―屋久島・如竹の時代（17世紀）
神殺しの森―屋久島・如竹の時代（17世紀）
十七世紀の屋久島は、薩摩藩支配下で森林資源の管理が進み、屋久杉が重要な経済資源として注目されていた。島の人々にとって屋久杉は神木であり、伐採は禁忌とされたが、安房出身の儒学者・泊如竹はその禁忌を破り、伐採を正当化する論理を示した。彼は山に十七日こもり、斧を立てかけ倒れなければ伐ってよいと説いた。神意を現象として検証するこの行為は、信仰を否定せずに合理を導入する試みであり、民俗社会と近代国家の狭間に立つ思想的実験だった。以後、屋久杉は藩財政の基盤となり、島の景観は大きく変わる。著者はこれを「神殺し」と呼ぶが、それは信仰の破壊ではなく、理性による信仰の翻訳だった。神と合理の対話の上に屋久島の近代が始まり、その知恵は後の環境思想にも通じている。神を殺したので
はなく、神と理が今も森の中で語り合っているのである。
十七世紀の屋久島は、薩摩藩支配下で森林資源の管理が進み、屋久杉が重要な経済資源として注目されていた。島の人々にとって屋久杉は神木であり、伐採は禁忌とされたが、安房出身の儒学者・泊如竹はその禁忌を破り、伐採を正当化する論理を示した。彼は山に十七日こもり、斧を立てかけ倒れなければ伐ってよいと説いた。神意を現象として検証するこの行為は、信仰を否定せずに合理を導入する試みであり、民俗社会と近代国家の狭間に立つ思想的実験だった。以後、屋久杉は藩財政の基盤となり、島の景観は大きく変わる。著者はこれを「神殺し」と呼ぶが、それは信仰の破壊ではなく、理性による信仰の翻訳だった。神と合理の対話の上に屋久島の近代が始まり、その知恵は後の環境思想にも通じている。神を殺したので
はなく、神と理が今も森の中で語り合っているのである。
A Dignified Presence and a Woman Standing on the Edge of the City - Hiroko Shino and the Image of Women in 1970s Japan (1970s-1980s)
A Dignified Presence and a Woman Standing on the Edge of the City - Hiroko Shino and the Image of Women in 1970s Japan (1970s-1980s)
Hiroko Shino (born in 1948) is an actress who symbolically portrayed "working women" and "women living between family and society" through TV dramas and films in post-high economic growth Japan. In the 1970s, when the transition from film to television was underway and women were rapidly entering the workforce, her performances presented a modern and intelligent image of women. She first gained attention for her role in "It's About Time" (1973), and later in "To Friday's Wives III" and other films, in which she delicately portrayed the complex emotions of city dwellers. Combining elegance and strength, she embodied the new image of the "independent woman" demanded by the times.
While her contemporary Mariko Kaga represented urban decadence and Chieko Matsubara purity, Hiroko Shino realistically portrayed a mature middle-class woman. This stance drew sympathy against the backdrop of current trends such as the rising divorce rate, the shift to nuclear families, and the expanding role of women in society. Although she retired from acting after her marriage, the portrayal of women she portrayed is still talked about today as a way of life in which women "stand with dignity.
Hiroko Shino (born in 1948) is an actress who symbolically portrayed "working women" and "women living between family and society" through TV dramas and films in post-high economic growth Japan. In the 1970s, when the transition from film to television was underway and women were rapidly entering the workforce, her performances presented a modern and intelligent image of women. She first gained attention for her role in "It's About Time" (1973), and later in "To Friday's Wives III" and other films, in which she delicately portrayed the complex emotions of city dwellers. Combining elegance and strength, she embodied the new image of the "independent woman" demanded by the times.
While her contemporary Mariko Kaga represented urban decadence and Chieko Matsubara purity, Hiroko Shino realistically portrayed a mature middle-class woman. This stance drew sympathy against the backdrop of current trends such as the rising divorce rate, the shift to nuclear families, and the expanding role of women in society. Although she retired from acting after her marriage, the portrayal of women she portrayed is still talked about today as a way of life in which women "stand with dignity.
凛とした存在感と、都市の淵に立つ女 - 篠ひろ子と七〇年代日本の女性像（一九七〇-一九八〇年代）
凛とした存在感と、都市の淵に立つ女 - 篠ひろ子と七〇年代日本の女性像（一九七〇-一九八〇年代）
篠ひろ子（一九四八年生まれ）は、高度経済成長後の日本において、テレビドラマや映画を通じて「働く女性」「家庭と社会のはざまで生きる女性」を象徴的に演じた女優である。映画からテレビへの転換期、女性の社会進出が急速に進む一九七〇年代、彼女の演技は現代的で知的な女性像を提示した。『時間ですよ』（一九七三）で注目を浴び、以後『金曜日の妻たちへIII』などで都市生活者の複雑な感情を繊細に表現した。上品さと強さを兼ね備え、時代が求めた「自立する女性」の新しい姿を体現したのである。
同時代の加賀まりこが都会的退廃、松原智恵子が清純を代表したのに対し、篠ひろ子は中流層の成熟した女性を現実的に描いた。その姿勢は、離婚率上昇や核家族化、女性の社会的役割拡大といった時代の潮流を背景に、共感を集めた。結婚後、俳優活動を控えたものの、彼女の演じた女性像は"凛として立つ"生き方として今も語り継がれている。
篠ひろ子（一九四八年生まれ）は、高度経済成長後の日本において、テレビドラマや映画を通じて「働く女性」「家庭と社会のはざまで生きる女性」を象徴的に演じた女優である。映画からテレビへの転換期、女性の社会進出が急速に進む一九七〇年代、彼女の演技は現代的で知的な女性像を提示した。『時間ですよ』（一九七三）で注目を浴び、以後『金曜日の妻たちへIII』などで都市生活者の複雑な感情を繊細に表現した。上品さと強さを兼ね備え、時代が求めた「自立する女性」の新しい姿を体現したのである。
同時代の加賀まりこが都会的退廃、松原智恵子が清純を代表したのに対し、篠ひろ子は中流層の成熟した女性を現実的に描いた。その姿勢は、離婚率上昇や核家族化、女性の社会的役割拡大といった時代の潮流を背景に、共感を集めた。結婚後、俳優活動を控えたものの、彼女の演じた女性像は"凛として立つ"生き方として今も語り継がれている。
In the Tracks of Shizjun - Wakako Sakai and the Dawn of Youth Cinema (1960-1970s)
In the Tracks of Shizjun - Wakako Sakai and the Dawn of Youth Cinema (1960-1970s)
Wakako Sakai (born April 15, 1949, Tokyo) made her debut in 1964 with the Toho film "Today, Too, We Are in the Sky," and since then has been in the limelight as a representative of the "Seijunha" (pure and pure) generation for her roles in youth dramas and romantic films. During Japan's period of rapid economic growth, the image of women in film and television was changing along with the expansion of youth culture. Against the backdrop of this era, Sakai's portrayal of a woman with a sense of self while maintaining a foundation of "purity" struck a chord with many young people.
One of her best-known films, 1968's "Meguriai" (Toho), depicts the pure love between a working woman and a man in a factory town, in which Sakai plays a female factory clerk, and is regarded by some as the new pinnacle of adolescent cinema. Through this film, she portrayed "young people living in an industrialized and urbanized society," and symbolized the change from the traditional image of "a woman who protects her home" to "a woman who goes out into society. She symbolized the change from the traditional "image of a woman who keeps house" to "the image of a woman who goes out into the world. She also appeared in TV dramas and films such as "The Great Family" (1974), showing the range of her acting as she moved toward maturity.
Compared to other actresses of the same generation, for example, while Sayuri Yoshinaga symbolized purity and pure-heartedness, and Chieko Matsubara had the strength of the lightness of youth, Wakako Sakai established her position as "a woman who is pure but aspires to independence," and in the transitional period of the times, embodied "the image of a woman who quietly accepts change She embodied "the image of a woman who quietly embraces change. The women she portrayed became the epitome of young people reexamining themselves in the midst of the affluence and confusion that greeted postwar Japan.
Wakako Sakai's appearance was a symbol of the calm and certain expectations of that era, when young people gathered at movie theaters were hopeful for the future.
Wakako Sakai (born April 15, 1949, Tokyo) made her debut in 1964 with the Toho film "Today, Too, We Are in the Sky," and since then has been in the limelight as a representative of the "Seijunha" (pure and pure) generation for her roles in youth dramas and romantic films. During Japan's period of rapid economic growth, the image of women in film and television was changing along with the expansion of youth culture. Against the backdrop of this era, Sakai's portrayal of a woman with a sense of self while maintaining a foundation of "purity" struck a chord with many young people.
One of her best-known films, 1968's "Meguriai" (Toho), depicts the pure love between a working woman and a man in a factory town, in which Sakai plays a female factory clerk, and is regarded by some as the new pinnacle of adolescent cinema. Through this film, she portrayed "young people living in an industrialized and urbanized society," and symbolized the change from the traditional image of "a woman who protects her home" to "a woman who goes out into society. She symbolized the change from the traditional "image of a woman who keeps house" to "the image of a woman who goes out into the world. She also appeared in TV dramas and films such as "The Great Family" (1974), showing the range of her acting as she moved toward maturity.
Compared to other actresses of the same generation, for example, while Sayuri Yoshinaga symbolized purity and pure-heartedness, and Chieko Matsubara had the strength of the lightness of youth, Wakako Sakai established her position as "a woman who is pure but aspires to independence," and in the transitional period of the times, embodied "the image of a woman who quietly accepts change She embodied "the image of a woman who quietly embraces change. The women she portrayed became the epitome of young people reexamining themselves in the midst of the affluence and confusion that greeted postwar Japan.
Wakako Sakai's appearance was a symbol of the calm and certain expectations of that era, when young people gathered at movie theaters were hopeful for the future.
静純の軌跡 - 酒井和歌子と青春映画の黎明（一九六〇-一九七〇年代）
静純の軌跡 - 酒井和歌子と青春映画の黎明（一九六〇-一九七〇年代）
酒井和歌子（1949年4月15日生、東京都出身）は、1964年に東宝の映画『今日も我れ大空にあり』でデビューし、以降、青春ドラマや恋愛映画で"清純派"の代表として脚光を浴びた。高度経済成長期の日本では、若者文化の広がりと共に映画・テレビにおける女性像も変化していた。酒井はこの時代の空気を背景に、"純真さ"を基盤としながらも自己を持つ女性像を演じ、多くの若者に共感を呼んだ。
代表作のひとつ、1968年の『めぐりあい』（東宝）は、工場街を舞台に働く女性と男性の純愛を描いた作品で、酒井は工場勤務の女性店員を演じ、青春映画の新たな頂点との評もある。この作品を通じて、彼女は"工業化・都市化する中で生きる若者たち"の姿を映し出し、従来の"家を守る女性像"から"社会に出る女性像"への変化を象徴した。さらにテレビドラマや映画では、『華麗なる一族』（1974）などにも出演しており、成熟期に向かう演技の幅も示している。
同世代の女優と比較すると、例えば吉永小百合が清純・純情の象徴として、松原智恵子が青春の淡さを強みにしていたのに対し、酒井和歌子は「清純だが自立を志す女性」という立ち位置を確立し、時代の過渡期にあって"静かに変化を受け入れる女性像"を体現した。彼女の演じた女性たちは、戦後日本が迎えた豊かさと迷いの中で、自分を見つめ直す若者たちの縮図となったのである。
酒井和歌子の佇まいは、映画館に集った若者たちが未来に希望を抱いていたあの時代の、穏やかで確かな期待の象徴だった。
酒井和歌子（1949年4月15日生、東京都出身）は、1964年に東宝の映画『今日も我れ大空にあり』でデビューし、以降、青春ドラマや恋愛映画で"清純派"の代表として脚光を浴びた。高度経済成長期の日本では、若者文化の広がりと共に映画・テレビにおける女性像も変化していた。酒井はこの時代の空気を背景に、"純真さ"を基盤としながらも自己を持つ女性像を演じ、多くの若者に共感を呼んだ。
代表作のひとつ、1968年の『めぐりあい』（東宝）は、工場街を舞台に働く女性と男性の純愛を描いた作品で、酒井は工場勤務の女性店員を演じ、青春映画の新たな頂点との評もある。この作品を通じて、彼女は"工業化・都市化する中で生きる若者たち"の姿を映し出し、従来の"家を守る女性像"から"社会に出る女性像"への変化を象徴した。さらにテレビドラマや映画では、『華麗なる一族』（1974）などにも出演しており、成熟期に向かう演技の幅も示している。
同世代の女優と比較すると、例えば吉永小百合が清純・純情の象徴として、松原智恵子が青春の淡さを強みにしていたのに対し、酒井和歌子は「清純だが自立を志す女性」という立ち位置を確立し、時代の過渡期にあって"静かに変化を受け入れる女性像"を体現した。彼女の演じた女性たちは、戦後日本が迎えた豊かさと迷いの中で、自分を見つめ直す若者たちの縮図となったのである。
酒井和歌子の佇まいは、映画館に集った若者たちが未来に希望を抱いていたあの時代の、穏やかで確かな期待の象徴だった。
Forest of the God Killer - Yakushima, Jyotake Period (17th Century)
Forest of the God Killer - Yakushima, Jyotake Period (17th Century)
In the 17th century, Yakushima was placed under the direct control of the Satsuma clan, a period that marked the beginning of systematic management of resources and labor. With the end of the Warring States period, castle construction and the building of shrines and temples came one after another, increasing the demand for robust timber. Yakusugi cedar, in particular, was considered a valuable building material because of its durability and beauty. For the islanders, however, Yakusugi was not just a resource, but a sacred tree inhabited by mountain deities. Cutting down the trees was considered an unholy practice, a taboo that supported both their faith and their way of life.
It was a Confucian scholar from Awa, Jochiku Tomari, who is said to have broken this prohibition and started the felling of Yakusugi. Jochiku served in the Shimazu clan and is remembered as a man who used reason to persuade people of his religious beliefs. According to legend, he stayed in the mountains for seventeen days, and then set his axe against a large cedar. If the tree did not fall over after one night, God allowed it to be felled. If it fell, it was God's wrath. As a result of this "experiment," the tree did not fall. Thus, the islanders accepted the felling of the tree, and the modern era of Yakushima began.
The core of this anecdote is not simply the denial of superstition. It was a "ritualized rationalization," a reordering of beliefs according to reason without destroying them. Jochiku did not deny God, but translated the divine will as a "phenomenon. This translation was also the wisdom that led to the consensus of the community. The economic logic of the clan, which regarded the mountains as an object of domination, and the folk worldview that revered the mountains. Jochiku bridged the conflict between the two through the medium of Confucianism. Here, the conflict between religion and rationality unfolds dramatically.
Yakusugi was eventually incorporated into the clan's finances as a form of tribute, and the timber was shipped to Kyoto and Satsuma. However, in the shadow of this prosperity, the landscape of the island changed drastically. The forests, where moss-covered stumps and fallen trees still remain, silently recount the memories of logging in the past. When the author calls the island "god-killer," he means that Yakushima in this period stepped forward to modernization at the cost of faith. It did not kill God, but used God to introduce rationality. The act was an agreement between faith and reason, a junction point between destruction and creation.
The number "seventeen days of cohabitation" is also symbolic. It is an odd number, and it is more than half a month. There was a "ritual of waiting" that people were willing to accept. Wind, rain, the weight of the axe, the warping of the wood. The time that blended nature and human observation was a science to measure the divine will, the sum total of experience.
Jochiku's anecdotes can be read as an intersection of "reason and faith," which can also be found in the Reformation and the Enlightenment. What he left behind in Yakushima is not only logging technology and industry. It was the prototype of Japanese modernity, the coexistence of reason and faith. The wisdom of seeking a balance between the fear of nature and domination of nature was passed on to the later philosophy of environmental protection. The reason why the Yakusugi forests are still full of mystery is not because we have killed the gods, but because the gods and reason are still talking to each other.
In the 17th century, Yakushima was placed under the direct control of the Satsuma clan, a period that marked the beginning of systematic management of resources and labor. With the end of the Warring States period, castle construction and the building of shrines and temples came one after another, increasing the demand for robust timber. Yakusugi cedar, in particular, was considered a valuable building material because of its durability and beauty. For the islanders, however, Yakusugi was not just a resource, but a sacred tree inhabited by mountain deities. Cutting down the trees was considered an unholy practice, a taboo that supported both their faith and their way of life.
It was a Confucian scholar from Awa, Jochiku Tomari, who is said to have broken this prohibition and started the felling of Yakusugi. Jochiku served in the Shimazu clan and is remembered as a man who used reason to persuade people of his religious beliefs. According to legend, he stayed in the mountains for seventeen days, and then set his axe against a large cedar. If the tree did not fall over after one night, God allowed it to be felled. If it fell, it was God's wrath. As a result of this "experiment," the tree did not fall. Thus, the islanders accepted the felling of the tree, and the modern era of Yakushima began.
The core of this anecdote is not simply the denial of superstition. It was a "ritualized rationalization," a reordering of beliefs according to reason without destroying them. Jochiku did not deny God, but translated the divine will as a "phenomenon. This translation was also the wisdom that led to the consensus of the community. The economic logic of the clan, which regarded the mountains as an object of domination, and the folk worldview that revered the mountains. Jochiku bridged the conflict between the two through the medium of Confucianism. Here, the conflict between religion and rationality unfolds dramatically.
Yakusugi was eventually incorporated into the clan's finances as a form of tribute, and the timber was shipped to Kyoto and Satsuma. However, in the shadow of this prosperity, the landscape of the island changed drastically. The forests, where moss-covered stumps and fallen trees still remain, silently recount the memories of logging in the past. When the author calls the island "god-killer," he means that Yakushima in this period stepped forward to modernization at the cost of faith. It did not kill God, but used God to introduce rationality. The act was an agreement between faith and reason, a junction point between destruction and creation.
The number "seventeen days of cohabitation" is also symbolic. It is an odd number, and it is more than half a month. There was a "ritual of waiting" that people were willing to accept. Wind, rain, the weight of the axe, the warping of the wood. The time that blended nature and human observation was a science to measure the divine will, the sum total of experience.
Jochiku's anecdotes can be read as an intersection of "reason and faith," which can also be found in the Reformation and the Enlightenment. What he left behind in Yakushima is not only logging technology and industry. It was the prototype of Japanese modernity, the coexistence of reason and faith. The wisdom of seeking a balance between the fear of nature and domination of nature was passed on to the later philosophy of environmental protection. The reason why the Yakusugi forests are still full of mystery is not because we have killed the gods, but because the gods and reason are still talking to each other.
神殺しの森―屋久島・如竹の時代（17世紀）
神殺しの森―屋久島・如竹の時代（17世紀）
十七世紀の屋久島は、薩摩藩の直轄支配のもとに置かれ、資源と労働の体系的な管理が始まった時代だった。戦国の終焉とともに城普請や社寺の造営が相次ぎ、堅牢な材を求める需要が高まる。中でも屋久杉は、その耐久性と美しさから貴重な建材とされた。だが、島の人々にとって屋久杉は単なる資源ではなく、山の神が宿る神木であった。伐ることは穢れとされ、信仰と生活を支える禁忌であった。
その禁忌を破り、屋久杉伐採の口火を切ったと伝えられるのが、安房出身の儒学者・泊如竹である。如竹は島津藩に仕え、理をもって信仰を説き伏せた人物として記憶されている。伝承によれば、彼は山中に十七日こもり、斧を大杉に立てかけたという。一晩経っても木が倒れなければ、神は伐ることを許している。倒れたなら、それは神の怒りだ。この"実験"の結果、木は倒れなかった。こうして島民は伐採を受け入れ、屋久島の近代が始まったとされる。
この逸話の核心は、単なる迷信の否定ではない。信仰を破壊することなく、理によって整序し直す、いわば「儀礼化された合理化」であった。如竹は神を否定せず、神意を"現象"として翻訳したのである。その翻訳は、共同体の合意を導く知恵でもあった。山を支配の対象とする藩の経済論理と、山を畏敬する民俗的世界観。その両者の衝突を、如竹は儒学という媒介で橋渡しした。ここに、宗教と合理のせめぎ合いが劇的に展開する。
屋久杉はやがて年貢の一形態として藩の財政に組み込まれ、木材は京都や薩摩へと運び出された。だが、その繁栄の陰で、島の景観は大きく変わる。苔むした切株や倒木が今も残る森は、かつての伐採の記憶を静かに語り継いでいる。著者が「神殺し」と呼ぶのは、この時代の屋久島が信仰を代償に近代化へ踏み出したという意味である。神を殺したのではなく、神を利用して合理を導入した。その行為は、信仰と理性の協定であり、破壊と創造の分岐点でもあった。
「十七日こもる」という数字もまた象徴的である。奇数であり、半月を越える時間。人々が納得するだけの"待つ儀式"がそこにあった。風、雨、斧の重さ、木の反り。自然と人間の観察を融合させるその時間は、神意を測るための科学であり、経験の総和であった。
如竹の逸話は、宗教改革や啓蒙思想にも通じる「理と信」の交錯として読むことができる。彼の行為が屋久島に残したものは、伐採の技術や産業だけではない。合理と信仰の共存という、日本的近代の原型だった。自然への畏れと支配の均衡を求める知恵、それが後の環境保護思想へと受け継がれていく。屋久杉の森が今なお神秘を湛えているのは、神を殺したのではなく、神と理が今も語り合っているからである。
十七世紀の屋久島は、薩摩藩の直轄支配のもとに置かれ、資源と労働の体系的な管理が始まった時代だった。戦国の終焉とともに城普請や社寺の造営が相次ぎ、堅牢な材を求める需要が高まる。中でも屋久杉は、その耐久性と美しさから貴重な建材とされた。だが、島の人々にとって屋久杉は単なる資源ではなく、山の神が宿る神木であった。伐ることは穢れとされ、信仰と生活を支える禁忌であった。
その禁忌を破り、屋久杉伐採の口火を切ったと伝えられるのが、安房出身の儒学者・泊如竹である。如竹は島津藩に仕え、理をもって信仰を説き伏せた人物として記憶されている。伝承によれば、彼は山中に十七日こもり、斧を大杉に立てかけたという。一晩経っても木が倒れなければ、神は伐ることを許している。倒れたなら、それは神の怒りだ。この"実験"の結果、木は倒れなかった。こうして島民は伐採を受け入れ、屋久島の近代が始まったとされる。
この逸話の核心は、単なる迷信の否定ではない。信仰を破壊することなく、理によって整序し直す、いわば「儀礼化された合理化」であった。如竹は神を否定せず、神意を"現象"として翻訳したのである。その翻訳は、共同体の合意を導く知恵でもあった。山を支配の対象とする藩の経済論理と、山を畏敬する民俗的世界観。その両者の衝突を、如竹は儒学という媒介で橋渡しした。ここに、宗教と合理のせめぎ合いが劇的に展開する。
屋久杉はやがて年貢の一形態として藩の財政に組み込まれ、木材は京都や薩摩へと運び出された。だが、その繁栄の陰で、島の景観は大きく変わる。苔むした切株や倒木が今も残る森は、かつての伐採の記憶を静かに語り継いでいる。著者が「神殺し」と呼ぶのは、この時代の屋久島が信仰を代償に近代化へ踏み出したという意味である。神を殺したのではなく、神を利用して合理を導入した。その行為は、信仰と理性の協定であり、破壊と創造の分岐点でもあった。
「十七日こもる」という数字もまた象徴的である。奇数であり、半月を越える時間。人々が納得するだけの"待つ儀式"がそこにあった。風、雨、斧の重さ、木の反り。自然と人間の観察を融合させるその時間は、神意を測るための科学であり、経験の総和であった。
如竹の逸話は、宗教改革や啓蒙思想にも通じる「理と信」の交錯として読むことができる。彼の行為が屋久島に残したものは、伐採の技術や産業だけではない。合理と信仰の共存という、日本的近代の原型だった。自然への畏れと支配の均衡を求める知恵、それが後の環境保護思想へと受け継がれていく。屋久杉の森が今なお神秘を湛えているのは、神を殺したのではなく、神と理が今も語り合っているからである。
In the Tracks of Shizjun - Wakako Sakai and the Dawn of Youth Cinema (1960-1970s)
In the Tracks of Shizjun - Wakako Sakai and the Dawn of Youth Cinema (1960-1970s)
Wakako Sakai (born in 1949) is an actress of the purist type who symbolized the Japanese film industry during the period of rapid economic growth. In "Meguriai" (1968), she played a factory worker and portrayed a life-size woman torn between love and labor against the backdrop of the realities of an increasingly urbanized and industrialized society. This film symbolized a turning point from the conventional image of a "domestic woman" to that of a "woman who stands for society.
She also broadened her range with mature performances as a pure but strong-minded woman in such films as the "Wakadaisho" series and "Brilliant Family" (1974). While her contemporary Sayuri Yoshinaga embodied an idealized image of purity, and Chieko Matsubara the paleness of youth, Sakai was a "quiet innovator" with a realistic, understated strength. At a time when society was rapidly becoming both affluent and confused, Sakai's figure became a symbol for Japanese youths who were looking at themselves.
Her gentle gaze and appearance are still impressive today as a symbol of hope for the future beyond the confusion of the postwar era.
Wakako Sakai (born in 1949) is an actress of the purist type who symbolized the Japanese film industry during the period of rapid economic growth. In "Meguriai" (1968), she played a factory worker and portrayed a life-size woman torn between love and labor against the backdrop of the realities of an increasingly urbanized and industrialized society. This film symbolized a turning point from the conventional image of a "domestic woman" to that of a "woman who stands for society.
She also broadened her range with mature performances as a pure but strong-minded woman in such films as the "Wakadaisho" series and "Brilliant Family" (1974). While her contemporary Sayuri Yoshinaga embodied an idealized image of purity, and Chieko Matsubara the paleness of youth, Sakai was a "quiet innovator" with a realistic, understated strength. At a time when society was rapidly becoming both affluent and confused, Sakai's figure became a symbol for Japanese youths who were looking at themselves.
Her gentle gaze and appearance are still impressive today as a symbol of hope for the future beyond the confusion of the postwar era.
静純の軌跡 - 酒井和歌子と青春映画の黎明（一九六〇-一九七〇年代）
静純の軌跡 - 酒井和歌子と青春映画の黎明（一九六〇-一九七〇年代）
酒井和歌子（1949年生まれ）は、高度経済成長期の日本映画界を象徴する清純派女優である。1964年に東宝でデビューし、若者文化が台頭する中、"純粋さと自立"という新しい女性像を体現した。『めぐりあい』（1968）では工場で働く女性を演じ、都市化と工業化が進む社会の現実を背景に、恋愛と労働のはざまで揺れる等身大の女性像を描いた。従来の"家庭の女性"像から、"社会に立つ女性"像への転換点を象徴する作品である。
また、『若大将シリーズ』や『華麗なる一族』（1974）などでは、清純ながら芯の強い女性を演じ、成熟した演技で幅を広げた。同世代の吉永小百合が理想化された清純像、松原智恵子が青春の淡さを体現したのに対し、酒井は現実的で控えめな強さを備えた"静かな革新者"であった。社会が急速に豊かさと迷いを抱えた時代、彼女の姿は、自己を見つめる日本の若者たちの象徴となった。
その穏やかな眼差しと佇まいは、戦後の混乱を越え、未来を信じる希望の象徴として今なお印象深い。
酒井和歌子（1949年生まれ）は、高度経済成長期の日本映画界を象徴する清純派女優である。1964年に東宝でデビューし、若者文化が台頭する中、"純粋さと自立"という新しい女性像を体現した。『めぐりあい』（1968）では工場で働く女性を演じ、都市化と工業化が進む社会の現実を背景に、恋愛と労働のはざまで揺れる等身大の女性像を描いた。従来の"家庭の女性"像から、"社会に立つ女性"像への転換点を象徴する作品である。
また、『若大将シリーズ』や『華麗なる一族』（1974）などでは、清純ながら芯の強い女性を演じ、成熟した演技で幅を広げた。同世代の吉永小百合が理想化された清純像、松原智恵子が青春の淡さを体現したのに対し、酒井は現実的で控えめな強さを備えた"静かな革新者"であった。社会が急速に豊かさと迷いを抱えた時代、彼女の姿は、自己を見つめる日本の若者たちの象徴となった。
その穏やかな眼差しと佇まいは、戦後の混乱を越え、未来を信じる希望の象徴として今なお印象深い。
Kadokuri no Uta to Kame Onna Odori no Laughter - Folk Scenery of Yakushima Island and the Showa Period (1950s)
Kadokuri no Uta to Kame Onna Odori no Laughter - Folk Scenery of Yakushima Island and the Showa Period (1950s)
Yakushima in the 1950s, before the wave of development in the island, was a time when old beliefs and community customs were still alive in daily life. The "gate rounding" depicted in the author's memory was a custom that symbolized the rhythm of life in such a folk society. On the evening of the seventh day of the New Year, after finishing dinner, children would gather in their neighborhoods and walk from house to house, singing festive songs as they went. They would sing "Yao-no-ta-osu," the customary "Kadomatsu," or "The pine tree at Kido has flourished this year," and raise their voices in front of the gates of each house. The song was not just a New Year's greeting, but also a small prayer of thanks for the nature and labor of the land.
When the children finished singing, they would receive rice cakes and congratulatory gifts, and finally gather at an absent house to eat and share zenzai (sweetened red bean soup). The laughter that night had a warmth that confirmed the solidarity of the community. The author says that he made the mistake of falling into a pot of manure at one of the houses while making the rounds of the gate. The episode was later recounted as a memory that resonates with the "Turtle Woman Dance," a representative folk art of Yakushima. In the Kameonna Odori dance, a play on words is developed by combining the words "turtle" (kame) and "jar" (kame), and the game between a man and a woman is performed humorously. The comical plot, in which a man visits the turtle woman through the back door and falls into a jar, reminds us of our own past mistakes, and seems to lay the memory of community on top of the laughter.
Underlying this custom is the character of a "rite of passage" in which children participate in social rituals as members of the community for the first time. Going from house to house in the village to recite a prayer of thanksgiving at the time of rebirth, the New Year, was an act of praying for the cycle of life and a bountiful rice harvest. The "igusu" (Japanese bush warbler) and "flying fish" in the song are symbols of the bounty of spring and the sea, and are good omen motifs that herald a bountiful harvest. Since the rice harvest was low on Yakushima Island and sweet potatoes were the staple food, the words "a thousand stones, two thousand stones" in the festive poem expresses the longing for a bountiful rice harvest. The children's voices were depicting in the night sky an ideal farming year that could not be realized in reality.
After World War II, Yakushima Island was rapidly modernized through timber harvesting and power development, but in this folk landscape from the early Showa period to the 1960s, there are signs of a time when nature and humans were still breathing together. The songs of the gate rounders echoed a sense of communal connection and respect for nature, instead of economic affluence. The laughter of the Turtle Woman Dance was also an island wisdom that laughed off poverty and hardship, a "communal humor" that brought people together through shared shame.
These two events were not mere games or entertainments, but devices that loosely reconnected the boundaries between man and nature, man and woman, and children and adults. The power of laughter in the folklore of Yakushima is the very wisdom of living with nature. The cheerful melody of the Kameonna Odori dance and the voices of the children who make the rounds of the gate still echo faintly in the night winds of the island.
Yakushima in the 1950s, before the wave of development in the island, was a time when old beliefs and community customs were still alive in daily life. The "gate rounding" depicted in the author's memory was a custom that symbolized the rhythm of life in such a folk society. On the evening of the seventh day of the New Year, after finishing dinner, children would gather in their neighborhoods and walk from house to house, singing festive songs as they went. They would sing "Yao-no-ta-osu," the customary "Kadomatsu," or "The pine tree at Kido has flourished this year," and raise their voices in front of the gates of each house. The song was not just a New Year's greeting, but also a small prayer of thanks for the nature and labor of the land.
When the children finished singing, they would receive rice cakes and congratulatory gifts, and finally gather at an absent house to eat and share zenzai (sweetened red bean soup). The laughter that night had a warmth that confirmed the solidarity of the community. The author says that he made the mistake of falling into a pot of manure at one of the houses while making the rounds of the gate. The episode was later recounted as a memory that resonates with the "Turtle Woman Dance," a representative folk art of Yakushima. In the Kameonna Odori dance, a play on words is developed by combining the words "turtle" (kame) and "jar" (kame), and the game between a man and a woman is performed humorously. The comical plot, in which a man visits the turtle woman through the back door and falls into a jar, reminds us of our own past mistakes, and seems to lay the memory of community on top of the laughter.
Underlying this custom is the character of a "rite of passage" in which children participate in social rituals as members of the community for the first time. Going from house to house in the village to recite a prayer of thanksgiving at the time of rebirth, the New Year, was an act of praying for the cycle of life and a bountiful rice harvest. The "igusu" (Japanese bush warbler) and "flying fish" in the song are symbols of the bounty of spring and the sea, and are good omen motifs that herald a bountiful harvest. Since the rice harvest was low on Yakushima Island and sweet potatoes were the staple food, the words "a thousand stones, two thousand stones" in the festive poem expresses the longing for a bountiful rice harvest. The children's voices were depicting in the night sky an ideal farming year that could not be realized in reality.
After World War II, Yakushima Island was rapidly modernized through timber harvesting and power development, but in this folk landscape from the early Showa period to the 1960s, there are signs of a time when nature and humans were still breathing together. The songs of the gate rounders echoed a sense of communal connection and respect for nature, instead of economic affluence. The laughter of the Turtle Woman Dance was also an island wisdom that laughed off poverty and hardship, a "communal humor" that brought people together through shared shame.
These two events were not mere games or entertainments, but devices that loosely reconnected the boundaries between man and nature, man and woman, and children and adults. The power of laughter in the folklore of Yakushima is the very wisdom of living with nature. The cheerful melody of the Kameonna Odori dance and the voices of the children who make the rounds of the gate still echo faintly in the night winds of the island.
門回りの唄と亀女踊りの笑い―屋久島・昭和の民俗風景（1950年代）
門回りの唄と亀女踊りの笑い―屋久島・昭和の民俗風景（1950年代）
昭和三十年代の屋久島は、まだ開発の波が本格化する以前で、古い信仰と共同体のしきたりが日常の中に息づいていた時代である。著者の記憶に描かれる「門回り」は、そうした民俗社会の生活リズムを象徴する風習だった。正月七日の夜、子どもたちは夕食を済ませると、地区ごとに集まって各家を巡り、祝い歌を歌いながら歩く。「いおうてもおす、恒例の門松、今年は木戸の松が栄えた」と唱えながら、家々の門前で声を張り上げる。その歌は単なる年始の挨拶ではなく、土地の自然と労働への感謝を込めた小さな祝詞でもあった。
子どもたちは歌い終えると餅や祝儀をもらい、最後に留守の家に集まってぜんざいを食べ、分け合う。その夜の笑い声には、地域の連帯を確かめるような温もりがあった。作者はそんな門回りの最中、ある家の肥壺に落ちるという失敗をしたという。そのエピソードは後年、屋久島の代表的な民俗芸能「亀女踊り」と響き合う記憶として語られる。亀女踊りでは、亀（カメ）と甕（カメ）とを掛け合わせた言葉遊びが展開され、男女の駆け引きをユーモラスに演じる。裏口から亀女を訪ねた男が甕に落ちる、という滑稽な筋書きは、かつての自らの失敗を思い出させ、笑いの中に共同体の記憶を重ねるようでもある。
この風習の根底には、子どもが地域の一員として社会的儀礼に初めて参加する「通過儀礼」の性格がある。正月という再生の時期に、村の家々を巡り、祝詞を唱えることは、生命の循環と稲作の豊穣を祈る行為だった。歌に登場する「うぐいす」や「飛魚」は春と海の恵みの象徴であり、豊作の前兆を告げる吉兆のモチーフである。屋久島では米の収穫量が少なく、主食はサツマイモであったため、祝歌に詠まれる「千石、二千石」という言葉には、豊かな稲穂への憧れが込められていた。現実には叶わぬ理想の農年を、子どもたちの声が夜空に描き出していたのだ。
戦後の屋久島は、木材伐採や電源開発を通じて急速に近代化が進むが、この昭和初期から三十年代にかけての民俗的風景には、まだ自然と人間が共に呼吸していた時代の気配がある。門回りの唄は、経済的豊かさを知らぬ代わりに、共同体のつながりと自然への敬意を響かせた。亀女踊りの笑いもまた、貧しさや苦労を笑い飛ばす島の知恵であり、恥を共有することで人の心を結びつける「共同のユーモア」だった。
この二つの行事は、ただの遊びや芸能ではなく、人間と自然、男と女、子どもと大人という境界をゆるやかに結び直す装置であった。屋久島の民俗に流れる笑いの力は、自然とともに生きる知恵そのものである。亀女踊りの陽気な節回しと、門回りの子どもたちの声は、今も島の夜風の中に、かすかに響いている。
昭和三十年代の屋久島は、まだ開発の波が本格化する以前で、古い信仰と共同体のしきたりが日常の中に息づいていた時代である。著者の記憶に描かれる「門回り」は、そうした民俗社会の生活リズムを象徴する風習だった。正月七日の夜、子どもたちは夕食を済ませると、地区ごとに集まって各家を巡り、祝い歌を歌いながら歩く。「いおうてもおす、恒例の門松、今年は木戸の松が栄えた」と唱えながら、家々の門前で声を張り上げる。その歌は単なる年始の挨拶ではなく、土地の自然と労働への感謝を込めた小さな祝詞でもあった。
子どもたちは歌い終えると餅や祝儀をもらい、最後に留守の家に集まってぜんざいを食べ、分け合う。その夜の笑い声には、地域の連帯を確かめるような温もりがあった。作者はそんな門回りの最中、ある家の肥壺に落ちるという失敗をしたという。そのエピソードは後年、屋久島の代表的な民俗芸能「亀女踊り」と響き合う記憶として語られる。亀女踊りでは、亀（カメ）と甕（カメ）とを掛け合わせた言葉遊びが展開され、男女の駆け引きをユーモラスに演じる。裏口から亀女を訪ねた男が甕に落ちる、という滑稽な筋書きは、かつての自らの失敗を思い出させ、笑いの中に共同体の記憶を重ねるようでもある。
この風習の根底には、子どもが地域の一員として社会的儀礼に初めて参加する「通過儀礼」の性格がある。正月という再生の時期に、村の家々を巡り、祝詞を唱えることは、生命の循環と稲作の豊穣を祈る行為だった。歌に登場する「うぐいす」や「飛魚」は春と海の恵みの象徴であり、豊作の前兆を告げる吉兆のモチーフである。屋久島では米の収穫量が少なく、主食はサツマイモであったため、祝歌に詠まれる「千石、二千石」という言葉には、豊かな稲穂への憧れが込められていた。現実には叶わぬ理想の農年を、子どもたちの声が夜空に描き出していたのだ。
戦後の屋久島は、木材伐採や電源開発を通じて急速に近代化が進むが、この昭和初期から三十年代にかけての民俗的風景には、まだ自然と人間が共に呼吸していた時代の気配がある。門回りの唄は、経済的豊かさを知らぬ代わりに、共同体のつながりと自然への敬意を響かせた。亀女踊りの笑いもまた、貧しさや苦労を笑い飛ばす島の知恵であり、恥を共有することで人の心を結びつける「共同のユーモア」だった。
この二つの行事は、ただの遊びや芸能ではなく、人間と自然、男と女、子どもと大人という境界をゆるやかに結び直す装置であった。屋久島の民俗に流れる笑いの力は、自然とともに生きる知恵そのものである。亀女踊りの陽気な節回しと、門回りの子どもたちの声は、今も島の夜風の中に、かすかに響いている。
Ties of the Underworld - The Dojinkai and the Shadow of Yukitaka Maeda (1971-2024)
Ties of the Underworld - The Dojinkai and the Shadow of Yukitaka Maeda (1971-2024)
In the early 1970s, Kyushu was riding the wave of rapid economic growth after a brief period of postwar reconstruction, but regional disparities were deepening and underworld activities were expanding around the cities, especially in the construction, port, and transportation industries. The Dōnin-kai, which was born in Kurume, Fukuoka, had a "land and labor community" aspect born from the undercurrents of such a society, and was founded in 1971 by Isoji Koga I. Entering the postwar era when gangs were closely tied to the economy, they became increasingly influential around local industry, public works, and finance.
Yukitaka Maeda is believed to be the first of the Maeda family within the Dojinkai, but the details are shrouded in mystery. His name rarely appears in public documents, which is believed to be due to his role as a mediator and money manager within the organization, and his avoidance of overt action. The Kurume-based Dojinkai, while deepening its ties with the local political and business world, expanded its power through repeated battles with outside forces such as the Yamaguchigumi and Kudo-kai. The group became a feared "Chikugo no Don" throughout Kyushu.
In the Yamamichi War of the 1980s, nine members were killed in a clash with the Yamaguchigumi. In the 2000s, the "Kyushu War" broke out between the Yamaguchigumi and the Kyushu Seidokai, which split from the Yamaguchigumi due to internal strife. The number of reported incidents during the 2006-2013 conflict period exceeded 40, attracting national attention. Concerned about the deterioration of public safety, the police established a centralized gang control headquarters in the Chikugo region, and promoted the cutting off of funding sources and the removal of offices.
After this period of bloodshed, in the late 2010s, a reconciliation was sought between the Dōin-kai and the Namikawa-kai. It was not until 2021 that the two formerly hostile groups announced their "simultaneous retirement" and the end of their feud, marking a major change in the composition of the Kyushu underworld. Behind this change was the reality that traditional territorial organizations could no longer function due to the Gang Exclusion Ordinance and the globalization of the economy.
In 2024, Kenichi Fukuda V assumed the position of chairman. He is known as a calm strategist and is building a new structure that emphasizes "fund management, real estate operation, and social cooperation" over violence. Centered in Kurume, the group can now be seen ostensibly operating as a corporate group. Meanwhile, the police are wary of the movement as "economic incubation.
The modern Dōnin-kai is transforming from violence to economy, from territory to network. The blood-soaked strife of the past and the quietly flowing underside of modern capital. Running through both poles are the bonds of "geo-kin, kin, and giri" peculiar to Kyushu society. The shadow of Yukitaka Maeda may still be supporting the "dark current" of the organization as a coordinator who lived at this turning point of the times.
References and related information
- History of Boryokudan Anti-Gang Conflicts in Kyushu, National Police Agency, Public Relations (2023 edition)
- Atsushi Mizoguchi, "Blood Feud: The Reality of Yakuza War in Kyushu" (Kodansha Bunko)
- NHK "Kyushu Underworld Today" documentary (broadcast in 2022)
- Wikipedia, "Dojinkai," "Kyushu Seidokai," "Namikawa-kai
In the early 1970s, Kyushu was riding the wave of rapid economic growth after a brief period of postwar reconstruction, but regional disparities were deepening and underworld activities were expanding around the cities, especially in the construction, port, and transportation industries. The Dōnin-kai, which was born in Kurume, Fukuoka, had a "land and labor community" aspect born from the undercurrents of such a society, and was founded in 1971 by Isoji Koga I. Entering the postwar era when gangs were closely tied to the economy, they became increasingly influential around local industry, public works, and finance.
Yukitaka Maeda is believed to be the first of the Maeda family within the Dojinkai, but the details are shrouded in mystery. His name rarely appears in public documents, which is believed to be due to his role as a mediator and money manager within the organization, and his avoidance of overt action. The Kurume-based Dojinkai, while deepening its ties with the local political and business world, expanded its power through repeated battles with outside forces such as the Yamaguchigumi and Kudo-kai. The group became a feared "Chikugo no Don" throughout Kyushu.
In the Yamamichi War of the 1980s, nine members were killed in a clash with the Yamaguchigumi. In the 2000s, the "Kyushu War" broke out between the Yamaguchigumi and the Kyushu Seidokai, which split from the Yamaguchigumi due to internal strife. The number of reported incidents during the 2006-2013 conflict period exceeded 40, attracting national attention. Concerned about the deterioration of public safety, the police established a centralized gang control headquarters in the Chikugo region, and promoted the cutting off of funding sources and the removal of offices.
After this period of bloodshed, in the late 2010s, a reconciliation was sought between the Dōin-kai and the Namikawa-kai. It was not until 2021 that the two formerly hostile groups announced their "simultaneous retirement" and the end of their feud, marking a major change in the composition of the Kyushu underworld. Behind this change was the reality that traditional territorial organizations could no longer function due to the Gang Exclusion Ordinance and the globalization of the economy.
In 2024, Kenichi Fukuda V assumed the position of chairman. He is known as a calm strategist and is building a new structure that emphasizes "fund management, real estate operation, and social cooperation" over violence. Centered in Kurume, the group can now be seen ostensibly operating as a corporate group. Meanwhile, the police are wary of the movement as "economic incubation.
The modern Dōnin-kai is transforming from violence to economy, from territory to network. The blood-soaked strife of the past and the quietly flowing underside of modern capital. Running through both poles are the bonds of "geo-kin, kin, and giri" peculiar to Kyushu society. The shadow of Yukitaka Maeda may still be supporting the "dark current" of the organization as a coordinator who lived at this turning point of the times.
References and related information
- History of Boryokudan Anti-Gang Conflicts in Kyushu, National Police Agency, Public Relations (2023 edition)
- Atsushi Mizoguchi, "Blood Feud: The Reality of Yakuza War in Kyushu" (Kodansha Bunko)
- NHK "Kyushu Underworld Today" documentary (broadcast in 2022)
- Wikipedia, "Dojinkai," "Kyushu Seidokai," "Namikawa-kai
暗流の絆 ― 道仁会と前田諭孝の影（1971-2024年）
暗流の絆 ― 道仁会と前田諭孝の影（1971-2024年）
1970年代初頭、戦後復興が一段落した九州では、高度経済成長の波に乗りながらも地域格差が深まり、都市周辺では建設・港湾・運輸業を中心に裏社会の活動が拡大していた。福岡・久留米で誕生した道仁会は、こうした社会の底流に生まれた「土地と労働の共同体」的な側面を持ち、初代古賀磯次が1971年に創設。戦後の暴力団が経済と密接に結びつく時代に入り、地場産業・公共事業・金融の周辺で影響力を強めていった。
前田諭孝は、道仁会内の前田一家初代とされるが、詳細は謎に包まれている。彼の名が公的資料にほとんど現れないのは、組織内で調停役・資金管理役に徹し、表立つ行動を避けたためとされる。久留米を拠点とする道仁会は、地元政財界との関係を深める一方、山口組・工藤会など外部勢力との抗争を繰り返しながら勢力を拡大。九州一円で「筑後のドン」と恐れられる存在となった。
1980年代に起きた山道抗争では、山口組との衝突により九名が死亡。さらに2000年代には、内部抗争から分裂した九州誠道会との「九州戦争」が勃発する。手榴弾や自動小銃が使われる異例の戦闘で、一般市民も巻き添えとなった。2006-2013年の抗争期に報道された事件は四十件を超え、全国的な注目を集めることとなる。社会の治安悪化への懸念から、警察は筑後地区に暴力団集中取締本部を設置し、資金源の遮断と事務所撤去を推進した。
こうした流血の時代を経て、2010年代後半には道仁会と浪川会の間で和解が模索される。かつて敵対関係にあった両組が「同時引退」「抗争終結」を発表したのは2021年のことであり、九州裏社会の構図に大きな変化をもたらした。背景には、暴力団排除条例や経済のグローバル化により、従来の縄張り型組織が機能しなくなった現実がある。
2024年、五代目福田憲一が会長に就任。彼は冷静な戦略家として知られ、暴力よりも「資金管理・不動産運用・社会連携」を重視する新体制を構築している。久留米を中心に、表向きは企業グループとして活動する姿も見られるようになった。一方で、警察はその動きを「経済的潜伏化」と警戒している。
現代の道仁会は、暴力から経済へ、縄張りからネットワークへと変貌を遂げつつある。血で塗られた過去の抗争と、静かに流れる現代の資本の裏側。その両極に貫かれているのは、九州社会特有の「地縁・血縁・義理」の絆である。前田諭孝の影は、こうした時代の転換点に生きた調整者として、組織の"暗流"を今なお支えているのかもしれない。
【参考文献・関連情報】
- 『暴力団抗争史 九州編』警察庁広報資料（2023年版）
- 溝口敦『血の抗争 九州ヤクザ戦争の実相』（講談社文庫）
- NHK「九州裏社会の現在」ドキュメンタリー（2022年放送）
- Wikipedia「道仁会」「九州誠道会」「浪川会」
1970年代初頭、戦後復興が一段落した九州では、高度経済成長の波に乗りながらも地域格差が深まり、都市周辺では建設・港湾・運輸業を中心に裏社会の活動が拡大していた。福岡・久留米で誕生した道仁会は、こうした社会の底流に生まれた「土地と労働の共同体」的な側面を持ち、初代古賀磯次が1971年に創設。戦後の暴力団が経済と密接に結びつく時代に入り、地場産業・公共事業・金融の周辺で影響力を強めていった。
前田諭孝は、道仁会内の前田一家初代とされるが、詳細は謎に包まれている。彼の名が公的資料にほとんど現れないのは、組織内で調停役・資金管理役に徹し、表立つ行動を避けたためとされる。久留米を拠点とする道仁会は、地元政財界との関係を深める一方、山口組・工藤会など外部勢力との抗争を繰り返しながら勢力を拡大。九州一円で「筑後のドン」と恐れられる存在となった。
1980年代に起きた山道抗争では、山口組との衝突により九名が死亡。さらに2000年代には、内部抗争から分裂した九州誠道会との「九州戦争」が勃発する。手榴弾や自動小銃が使われる異例の戦闘で、一般市民も巻き添えとなった。2006-2013年の抗争期に報道された事件は四十件を超え、全国的な注目を集めることとなる。社会の治安悪化への懸念から、警察は筑後地区に暴力団集中取締本部を設置し、資金源の遮断と事務所撤去を推進した。
こうした流血の時代を経て、2010年代後半には道仁会と浪川会の間で和解が模索される。かつて敵対関係にあった両組が「同時引退」「抗争終結」を発表したのは2021年のことであり、九州裏社会の構図に大きな変化をもたらした。背景には、暴力団排除条例や経済のグローバル化により、従来の縄張り型組織が機能しなくなった現実がある。
2024年、五代目福田憲一が会長に就任。彼は冷静な戦略家として知られ、暴力よりも「資金管理・不動産運用・社会連携」を重視する新体制を構築している。久留米を中心に、表向きは企業グループとして活動する姿も見られるようになった。一方で、警察はその動きを「経済的潜伏化」と警戒している。
現代の道仁会は、暴力から経済へ、縄張りからネットワークへと変貌を遂げつつある。血で塗られた過去の抗争と、静かに流れる現代の資本の裏側。その両極に貫かれているのは、九州社会特有の「地縁・血縁・義理」の絆である。前田諭孝の影は、こうした時代の転換点に生きた調整者として、組織の"暗流"を今なお支えているのかもしれない。
【参考文献・関連情報】
- 『暴力団抗争史 九州編』警察庁広報資料（2023年版）
- 溝口敦『血の抗争 九州ヤクザ戦争の実相』（講談社文庫）
- NHK「九州裏社会の現在」ドキュメンタリー（2022年放送）
- Wikipedia「道仁会」「九州誠道会」「浪川会」
Ties of the Dark Current - The Dōnin-kai and the Shadow of Yukitaka Maeda (1971-2024)
Ties of the Dark Current - The Dōnin-kai and the Shadow of Yukitaka Maeda (1971-2024)
The Dōnin-kai, founded in 1971 in Kurume, Fukuoka, was a gang that expanded its power in the interregnum between postwar reconstruction and rapid economic growth. Deeply involved in local labor and the construction industry, it functioned as a "land and labor community. Following Isoji Koga I, Yukitaka Maeda is said to have supported the organization as a mediator and fund manager, but his real image is shrouded in mystery; in the 1980s, nine people were killed in a mountain road war with the Yamaguchigumi, and in the 2000s, a war with the Kyushu Seidokai intensified, resulting in a horrific situation where hand grenades and automatic weapons were used. As police cut off funding sources and forced the group to withdraw from Kurume, a settlement with Namikawa-kai was sought in the 2010s, and the group declared an end to the war in 2021; in 2024, Kenichi Fukuda V took office, steering the group toward economic activities rather than violence. The Dōnin-kai has now gone underg
round as a "corporate organization" and embodies a new form of the underworld, backed by the ties of kinship and blood in Kyushu society.
The Dōnin-kai, founded in 1971 in Kurume, Fukuoka, was a gang that expanded its power in the interregnum between postwar reconstruction and rapid economic growth. Deeply involved in local labor and the construction industry, it functioned as a "land and labor community. Following Isoji Koga I, Yukitaka Maeda is said to have supported the organization as a mediator and fund manager, but his real image is shrouded in mystery; in the 1980s, nine people were killed in a mountain road war with the Yamaguchigumi, and in the 2000s, a war with the Kyushu Seidokai intensified, resulting in a horrific situation where hand grenades and automatic weapons were used. As police cut off funding sources and forced the group to withdraw from Kurume, a settlement with Namikawa-kai was sought in the 2010s, and the group declared an end to the war in 2021; in 2024, Kenichi Fukuda V took office, steering the group toward economic activities rather than violence. The Dōnin-kai has now gone underg
round as a "corporate organization" and embodies a new form of the underworld, backed by the ties of kinship and blood in Kyushu society.
暗流の絆 ― 道仁会と前田諭孝の影（1971-2024年）
暗流の絆 ― 道仁会と前田諭孝の影（1971-2024年）
1971年に福岡・久留米で誕生した道仁会は、戦後復興と高度経済成長の狭間で勢力を広げた暴力団である。地元の労働や建設業に深く関わり、「土地と労働の共同体」として機能した。初代古賀磯次に続き、前田諭孝は調停役・資金管理役として組織を支えたとされるが、その実像は謎に包まれている。1980年代には山口組との山道抗争で九名が死亡、2000年代には九州誠道会との抗争が激化し、手榴弾や自動小銃が使われる凄惨な事態となった。警察は資金源を断ち、久留米からの撤退を迫る中で、2010年代に入ると浪川会との和解が模索され、2021年に抗争終結を宣言。2024年、五代目福田憲一が就任し、暴力よりも経済活動へと舵を切る。道仁会は今や「企業的組織」として潜行し、九州社会における地縁と血縁の絆を背景に、裏社会の
新たな形を体現している。
1971年に福岡・久留米で誕生した道仁会は、戦後復興と高度経済成長の狭間で勢力を広げた暴力団である。地元の労働や建設業に深く関わり、「土地と労働の共同体」として機能した。初代古賀磯次に続き、前田諭孝は調停役・資金管理役として組織を支えたとされるが、その実像は謎に包まれている。1980年代には山口組との山道抗争で九名が死亡、2000年代には九州誠道会との抗争が激化し、手榴弾や自動小銃が使われる凄惨な事態となった。警察は資金源を断ち、久留米からの撤退を迫る中で、2010年代に入ると浪川会との和解が模索され、2021年に抗争終結を宣言。2024年、五代目福田憲一が就任し、暴力よりも経済活動へと舵を切る。道仁会は今や「企業的組織」として潜行し、九州社会における地縁と血縁の絆を背景に、裏社会の
新たな形を体現している。
A Flower Blooming Between Shadow and Honor: Jiro Yanagawa and the Kito Gumi War (Late 1950s-1969)
A Flower Blooming Between Shadow and Honor: Jiro Yanagawa and the Kito Gumi War (Late 1950s-1969)
In Osaka, which was recovering from the postwar rubble, poverty and discrimination remained, and the zainichi Korean community was seeking its own survival in the underworld. Jiro Yanagawa was a central figure in the zainichi community and led the Yanagawa-gumi, an autonomous organization to protect the zainichi community. Gun battles broke out frequently, and the city was enveloped in fear. In the 1960s, amid the trend toward economic growth and tighter security, the police tightened their control over gangs, and the Yanagawa clan finally decided to voluntarily dissolve itself in 1969. This decision marked a historical turning point in the underworld and became a symbol of order and social awareness in place of violence. The life of Jiro Yanagawa is deeply engraved in the shadowy history of postwar Japan as the trajectory of a man who, despite the social contradictions of the postwar era, never lost faith and pride.
In Osaka, which was recovering from the postwar rubble, poverty and discrimination remained, and the zainichi Korean community was seeking its own survival in the underworld. Jiro Yanagawa was a central figure in the zainichi community and led the Yanagawa-gumi, an autonomous organization to protect the zainichi community. Gun battles broke out frequently, and the city was enveloped in fear. In the 1960s, amid the trend toward economic growth and tighter security, the police tightened their control over gangs, and the Yanagawa clan finally decided to voluntarily dissolve itself in 1969. This decision marked a historical turning point in the underworld and became a symbol of order and social awareness in place of violence. The life of Jiro Yanagawa is deeply engraved in the shadowy history of postwar Japan as the trajectory of a man who, despite the social contradictions of the postwar era, never lost faith and pride.
影と仁義の狭間に咲く花―柳川次郎と鬼頭組抗争（1950年代後半-1969年）
影と仁義の狭間に咲く花―柳川次郎と鬼頭組抗争（1950年代後半-1969年）
戦後の瓦礫の中から復興を遂げつつあった大阪では、貧困と差別が残り、在日朝鮮人社会が裏社会で独自の生存を模索していた。柳川次郎はその中心的存在で、在日社会を守るための自治組織とも言える柳川組を率いた。1950年代後半、名古屋の鬼頭組が進出すると、大阪で両組の激しい抗争が勃発。銃撃戦が頻発し、街は恐怖に包まれた。柳川は冷静沈着な判断で「仁義」を重んじ、無益な流血を抑えようとした逸話も残る。1960年代に入ると、経済成長と治安強化の流れの中で、警察による暴力団取締りが強化され、柳川組はついに1969年に自主解散を決断。この決断は裏社会における歴史的転換点であり、暴力に代わる秩序と社会的自覚の象徴ともなった。柳川次郎の生涯は、戦後の社会的矛盾を背負いながらも、信義と誇りを失わ
なかった人間の軌跡であり、戦後日本の影の歴史に深く刻まれている。
戦後の瓦礫の中から復興を遂げつつあった大阪では、貧困と差別が残り、在日朝鮮人社会が裏社会で独自の生存を模索していた。柳川次郎はその中心的存在で、在日社会を守るための自治組織とも言える柳川組を率いた。1950年代後半、名古屋の鬼頭組が進出すると、大阪で両組の激しい抗争が勃発。銃撃戦が頻発し、街は恐怖に包まれた。柳川は冷静沈着な判断で「仁義」を重んじ、無益な流血を抑えようとした逸話も残る。1960年代に入ると、経済成長と治安強化の流れの中で、警察による暴力団取締りが強化され、柳川組はついに1969年に自主解散を決断。この決断は裏社会における歴史的転換点であり、暴力に代わる秩序と社会的自覚の象徴ともなった。柳川次郎の生涯は、戦後の社会的矛盾を背負いながらも、信義と誇りを失わ
なかった人間の軌跡であり、戦後日本の影の歴史に深く刻まれている。
Geothermal Energy Technology Advances (Kusatsu Town, Gunma; Olkaria, Kenya; Landau, Germany; Iceland) - 2020s
Geothermal Energy Technology Advances (Kusatsu Town, Gunma; Olkaria, Kenya; Landau, Germany; Iceland) - 2020s
In the 2020s, the use of geothermal energy has expanded in various countries, with technology adapted to regional characteristics being introduced. Initiatives to achieve sustainable energy supply while coexisting with tourism are progressing, and models from regions like Kusatsu Town are attracting attention.
### Kusatsu Town, Gunma (Japan)
Kusatsu Town, a leading hot spring tourist destination in Japan, places high importance on preserving hot spring resources and maintaining tourism. In Kusatsu, only small-scale geothermal power generation with minimal impact on hot springs is encouraged under local ordinances, and large-scale development is avoided. As of 2020, the total output of geothermal power plants in Japan reached 555 MWe, generating 2409 GWh annually. Kusatsu's approach is evaluated as a model case for geothermal utilization that coexists with regional tourism.
### Olkaria (Kenya)
The Olkaria geothermal power plant, operated by Kenya Electricity Generating Company (KenGen), integrates geothermal energy use with local tourism. In addition to generating 400 MWe, Olkaria supplies steam to Oserian Development Company, enabling an additional 4 MWe. Olkaria plays a crucial role in Kenya's electricity supply, benefiting the regional economy. KenGen is also expanding with new geothermal wells, ensuring sustainable energy supply closely connected to the community.
### Landau (Germany)
Germany's Landau geothermal project, initiated in 2007, has evolved in the 2020s. It utilizes a low-temperature source of 160°C from a depth of 3300 m, generating a stable 3 MWe. This project is recognized as a model case of sustainable low-temperature geothermal energy. Germany encourages the use of low-temperature geothermal in regions where energy self-sufficiency is challenging, with Landau advancing efficiency through binary cycle power generation technology.
### Iceland
In Iceland, geothermal energy accounts for nearly 90% of electricity supply, with supercritical geothermal technology trialed in the Hverahlíð area. This technology enables efficient extraction of substantial energy under high-temperature and high-pressure conditions, serving as a model for other countries. The Icelandic government continues to invest in technology development and infrastructure to further promote geothermal energy.
### Summary
Since the 2020s, sustainable geothermal energy utilization, adapted to regional characteristics like that in Kusatsu Town, has been expanding globally. The efforts in Kusatsu to coexist with tourism share common challenges with areas such as Olkaria in Kenya, Landau in Germany, and Hverahlíð in Iceland. These geothermal energy models contribute to both energy self-sufficiency and environmental conservation, offering successful examples of sustainable energy supply that benefit local economies.
In the 2020s, the use of geothermal energy has expanded in various countries, with technology adapted to regional characteristics being introduced. Initiatives to achieve sustainable energy supply while coexisting with tourism are progressing, and models from regions like Kusatsu Town are attracting attention.
### Kusatsu Town, Gunma (Japan)
Kusatsu Town, a leading hot spring tourist destination in Japan, places high importance on preserving hot spring resources and maintaining tourism. In Kusatsu, only small-scale geothermal power generation with minimal impact on hot springs is encouraged under local ordinances, and large-scale development is avoided. As of 2020, the total output of geothermal power plants in Japan reached 555 MWe, generating 2409 GWh annually. Kusatsu's approach is evaluated as a model case for geothermal utilization that coexists with regional tourism.
### Olkaria (Kenya)
The Olkaria geothermal power plant, operated by Kenya Electricity Generating Company (KenGen), integrates geothermal energy use with local tourism. In addition to generating 400 MWe, Olkaria supplies steam to Oserian Development Company, enabling an additional 4 MWe. Olkaria plays a crucial role in Kenya's electricity supply, benefiting the regional economy. KenGen is also expanding with new geothermal wells, ensuring sustainable energy supply closely connected to the community.
### Landau (Germany)
Germany's Landau geothermal project, initiated in 2007, has evolved in the 2020s. It utilizes a low-temperature source of 160°C from a depth of 3300 m, generating a stable 3 MWe. This project is recognized as a model case of sustainable low-temperature geothermal energy. Germany encourages the use of low-temperature geothermal in regions where energy self-sufficiency is challenging, with Landau advancing efficiency through binary cycle power generation technology.
### Iceland
In Iceland, geothermal energy accounts for nearly 90% of electricity supply, with supercritical geothermal technology trialed in the Hverahlíð area. This technology enables efficient extraction of substantial energy under high-temperature and high-pressure conditions, serving as a model for other countries. The Icelandic government continues to invest in technology development and infrastructure to further promote geothermal energy.
### Summary
Since the 2020s, sustainable geothermal energy utilization, adapted to regional characteristics like that in Kusatsu Town, has been expanding globally. The efforts in Kusatsu to coexist with tourism share common challenges with areas such as Olkaria in Kenya, Landau in Germany, and Hverahlíð in Iceland. These geothermal energy models contribute to both energy self-sufficiency and environmental conservation, offering successful examples of sustainable energy supply that benefit local economies.
Geothermal Energy Technology Advances (Kusatsu Town, Gunma; Olkaria, Kenya; Landau, Germany; Iceland) - 2020s
Geothermal Energy Technology Advances (Kusatsu Town, Gunma; Olkaria, Kenya; Landau, Germany; Iceland) - 2020s
In the 2020s, the use of geothermal energy has expanded in various countries, with technology adapted to regional characteristics being introduced. Initiatives to achieve sustainable energy supply while coexisting with tourism are progressing, and models from regions like Kusatsu Town are attracting attention.
### Kusatsu Town, Gunma (Japan)
Kusatsu Town, a leading hot spring tourist destination in Japan, places high importance on preserving hot spring resources and maintaining tourism. In Kusatsu, only small-scale geothermal power generation with minimal impact on hot springs is encouraged under local ordinances, and large-scale development is avoided. As of 2020, the total output of geothermal power plants in Japan reached 555 MWe, generating 2409 GWh annually. Kusatsu's approach is evaluated as a model case for geothermal utilization that coexists with regional tourism.
### Olkaria (Kenya)
The Olkaria geothermal power plant, operated by Kenya Electricity Generating Company (KenGen), integrates geothermal energy use with local tourism. In addition to generating 400 MWe, Olkaria supplies steam to Oserian Development Company, enabling an additional 4 MWe. Olkaria plays a crucial role in Kenya's electricity supply, benefiting the regional economy. KenGen is also expanding with new geothermal wells, ensuring sustainable energy supply closely connected to the community.
### Landau (Germany)
Germany's Landau geothermal project, initiated in 2007, has evolved in the 2020s. It utilizes a low-temperature source of 160°C from a depth of 3300 m, generating a stable 3 MWe. This project is recognized as a model case of sustainable low-temperature geothermal energy. Germany encourages the use of low-temperature geothermal in regions where energy self-sufficiency is challenging, with Landau advancing efficiency through binary cycle power generation technology.
### Iceland
In Iceland, geothermal energy accounts for nearly 90% of electricity supply, with supercritical geothermal technology trialed in the Hverahlíð area. This technology enables efficient extraction of substantial energy under high-temperature and high-pressure conditions, serving as a model for other countries. The Icelandic government continues to invest in technology development and infrastructure to further promote geothermal energy.
### Summary
Since the 2020s, sustainable geothermal energy utilization, adapted to regional characteristics like that in Kusatsu Town, has been expanding globally. The efforts in Kusatsu to coexist with tourism share common challenges with areas such as Olkaria in Kenya, Landau in Germany, and Hverahlíð in Iceland. These geothermal energy models contribute to both energy self-sufficiency and environmental conservation, offering successful examples of sustainable energy supply that benefit local economies.
In the 2020s, the use of geothermal energy has expanded in various countries, with technology adapted to regional characteristics being introduced. Initiatives to achieve sustainable energy supply while coexisting with tourism are progressing, and models from regions like Kusatsu Town are attracting attention.
### Kusatsu Town, Gunma (Japan)
Kusatsu Town, a leading hot spring tourist destination in Japan, places high importance on preserving hot spring resources and maintaining tourism. In Kusatsu, only small-scale geothermal power generation with minimal impact on hot springs is encouraged under local ordinances, and large-scale development is avoided. As of 2020, the total output of geothermal power plants in Japan reached 555 MWe, generating 2409 GWh annually. Kusatsu's approach is evaluated as a model case for geothermal utilization that coexists with regional tourism.
### Olkaria (Kenya)
The Olkaria geothermal power plant, operated by Kenya Electricity Generating Company (KenGen), integrates geothermal energy use with local tourism. In addition to generating 400 MWe, Olkaria supplies steam to Oserian Development Company, enabling an additional 4 MWe. Olkaria plays a crucial role in Kenya's electricity supply, benefiting the regional economy. KenGen is also expanding with new geothermal wells, ensuring sustainable energy supply closely connected to the community.
### Landau (Germany)
Germany's Landau geothermal project, initiated in 2007, has evolved in the 2020s. It utilizes a low-temperature source of 160°C from a depth of 3300 m, generating a stable 3 MWe. This project is recognized as a model case of sustainable low-temperature geothermal energy. Germany encourages the use of low-temperature geothermal in regions where energy self-sufficiency is challenging, with Landau advancing efficiency through binary cycle power generation technology.
### Iceland
In Iceland, geothermal energy accounts for nearly 90% of electricity supply, with supercritical geothermal technology trialed in the Hverahlíð area. This technology enables efficient extraction of substantial energy under high-temperature and high-pressure conditions, serving as a model for other countries. The Icelandic government continues to invest in technology development and infrastructure to further promote geothermal energy.
### Summary
Since the 2020s, sustainable geothermal energy utilization, adapted to regional characteristics like that in Kusatsu Town, has been expanding globally. The efforts in Kusatsu to coexist with tourism share common challenges with areas such as Olkaria in Kenya, Landau in Germany, and Hverahlíð in Iceland. These geothermal energy models contribute to both energy self-sufficiency and environmental conservation, offering successful examples of sustainable energy supply that benefit local economies.
The Stage Reflected in Silence - Asami Kuji and the Turning Point of Postwar Japanese Cinema (1945-1960s)
The Stage Reflected in Silence - Asami Kuji and the Turning Point of Postwar Japanese Cinema (1945-1960s)
Asami Kuji (1922-1996) was an actress who embodied a new image of women in postwar Japanese cinema after her spectacular stage career as the former top male star of the Tsukihime troupe of the Takarazuka Revue Company. Born in the Taisho era (1912-1926), she began her career in the chaotic period immediately following the defeat in World War II, and gained recognition in the "President Series" of films.
Postwar Japan was recovering from the devastation of the war, and the film industry was undergoing major changes along with the budding urbanization and consumer society. In the 1950s, the direction of the film industry shifted from realism, which depicted poverty and turmoil, to entertainment films that portrayed hope and cheerfulness, and Asami Kuji appeared on the screen as a "ray of hope. She combined the flamboyant poise she had developed during her Takarazuka years with a new postwar female attitude, and played a natural role as a woman searching for her place in a society that was different from the one she had known before the war.
One of her best-known works is "Embrace the Sun" (1960), in which she played the role of Setsuko Sanjo and softly portrayed the psychology of a woman caught between work and family, albeit in a comedic way. In the Toho President series, she played the wife of the president, secretary, and other women in professional and personal positions, shedding light on the new relationship of "work" among women in the postwar era.
Looking at actresses of the same generation, while Takamine Hideko and Hara Setsuko were actresses with "inner strength" who embodied the transition period between the prewar and postwar eras, Kuji Asami was an actress with "stage grace" and "everyday life. Asami Kuji was an actress with both "stage grace" and "everyday life. Her background as a Takarazuka actress also contributed to her characterization as a bridge between the traditional and modern images of women.
As postwar society shifted from a value system in which women should stay at home to a new value system in which women should be involved in society, Kuji Asami was exposed to the waves of change, but she built an image of a clear and independent woman. The women played by Kuji Asami are a mirror of postwar Japan's "reconstruction" and "reorganization of everyday life" and occupy an important place in the history of cinema. She is one of the actresses who transformed the Showa era from "the glitter of the stage" to "the hope of the common people.
Asami Kuji (1922-1996) was an actress who embodied a new image of women in postwar Japanese cinema after her spectacular stage career as the former top male star of the Tsukihime troupe of the Takarazuka Revue Company. Born in the Taisho era (1912-1926), she began her career in the chaotic period immediately following the defeat in World War II, and gained recognition in the "President Series" of films.
Postwar Japan was recovering from the devastation of the war, and the film industry was undergoing major changes along with the budding urbanization and consumer society. In the 1950s, the direction of the film industry shifted from realism, which depicted poverty and turmoil, to entertainment films that portrayed hope and cheerfulness, and Asami Kuji appeared on the screen as a "ray of hope. She combined the flamboyant poise she had developed during her Takarazuka years with a new postwar female attitude, and played a natural role as a woman searching for her place in a society that was different from the one she had known before the war.
One of her best-known works is "Embrace the Sun" (1960), in which she played the role of Setsuko Sanjo and softly portrayed the psychology of a woman caught between work and family, albeit in a comedic way. In the Toho President series, she played the wife of the president, secretary, and other women in professional and personal positions, shedding light on the new relationship of "work" among women in the postwar era.
Looking at actresses of the same generation, while Takamine Hideko and Hara Setsuko were actresses with "inner strength" who embodied the transition period between the prewar and postwar eras, Kuji Asami was an actress with "stage grace" and "everyday life. Asami Kuji was an actress with both "stage grace" and "everyday life. Her background as a Takarazuka actress also contributed to her characterization as a bridge between the traditional and modern images of women.
As postwar society shifted from a value system in which women should stay at home to a new value system in which women should be involved in society, Kuji Asami was exposed to the waves of change, but she built an image of a clear and independent woman. The women played by Kuji Asami are a mirror of postwar Japan's "reconstruction" and "reorganization of everyday life" and occupy an important place in the history of cinema. She is one of the actresses who transformed the Showa era from "the glitter of the stage" to "the hope of the common people.
静寂に映る舞台 - 久慈あさみと戦後日本映画の転換点（一九四五-一九六〇年代）
静寂に映る舞台 - 久慈あさみと戦後日本映画の転換点（一九四五-一九六〇年代）
久慈あさみ（1922-1996）は、元宝塚歌劇団月組男役トップスターとしての華やかな舞台出身を経て、戦後日本映画の新たな女性像を体現した女優である。大正期生まれ、敗戦直後の混乱期に活動を開始し、映画「社長シリーズ」で知名度を得た。
戦後の日本は、焼け跡からの復興を経て、都市化・消費社会の芽生えとともに映画産業も大きな変化を迎えていた。貧困や混乱を描くリアリズムから、明るく希望を描く娯楽映画へと舵を切った一九五〇年代、久慈あさみはその"希望の光"としてスクリーンに登場した。宝塚時代に培われた華やかな身のこなしと、戦後女性としての新たな振る舞いを併せ持ち、女性が戦前とは異なる社会の中で自らの場所を探る姿を自然に演じていた。
代表作として、「太陽を抱け」（1960年）では三条節子役を務め、コメディ仕立てながらも女性の仕事と家庭の狭間に立つ心理を柔らかく描いた。また、東宝の社長シリーズにおいては、社長夫人や秘書など女性の職業的・私生活的ポジションを演じ、戦後女性の"働く"という新しい関係性に光を当てた。
同世代の女優をみると、高峰秀子や原節子が戦前から戦後にかけての移行期を体現した"内面の強さ"の女優であったのに対し、久慈あさみは"舞台的気品"と"日常性"を兼ね備えた存在だった。宝塚出身という背景も、伝統的女性像と近代女性像の架け橋として彼女を特徴づけていた。
戦後社会が「女性は家にあるべき」という価値観から、「女性も社会と関わるべき」という新たな価値観へと変わる中、彼女はその変化の波しぶきにさらされながらも、明朗で自立的な女性像を築いた。久慈あさみの演じた女性たちは、戦後日本の「復興」と「日常の再編」を映す鏡であり、映画史においても重要な位置を占める。彼女の存在は、昭和という時代を"舞台の煌めき"から"庶民の希望"へと転じさせた女優のひとりである。
久慈あさみ（1922-1996）は、元宝塚歌劇団月組男役トップスターとしての華やかな舞台出身を経て、戦後日本映画の新たな女性像を体現した女優である。大正期生まれ、敗戦直後の混乱期に活動を開始し、映画「社長シリーズ」で知名度を得た。
戦後の日本は、焼け跡からの復興を経て、都市化・消費社会の芽生えとともに映画産業も大きな変化を迎えていた。貧困や混乱を描くリアリズムから、明るく希望を描く娯楽映画へと舵を切った一九五〇年代、久慈あさみはその"希望の光"としてスクリーンに登場した。宝塚時代に培われた華やかな身のこなしと、戦後女性としての新たな振る舞いを併せ持ち、女性が戦前とは異なる社会の中で自らの場所を探る姿を自然に演じていた。
代表作として、「太陽を抱け」（1960年）では三条節子役を務め、コメディ仕立てながらも女性の仕事と家庭の狭間に立つ心理を柔らかく描いた。また、東宝の社長シリーズにおいては、社長夫人や秘書など女性の職業的・私生活的ポジションを演じ、戦後女性の"働く"という新しい関係性に光を当てた。
同世代の女優をみると、高峰秀子や原節子が戦前から戦後にかけての移行期を体現した"内面の強さ"の女優であったのに対し、久慈あさみは"舞台的気品"と"日常性"を兼ね備えた存在だった。宝塚出身という背景も、伝統的女性像と近代女性像の架け橋として彼女を特徴づけていた。
戦後社会が「女性は家にあるべき」という価値観から、「女性も社会と関わるべき」という新たな価値観へと変わる中、彼女はその変化の波しぶきにさらされながらも、明朗で自立的な女性像を築いた。久慈あさみの演じた女性たちは、戦後日本の「復興」と「日常の再編」を映す鏡であり、映画史においても重要な位置を占める。彼女の存在は、昭和という時代を"舞台の煌めき"から"庶民の希望"へと転じさせた女優のひとりである。
A Flower Blooming Between Shadow and Honor: Jiro Yanagawa and the Kito Gumi War (Late 1950s-1969)
A Flower Blooming Between Shadow and Honor: Jiro Yanagawa and the Kito Gumi War (Late 1950s-1969)
Postwar Osaka was a city of rubble and a budding black market, a place where the sunlight of economic growth intersected with the shadows of poverty and discrimination. With the scars of defeat still fresh in the minds of the zainichi Korean community, those who were not protected by the state sought out the underworld to find work and housing. Jiro Yanagawa was one of those who rose to prominence amidst the chaos. The Yanagawa clan led by Jiro Yanagawa was not only a violent organization, but also an autonomous community that protected the zainichi community.
In the late 1950s, the Kito clan from Nagoya advanced into Osaka, and a fierce turf war erupted between them and the Yanagawa clan. Gun battles were repeated in the city center, and the war became a horrific conflict involving even the citizens of the city. The Osaka Prefectural Police deploy a large-scale crackdown, but the gang war is not easily contained. Yanagawa was a man of calm and collected judgment, who valued the spirit of "humanity and justice," and would not cross the line in the midst of conflict. The anecdote that he personally appeared at the scene of a certain gang war and stopped the shooting by blackmailing the members of both sides is still passed down as a legend in the underworld.
Eventually, in the 1960s, with the rapid economic growth of Japan, the Japanese government strengthened its security measures, and legislation to control gangs was established. The Yanagawa clan decided to voluntarily dissolve itself in 1969 in response to police pressure and growing public opinion. This was a landmark event in the history of gangs and a turning point in an era in which yakuza also questioned their raison d'etre as "part of society. Yanagawa's choice, along with the end of violence, symbolically brought the curtain down on the next phase of zainichi society.
The life of Jiro Yanagawa reflects the pride and pain of those who lived at the bottom of postwar Japan. What is the "humanity" that those living amidst discrimination and exclusion found between violence and order? This question goes beyond a mere tale of the underworld, and goes to the heart of the ethics of postwar Japan. The story of the Yanagawa clan, which he built, continues to be told today as an essential chapter in the social and urban history of zainichi.
Even today, there are many studies on the Yanagawa Gumi in the fields of sociology and history. In particular, sociologist Kenji Ino's book "Yakuza and Japan" and nonfiction writer Atsushi Mizoguchi's "Document Yanagawa-gumi" clearly show the relationship between gangs and zainichi society in postwar Osaka. In recent years, much material on Jiro Yanagawa has also been published online, and his influence has been reevaluated in articles such as Wikipedia's "Yanagawa Gumi" and "Zainichi Koreans and the Postwar Underworld.
Postwar Osaka was a city of rubble and a budding black market, a place where the sunlight of economic growth intersected with the shadows of poverty and discrimination. With the scars of defeat still fresh in the minds of the zainichi Korean community, those who were not protected by the state sought out the underworld to find work and housing. Jiro Yanagawa was one of those who rose to prominence amidst the chaos. The Yanagawa clan led by Jiro Yanagawa was not only a violent organization, but also an autonomous community that protected the zainichi community.
In the late 1950s, the Kito clan from Nagoya advanced into Osaka, and a fierce turf war erupted between them and the Yanagawa clan. Gun battles were repeated in the city center, and the war became a horrific conflict involving even the citizens of the city. The Osaka Prefectural Police deploy a large-scale crackdown, but the gang war is not easily contained. Yanagawa was a man of calm and collected judgment, who valued the spirit of "humanity and justice," and would not cross the line in the midst of conflict. The anecdote that he personally appeared at the scene of a certain gang war and stopped the shooting by blackmailing the members of both sides is still passed down as a legend in the underworld.
Eventually, in the 1960s, with the rapid economic growth of Japan, the Japanese government strengthened its security measures, and legislation to control gangs was established. The Yanagawa clan decided to voluntarily dissolve itself in 1969 in response to police pressure and growing public opinion. This was a landmark event in the history of gangs and a turning point in an era in which yakuza also questioned their raison d'etre as "part of society. Yanagawa's choice, along with the end of violence, symbolically brought the curtain down on the next phase of zainichi society.
The life of Jiro Yanagawa reflects the pride and pain of those who lived at the bottom of postwar Japan. What is the "humanity" that those living amidst discrimination and exclusion found between violence and order? This question goes beyond a mere tale of the underworld, and goes to the heart of the ethics of postwar Japan. The story of the Yanagawa clan, which he built, continues to be told today as an essential chapter in the social and urban history of zainichi.
Even today, there are many studies on the Yanagawa Gumi in the fields of sociology and history. In particular, sociologist Kenji Ino's book "Yakuza and Japan" and nonfiction writer Atsushi Mizoguchi's "Document Yanagawa-gumi" clearly show the relationship between gangs and zainichi society in postwar Osaka. In recent years, much material on Jiro Yanagawa has also been published online, and his influence has been reevaluated in articles such as Wikipedia's "Yanagawa Gumi" and "Zainichi Koreans and the Postwar Underworld.
影と仁義の狭間に咲く花―柳川次郎と鬼頭組抗争（1950年代後半-1969年）
影と仁義の狭間に咲く花―柳川次郎と鬼頭組抗争（1950年代後半-1969年）
戦後の大阪は、瓦礫の街に闇市が芽吹き、経済成長の陽の光と、貧困・差別の影が交錯する場所だった。敗戦の傷跡がまだ生々しく残るなか、在日朝鮮人社会は職にも住居にも困窮し、国家に守られぬ人々が裏社会に活路を求めた。柳川次郎は、その混沌の中で頭角を現した一人である。彼が率いた柳川組は、単なる暴力組織ではなく、在日社会を守るための自治的共同体としての性格をも帯びていた。
1950年代後半、大阪には名古屋から鬼頭組が進出し、柳川組との間で激しい縄張り争いが勃発する。銃撃戦が市街地で繰り返され、市民をも巻き込む凄惨な抗争となった。大阪府警は大規模な取締りを展開するが、暴力団同士の抗争は容易に収まらない。柳川は沈着冷静な判断力を持ち、対立の中でも一線を越えぬ「仁義」の精神を重んじたという。ある抗争の現場で、彼が自ら姿を現し、敵味方の構成員を一喝して銃撃を止めたという逸話は、今も裏社会の伝説として語り継がれている。
やがて1960年代、経済の高度成長とともに日本政府は治安維持を強化し、暴力団取締法制が整備されていった。柳川組は警察の圧力と世論の高まりを受け、1969年に自主解散を決断する。これは暴力団史における画期的な出来事であり、「ヤクザもまた社会の一部」として自己の存在意義を問う時代の転換点でもあった。柳川の選択は、暴力の終息とともに、在日社会が次の段階へ進むための象徴的な幕引きとなった。
柳川次郎の生涯は、戦後日本の底辺に生きた人々の誇りと痛みを映し出している。差別と排除の中で生きる者が、暴力と秩序の狭間で見出した「仁義」とは何か。その問いは、単なる裏社会の物語を超え、戦後日本の倫理の核心に迫るものである。彼が築いた柳川組の物語は、今もなお在日社会史、都市史の中で欠かせぬ一章として語られ続けている。
現代でも、柳川組に関する研究は社会学・歴史学の分野で多く行われている。とくに社会学者・猪野健治の著書『ヤクザと日本』、ノンフィクション作家・溝口敦の『ドキュメント柳川組』は、戦後大阪における暴力団と在日社会の関係を克明に描いている。また、近年ではネット上でも柳川次郎に関する資料が多く公開されており、Wikipedia「柳川組」や「在日韓国人と戦後裏社会」などの記事でも彼の影響力が再評価されている。
戦後の大阪は、瓦礫の街に闇市が芽吹き、経済成長の陽の光と、貧困・差別の影が交錯する場所だった。敗戦の傷跡がまだ生々しく残るなか、在日朝鮮人社会は職にも住居にも困窮し、国家に守られぬ人々が裏社会に活路を求めた。柳川次郎は、その混沌の中で頭角を現した一人である。彼が率いた柳川組は、単なる暴力組織ではなく、在日社会を守るための自治的共同体としての性格をも帯びていた。
1950年代後半、大阪には名古屋から鬼頭組が進出し、柳川組との間で激しい縄張り争いが勃発する。銃撃戦が市街地で繰り返され、市民をも巻き込む凄惨な抗争となった。大阪府警は大規模な取締りを展開するが、暴力団同士の抗争は容易に収まらない。柳川は沈着冷静な判断力を持ち、対立の中でも一線を越えぬ「仁義」の精神を重んじたという。ある抗争の現場で、彼が自ら姿を現し、敵味方の構成員を一喝して銃撃を止めたという逸話は、今も裏社会の伝説として語り継がれている。
やがて1960年代、経済の高度成長とともに日本政府は治安維持を強化し、暴力団取締法制が整備されていった。柳川組は警察の圧力と世論の高まりを受け、1969年に自主解散を決断する。これは暴力団史における画期的な出来事であり、「ヤクザもまた社会の一部」として自己の存在意義を問う時代の転換点でもあった。柳川の選択は、暴力の終息とともに、在日社会が次の段階へ進むための象徴的な幕引きとなった。
柳川次郎の生涯は、戦後日本の底辺に生きた人々の誇りと痛みを映し出している。差別と排除の中で生きる者が、暴力と秩序の狭間で見出した「仁義」とは何か。その問いは、単なる裏社会の物語を超え、戦後日本の倫理の核心に迫るものである。彼が築いた柳川組の物語は、今もなお在日社会史、都市史の中で欠かせぬ一章として語られ続けている。
現代でも、柳川組に関する研究は社会学・歴史学の分野で多く行われている。とくに社会学者・猪野健治の著書『ヤクザと日本』、ノンフィクション作家・溝口敦の『ドキュメント柳川組』は、戦後大阪における暴力団と在日社会の関係を克明に描いている。また、近年ではネット上でも柳川次郎に関する資料が多く公開されており、Wikipedia「柳川組」や「在日韓国人と戦後裏社会」などの記事でも彼の影響力が再評価されている。
A Dignified Presence and a Woman Standing on the Edge of the City - Hiroko Shino and the Image of Women in 1970s Japan (1970s-1980s)
A Dignified Presence and a Woman Standing on the Edge of the City - Hiroko Shino and the Image of Women in 1970s Japan (1970s-1980s)
Hiroko Shino (born in 1948) is an actress who, through TV dramas and films, created a new image of women as "working women" and "women who live between family and society" during the period of high economic growth after World War II and the subsequent social transformation. From the late 1960s to the 1970s, the transition from film to television was underway, and women's social advancement and values were rapidly changing. Scouted while a student at Tohoku Gakuin University, she made her debut as a singer, and later gained attention as an actress in the 1973 TV drama "It's Time".
Her representative roles include that of a landlady and the mother-in-law, daughter, and wife in family dramas, such as "To Friday's Wives III," in which she portrayed the troubles and friendships of middle-class urban women. Her appearance was both elegant and determined, and she presented an image of a woman who "has value not only at home, but also within her own society. Her life trajectory, in which she took a break from acting, married writer Shizuka Ijuin in 1992, and moved to Sendai, also bears witness to the period of continuous change in Japanese culture from the postwar era to the bubble era.
Compared to other actresses of the same generation, Mariko Kaga, for example, played a woman against a backdrop of decadence and urban spare time, while Hiroko Shino's moderate performance of "everyday life, work, and family" left hope on the screen that "even an ordinary woman can have a core. While Chieko Matsubara mainly portrayed the image of purity and youth, Shino played a mature woman in a realistic manner, and her portrayal of a middle-class family in the age of TV drew wide sympathy.
The background of the times at the time included the accelerating advance of women into society, the rising divorce rate, the shift to nuclear families, and competition for TV ratings, and the main themes of the dramas were "the shape of the family," "working women," and "wife independence. The main themes of the dramas shifted to "the shape of the family," "working women," and "independence as a wife. The women played by Hiroko Shino were unwavering in the midst of these changes and will be remembered as "dignified women.
Hiroko Shino (born in 1948) is an actress who, through TV dramas and films, created a new image of women as "working women" and "women who live between family and society" during the period of high economic growth after World War II and the subsequent social transformation. From the late 1960s to the 1970s, the transition from film to television was underway, and women's social advancement and values were rapidly changing. Scouted while a student at Tohoku Gakuin University, she made her debut as a singer, and later gained attention as an actress in the 1973 TV drama "It's Time".
Her representative roles include that of a landlady and the mother-in-law, daughter, and wife in family dramas, such as "To Friday's Wives III," in which she portrayed the troubles and friendships of middle-class urban women. Her appearance was both elegant and determined, and she presented an image of a woman who "has value not only at home, but also within her own society. Her life trajectory, in which she took a break from acting, married writer Shizuka Ijuin in 1992, and moved to Sendai, also bears witness to the period of continuous change in Japanese culture from the postwar era to the bubble era.
Compared to other actresses of the same generation, Mariko Kaga, for example, played a woman against a backdrop of decadence and urban spare time, while Hiroko Shino's moderate performance of "everyday life, work, and family" left hope on the screen that "even an ordinary woman can have a core. While Chieko Matsubara mainly portrayed the image of purity and youth, Shino played a mature woman in a realistic manner, and her portrayal of a middle-class family in the age of TV drew wide sympathy.
The background of the times at the time included the accelerating advance of women into society, the rising divorce rate, the shift to nuclear families, and competition for TV ratings, and the main themes of the dramas were "the shape of the family," "working women," and "wife independence. The main themes of the dramas shifted to "the shape of the family," "working women," and "independence as a wife. The women played by Hiroko Shino were unwavering in the midst of these changes and will be remembered as "dignified women.
凛とした存在感と、都市の淵に立つ女 - 篠ひろ子と七〇年代日本の女性像（一九七〇-一九八〇年代）
凛とした存在感と、都市の淵に立つ女 - 篠ひろ子と七〇年代日本の女性像（一九七〇-一九八〇年代）
篠ひろ子（一九四八年生まれ）は、戦後の高度経済成長期からその後の社会変容期にかけて、テレビドラマや映画を通じて「働く女性」「家庭と社会のあいだに生きる女性」といった新しい女性像を浮かび上がらせた女優である。一九六〇年代末から七〇年代にかけて、映画からテレビへの移行が進み、女性の社会進出や価値観の変化が急速に広がる時代背景のなか、彼女の演技はその変化を映し出す鏡となった。東北学院大学在学中にスカウトされ、歌手としてデビューしたのち、一九七三年のテレビドラマ『時間ですよ』で女優として注目を集めた。
代表的な役としては、女将役や家庭劇の中の姑・娘・妻といった立場を演じ、例えば『金曜日の妻たちへIII』などで都市中流層の女性たちの悩みや友情を描いた。彼女の佇まいには、上品さと覚悟が共存し、「家庭だけではない、自分が社会の中でも価値を持つ」という女性像を提示した。俳優としての活動を休止し、一九九二年に作家の伊集院静と結婚後、仙台へ移住したという人生軌跡も、戦後からバブル期、日本の文化が変化し続けた時代を背負っている。
同世代の女優と比較すると、例えば加賀まりこが退廃や都会的余裕を背景に女を演じたのに対し、篠ひろ子は"日常と仕事と家庭"を抑えた節度ある演技で、「普通の女性でも芯を持てる」という希望を画面に刻んだ。また、松原智恵子が清純・青春像を主に担った一方で、篠は成熟期の女性をリアルに演じ、テレビ時代の中流家庭像として幅広い共感を集めた。
当時の時代背景には、女性の社会進出の加速、離婚率の上昇、核家族化、テレビ視聴率競争などがあり、ドラマの主なテーマも"家族のかたち""働く女""妻としての自立"へと移行していた。篠ひろ子の演じた女性たちは、そうした変化のただ中にありながらも揺らがず、"凛と立つ女性"として記憶に残る。
篠ひろ子（一九四八年生まれ）は、戦後の高度経済成長期からその後の社会変容期にかけて、テレビドラマや映画を通じて「働く女性」「家庭と社会のあいだに生きる女性」といった新しい女性像を浮かび上がらせた女優である。一九六〇年代末から七〇年代にかけて、映画からテレビへの移行が進み、女性の社会進出や価値観の変化が急速に広がる時代背景のなか、彼女の演技はその変化を映し出す鏡となった。東北学院大学在学中にスカウトされ、歌手としてデビューしたのち、一九七三年のテレビドラマ『時間ですよ』で女優として注目を集めた。
代表的な役としては、女将役や家庭劇の中の姑・娘・妻といった立場を演じ、例えば『金曜日の妻たちへIII』などで都市中流層の女性たちの悩みや友情を描いた。彼女の佇まいには、上品さと覚悟が共存し、「家庭だけではない、自分が社会の中でも価値を持つ」という女性像を提示した。俳優としての活動を休止し、一九九二年に作家の伊集院静と結婚後、仙台へ移住したという人生軌跡も、戦後からバブル期、日本の文化が変化し続けた時代を背負っている。
同世代の女優と比較すると、例えば加賀まりこが退廃や都会的余裕を背景に女を演じたのに対し、篠ひろ子は"日常と仕事と家庭"を抑えた節度ある演技で、「普通の女性でも芯を持てる」という希望を画面に刻んだ。また、松原智恵子が清純・青春像を主に担った一方で、篠は成熟期の女性をリアルに演じ、テレビ時代の中流家庭像として幅広い共感を集めた。
当時の時代背景には、女性の社会進出の加速、離婚率の上昇、核家族化、テレビ視聴率競争などがあり、ドラマの主なテーマも"家族のかたち""働く女""妻としての自立"へと移行していた。篠ひろ子の演じた女性たちは、そうした変化のただ中にありながらも揺らがず、"凛と立つ女性"として記憶に残る。
Soil Remediation Technology in the United States
Soil Remediation Technology in the United States
Since the mid-20th century, the United States has undergone rapid industrialization and urbanization, during which many lands became contaminated with heavy metals and hazardous chemicals. In particular, lead, cadmium, arsenic, and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) accumulated in the soil, posing significant threats to the environment and public health. To address this issue, soil remediation technologies have been developed.
Advancement of Phytoremediation Technology:
Phytoremediation is a technology that uses plants to absorb, break down, and detoxify contaminants in soil and groundwater. In the United States, this technology gained attention in the 1980s and has been widely adopted at contaminated sites, especially following the enactment of the Superfund Act. At the Los Alamos nuclear test site in New Mexico, sunflowers (Helianthus annuus) and ferns (Pteris vittata) have been used to remove radioactive cesium and strontium.
Technical Characteristics and Operation:
Phytoremediation is known for being a relatively low-cost and environmentally friendly method. Plants such as sunflowers and ferns absorb contaminants through their roots and accumulate them in the above-ground parts, which are then safely disposed of after harvest. This process reduces harmful substances in the soil and groundwater, promoting long-term environmental recovery. In recent years, genetically modified plants have been used to enhance the efficiency of contaminant absorption.
Application Cases and Outcomes:
There are numerous cases of phytoremediation applied across the United States. For example, in the Auburn Project in New Jersey, phytoremediation reduced lead and cadmium concentrations by over 50%. In California, a sunflower-based remediation project reduced soil lead concentrations by approximately 80% over ten years. These outcomes have been highly regarded as sustainable and economical solutions compared to traditional soil excavation and chemical treatments.
Economic and Social Impact:
Phytoremediation technology contributes to cost reduction in environmental remediation and improves social acceptance. Compared to traditional physical soil removal methods, costs are often reduced by more than 50%, and minimal on-site work reduces the impact on local communities. Additionally, this technology is often linked to greening projects in polluted urban areas, contributing to urban environmental improvement.
Future Prospects:
In the 2020s, phytoremediation technology continues to evolve. Particularly, by combining it with nanotechnology, the range and efficiency of contaminants that plants can absorb have improved, making it applicable to a broader range of contaminated areas. Furthermore, advancements in genetic engineering have led to the development of plants specialized in targeting specific contaminants. This technology is expected to be widely adopted not only in the United States but also in contaminated areas worldwide.
Since the mid-20th century, the United States has undergone rapid industrialization and urbanization, during which many lands became contaminated with heavy metals and hazardous chemicals. In particular, lead, cadmium, arsenic, and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) accumulated in the soil, posing significant threats to the environment and public health. To address this issue, soil remediation technologies have been developed.
Advancement of Phytoremediation Technology:
Phytoremediation is a technology that uses plants to absorb, break down, and detoxify contaminants in soil and groundwater. In the United States, this technology gained attention in the 1980s and has been widely adopted at contaminated sites, especially following the enactment of the Superfund Act. At the Los Alamos nuclear test site in New Mexico, sunflowers (Helianthus annuus) and ferns (Pteris vittata) have been used to remove radioactive cesium and strontium.
Technical Characteristics and Operation:
Phytoremediation is known for being a relatively low-cost and environmentally friendly method. Plants such as sunflowers and ferns absorb contaminants through their roots and accumulate them in the above-ground parts, which are then safely disposed of after harvest. This process reduces harmful substances in the soil and groundwater, promoting long-term environmental recovery. In recent years, genetically modified plants have been used to enhance the efficiency of contaminant absorption.
Application Cases and Outcomes:
There are numerous cases of phytoremediation applied across the United States. For example, in the Auburn Project in New Jersey, phytoremediation reduced lead and cadmium concentrations by over 50%. In California, a sunflower-based remediation project reduced soil lead concentrations by approximately 80% over ten years. These outcomes have been highly regarded as sustainable and economical solutions compared to traditional soil excavation and chemical treatments.
Economic and Social Impact:
Phytoremediation technology contributes to cost reduction in environmental remediation and improves social acceptance. Compared to traditional physical soil removal methods, costs are often reduced by more than 50%, and minimal on-site work reduces the impact on local communities. Additionally, this technology is often linked to greening projects in polluted urban areas, contributing to urban environmental improvement.
Future Prospects:
In the 2020s, phytoremediation technology continues to evolve. Particularly, by combining it with nanotechnology, the range and efficiency of contaminants that plants can absorb have improved, making it applicable to a broader range of contaminated areas. Furthermore, advancements in genetic engineering have led to the development of plants specialized in targeting specific contaminants. This technology is expected to be widely adopted not only in the United States but also in contaminated areas worldwide.
Soil Remediation Technology in the United States
Soil Remediation Technology in the United States
Since the mid-20th century, the United States has undergone rapid industrialization and urbanization, during which many lands became contaminated with heavy metals and hazardous chemicals. In particular, lead, cadmium, arsenic, and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) accumulated in the soil, posing significant threats to the environment and public health. To address this issue, soil remediation technologies have been developed.
Advancement of Phytoremediation Technology:
Phytoremediation is a technology that uses plants to absorb, break down, and detoxify contaminants in soil and groundwater. In the United States, this technology gained attention in the 1980s and has been widely adopted at contaminated sites, especially following the enactment of the Superfund Act. At the Los Alamos nuclear test site in New Mexico, sunflowers (Helianthus annuus) and ferns (Pteris vittata) have been used to remove radioactive cesium and strontium.
Technical Characteristics and Operation:
Phytoremediation is known for being a relatively low-cost and environmentally friendly method. Plants such as sunflowers and ferns absorb contaminants through their roots and accumulate them in the above-ground parts, which are then safely disposed of after harvest. This process reduces harmful substances in the soil and groundwater, promoting long-term environmental recovery. In recent years, genetically modified plants have been used to enhance the efficiency of contaminant absorption.
Application Cases and Outcomes:
There are numerous cases of phytoremediation applied across the United States. For example, in the Auburn Project in New Jersey, phytoremediation reduced lead and cadmium concentrations by over 50%. In California, a sunflower-based remediation project reduced soil lead concentrations by approximately 80% over ten years. These outcomes have been highly regarded as sustainable and economical solutions compared to traditional soil excavation and chemical treatments.
Economic and Social Impact:
Phytoremediation technology contributes to cost reduction in environmental remediation and improves social acceptance. Compared to traditional physical soil removal methods, costs are often reduced by more than 50%, and minimal on-site work reduces the impact on local communities. Additionally, this technology is often linked to greening projects in polluted urban areas, contributing to urban environmental improvement.
Future Prospects:
In the 2020s, phytoremediation technology continues to evolve. Particularly, by combining it with nanotechnology, the range and efficiency of contaminants that plants can absorb have improved, making it applicable to a broader range of contaminated areas. Furthermore, advancements in genetic engineering have led to the development of plants specialized in targeting specific contaminants. This technology is expected to be widely adopted not only in the United States but also in contaminated areas worldwide.
Since the mid-20th century, the United States has undergone rapid industrialization and urbanization, during which many lands became contaminated with heavy metals and hazardous chemicals. In particular, lead, cadmium, arsenic, and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) accumulated in the soil, posing significant threats to the environment and public health. To address this issue, soil remediation technologies have been developed.
Advancement of Phytoremediation Technology:
Phytoremediation is a technology that uses plants to absorb, break down, and detoxify contaminants in soil and groundwater. In the United States, this technology gained attention in the 1980s and has been widely adopted at contaminated sites, especially following the enactment of the Superfund Act. At the Los Alamos nuclear test site in New Mexico, sunflowers (Helianthus annuus) and ferns (Pteris vittata) have been used to remove radioactive cesium and strontium.
Technical Characteristics and Operation:
Phytoremediation is known for being a relatively low-cost and environmentally friendly method. Plants such as sunflowers and ferns absorb contaminants through their roots and accumulate them in the above-ground parts, which are then safely disposed of after harvest. This process reduces harmful substances in the soil and groundwater, promoting long-term environmental recovery. In recent years, genetically modified plants have been used to enhance the efficiency of contaminant absorption.
Application Cases and Outcomes:
There are numerous cases of phytoremediation applied across the United States. For example, in the Auburn Project in New Jersey, phytoremediation reduced lead and cadmium concentrations by over 50%. In California, a sunflower-based remediation project reduced soil lead concentrations by approximately 80% over ten years. These outcomes have been highly regarded as sustainable and economical solutions compared to traditional soil excavation and chemical treatments.
Economic and Social Impact:
Phytoremediation technology contributes to cost reduction in environmental remediation and improves social acceptance. Compared to traditional physical soil removal methods, costs are often reduced by more than 50%, and minimal on-site work reduces the impact on local communities. Additionally, this technology is often linked to greening projects in polluted urban areas, contributing to urban environmental improvement.
Future Prospects:
In the 2020s, phytoremediation technology continues to evolve. Particularly, by combining it with nanotechnology, the range and efficiency of contaminants that plants can absorb have improved, making it applicable to a broader range of contaminated areas. Furthermore, advancements in genetic engineering have led to the development of plants specialized in targeting specific contaminants. This technology is expected to be widely adopted not only in the United States but also in contaminated areas worldwide.
### Marine Ecosystems and Pollution Control Measures - From November 2006 to the 2020s
### Marine Ecosystems and Pollution Control Measures - From November 2006 to the 2020s
In 2006, the revision of the Marine Pollution Prevention Law strengthened Japan's efforts to protect marine ecosystems. In coastal areas such as Tokyo Bay and the Seto Inland Sea, the disposal of waste containing oil and hazardous substances was strictly regulated, and sewage sludge was removed from the list of permissible marine waste. This was accompanied by an increase in recycling and incineration at waste treatment facilities, resulting in the annual treatment of over 10,000 tons of waste on land. Additionally, international regulations, such as the London Convention and the MARPOL Convention, were reinforced to maintain a sustainable marine environment.
Entering the 2020s, responses to oil spills caused by maritime accidents became increasingly significant. In 2021, the grounding of a cargo ship off the coast of Hachinohe Port in Aomori Prefecture prompted the dispatch of the large dredger and oil recovery vessel "Hakusan" from the Hokuriku Regional Development Bureau, demonstrating improved response capabilities through swift recovery of drifting oil. To further enhance preparedness, equipment and joint training exercises with relevant organizations continue to be implemented.
Under the MARPOL Convention, efforts to assess the environmental risks of hazardous liquid substances transported in bulk have progressed. These assessments aim to prevent pollution caused by unassessed materials and implement measures to preserve the marine environment.
Moreover, investigations in areas such as Toyama Bay have focused on identifying sources of land-based pollution, enabling early detection and countermeasures. As marine plastic pollution becomes increasingly severe, the nationwide "Zero Marine Litter Week" campaign engages more than 800,000 participants annually in clean-up activities, promoting environmental protection across Japan. In 2020, 453 cases of marine pollution were confirmed, an increase from the previous year, primarily due to oil leaks, underscoring the need for prompt responses.
Historically, Japan has advanced marine conservation through amendments to the Marine Pollution Prevention Law and international cooperation. Considering the current challenges, Japan remains committed to complying with global regulations and strengthening domestic and international partnerships to protect marine resources for the future.
In 2006, the revision of the Marine Pollution Prevention Law strengthened Japan's efforts to protect marine ecosystems. In coastal areas such as Tokyo Bay and the Seto Inland Sea, the disposal of waste containing oil and hazardous substances was strictly regulated, and sewage sludge was removed from the list of permissible marine waste. This was accompanied by an increase in recycling and incineration at waste treatment facilities, resulting in the annual treatment of over 10,000 tons of waste on land. Additionally, international regulations, such as the London Convention and the MARPOL Convention, were reinforced to maintain a sustainable marine environment.
Entering the 2020s, responses to oil spills caused by maritime accidents became increasingly significant. In 2021, the grounding of a cargo ship off the coast of Hachinohe Port in Aomori Prefecture prompted the dispatch of the large dredger and oil recovery vessel "Hakusan" from the Hokuriku Regional Development Bureau, demonstrating improved response capabilities through swift recovery of drifting oil. To further enhance preparedness, equipment and joint training exercises with relevant organizations continue to be implemented.
Under the MARPOL Convention, efforts to assess the environmental risks of hazardous liquid substances transported in bulk have progressed. These assessments aim to prevent pollution caused by unassessed materials and implement measures to preserve the marine environment.
Moreover, investigations in areas such as Toyama Bay have focused on identifying sources of land-based pollution, enabling early detection and countermeasures. As marine plastic pollution becomes increasingly severe, the nationwide "Zero Marine Litter Week" campaign engages more than 800,000 participants annually in clean-up activities, promoting environmental protection across Japan. In 2020, 453 cases of marine pollution were confirmed, an increase from the previous year, primarily due to oil leaks, underscoring the need for prompt responses.
Historically, Japan has advanced marine conservation through amendments to the Marine Pollution Prevention Law and international cooperation. Considering the current challenges, Japan remains committed to complying with global regulations and strengthening domestic and international partnerships to protect marine resources for the future.
### Marine Ecosystems and Pollution Control Measures - From November 2006 to the 2020s
### Marine Ecosystems and Pollution Control Measures - From November 2006 to the 2020s
In 2006, the revision of the Marine Pollution Prevention Law strengthened Japan's efforts to protect marine ecosystems. In coastal areas such as Tokyo Bay and the Seto Inland Sea, the disposal of waste containing oil and hazardous substances was strictly regulated, and sewage sludge was removed from the list of permissible marine waste. This was accompanied by an increase in recycling and incineration at waste treatment facilities, resulting in the annual treatment of over 10,000 tons of waste on land. Additionally, international regulations, such as the London Convention and the MARPOL Convention, were reinforced to maintain a sustainable marine environment.
Entering the 2020s, responses to oil spills caused by maritime accidents became increasingly significant. In 2021, the grounding of a cargo ship off the coast of Hachinohe Port in Aomori Prefecture prompted the dispatch of the large dredger and oil recovery vessel "Hakusan" from the Hokuriku Regional Development Bureau, demonstrating improved response capabilities through swift recovery of drifting oil. To further enhance preparedness, equipment and joint training exercises with relevant organizations continue to be implemented.
Under the MARPOL Convention, efforts to assess the environmental risks of hazardous liquid substances transported in bulk have progressed. These assessments aim to prevent pollution caused by unassessed materials and implement measures to preserve the marine environment.
Moreover, investigations in areas such as Toyama Bay have focused on identifying sources of land-based pollution, enabling early detection and countermeasures. As marine plastic pollution becomes increasingly severe, the nationwide "Zero Marine Litter Week" campaign engages more than 800,000 participants annually in clean-up activities, promoting environmental protection across Japan. In 2020, 453 cases of marine pollution were confirmed, an increase from the previous year, primarily due to oil leaks, underscoring the need for prompt responses.
Historically, Japan has advanced marine conservation through amendments to the Marine Pollution Prevention Law and international cooperation. Considering the current challenges, Japan remains committed to complying with global regulations and strengthening domestic and international partnerships to protect marine resources for the future.
In 2006, the revision of the Marine Pollution Prevention Law strengthened Japan's efforts to protect marine ecosystems. In coastal areas such as Tokyo Bay and the Seto Inland Sea, the disposal of waste containing oil and hazardous substances was strictly regulated, and sewage sludge was removed from the list of permissible marine waste. This was accompanied by an increase in recycling and incineration at waste treatment facilities, resulting in the annual treatment of over 10,000 tons of waste on land. Additionally, international regulations, such as the London Convention and the MARPOL Convention, were reinforced to maintain a sustainable marine environment.
Entering the 2020s, responses to oil spills caused by maritime accidents became increasingly significant. In 2021, the grounding of a cargo ship off the coast of Hachinohe Port in Aomori Prefecture prompted the dispatch of the large dredger and oil recovery vessel "Hakusan" from the Hokuriku Regional Development Bureau, demonstrating improved response capabilities through swift recovery of drifting oil. To further enhance preparedness, equipment and joint training exercises with relevant organizations continue to be implemented.
Under the MARPOL Convention, efforts to assess the environmental risks of hazardous liquid substances transported in bulk have progressed. These assessments aim to prevent pollution caused by unassessed materials and implement measures to preserve the marine environment.
Moreover, investigations in areas such as Toyama Bay have focused on identifying sources of land-based pollution, enabling early detection and countermeasures. As marine plastic pollution becomes increasingly severe, the nationwide "Zero Marine Litter Week" campaign engages more than 800,000 participants annually in clean-up activities, promoting environmental protection across Japan. In 2020, 453 cases of marine pollution were confirmed, an increase from the previous year, primarily due to oil leaks, underscoring the need for prompt responses.
Historically, Japan has advanced marine conservation through amendments to the Marine Pollution Prevention Law and international cooperation. Considering the current challenges, Japan remains committed to complying with global regulations and strengthening domestic and international partnerships to protect marine resources for the future.
Ecosystem Impacts in Tuvalu and the Maldives - 2020s
Ecosystem Impacts in Tuvalu and the Maldives - 2020s
In the 2020s, sea level rise in Tuvalu in the South Pacific and the Maldives in the Indian Ocean will reach an average of 4.0 mm per year, resulting in saltwater seepage and severe coastal erosion. Parts of Tuvalu are feared to become uninhabitable by 2030, based on a report by the UN IPCC. In the Maldives, tourism is taking a hit and the cost of protecting resort facilities is increasing. The major CO2 emitters, the US and China, account for more than 40% of the global total, with coal-fired power plants in the US and the industrial sector in China being the main sources of emissions. In the corporate sector, BP and Shell are transitioning to renewable energy, while Tesla, Vestas, and others are rapidly growing and decarbonizing. However, it remains unclear whether these efforts will come in time to protect ecosystems.
In the 2020s, sea level rise in Tuvalu in the South Pacific and the Maldives in the Indian Ocean will reach an average of 4.0 mm per year, resulting in saltwater seepage and severe coastal erosion. Parts of Tuvalu are feared to become uninhabitable by 2030, based on a report by the UN IPCC. In the Maldives, tourism is taking a hit and the cost of protecting resort facilities is increasing. The major CO2 emitters, the US and China, account for more than 40% of the global total, with coal-fired power plants in the US and the industrial sector in China being the main sources of emissions. In the corporate sector, BP and Shell are transitioning to renewable energy, while Tesla, Vestas, and others are rapidly growing and decarbonizing. However, it remains unclear whether these efforts will come in time to protect ecosystems.
ツバルとモルディブにおける生態系への影響-2020年代
ツバルとモルディブにおける生態系への影響-2020年代
2020年代、南太平洋のツバルやインド洋のモルディブでは、海面上昇が年平均4.0mmに達し、塩水の浸透や沿岸部の侵食が深刻化しています。ツバルの一部では、国連IPCCの報告に基づき、2030年までに居住不可能になる恐れが指摘されています。モルディブでは観光業が打撃を受け、リゾート施設の保護費用が増加中です。主要なCO2排出国であるアメリカと中国が世界全体の40％以上を占め、特にアメリカの石炭火力発電所や中国の工業部門が主要な排出源です。企業ではBPやシェルが再生可能エネルギーに移行する一方、テスラやVestasなどが急成長を遂げ、脱炭素化を進めています。しかし、これらの取り組みが生態系の保護に間に合うかは依然不透明です。
2020年代、南太平洋のツバルやインド洋のモルディブでは、海面上昇が年平均4.0mmに達し、塩水の浸透や沿岸部の侵食が深刻化しています。ツバルの一部では、国連IPCCの報告に基づき、2030年までに居住不可能になる恐れが指摘されています。モルディブでは観光業が打撃を受け、リゾート施設の保護費用が増加中です。主要なCO2排出国であるアメリカと中国が世界全体の40％以上を占め、特にアメリカの石炭火力発電所や中国の工業部門が主要な排出源です。企業ではBPやシェルが再生可能エネルギーに移行する一方、テスラやVestasなどが急成長を遂げ、脱炭素化を進めています。しかし、これらの取り組みが生態系の保護に間に合うかは依然不透明です。
11PM" and late-night intellectual games (1965-1990)
11PM" and late-night intellectual games (1965-1990)
As a pioneer of late-night programming, "11PM" (1965-1990) attracted viewers with its intellectual entertainment and bold themes. Hosts Ohashi Kioizumi and Fujimoto Yoshikazu and guests Okamoto Taro and Sakamoto Ryuichi dealt with a wide range of topics including culture, politics, and sex, reflecting the spirit of the times. The viewpoint of politician Kakuei Tanaka, who said, "Television is a tool for a new era," is particularly indicative of the program's influence.
Utilizing the late-night free time during the period of rapid economic growth, this program offered discussions that transcended taboos, stimulating viewers' intellectual curiosity and opening up new possibilities for late-night broadcasting. Its innovation is a symbol of Japanese television culture and is still talked about today. Its significance in presenting diverse viewpoints is enormous.
As a pioneer of late-night programming, "11PM" (1965-1990) attracted viewers with its intellectual entertainment and bold themes. Hosts Ohashi Kioizumi and Fujimoto Yoshikazu and guests Okamoto Taro and Sakamoto Ryuichi dealt with a wide range of topics including culture, politics, and sex, reflecting the spirit of the times. The viewpoint of politician Kakuei Tanaka, who said, "Television is a tool for a new era," is particularly indicative of the program's influence.
Utilizing the late-night free time during the period of rapid economic growth, this program offered discussions that transcended taboos, stimulating viewers' intellectual curiosity and opening up new possibilities for late-night broadcasting. Its innovation is a symbol of Japanese television culture and is still talked about today. Its significance in presenting diverse viewpoints is enormous.
「11PM」と深夜の知的遊戯（1965年〜1990年）
「11PM」と深夜の知的遊戯（1965年〜1990年）
「11PM」（1965年〜1990年）は深夜番組の先駆けとして、知的娯楽と大胆なテーマで視聴者を魅了しました。司会の大橋巨泉や藤本義一、ゲストの岡本太郎や坂本龍一らが文化・政治・性など幅広い話題を扱い、時代の精神を映し出しました。特に政治家の田中角栄が語った「テレビは新しい時代の道具」という視点は番組の影響力を物語っています。
高度経済成長期における深夜の自由時間を活用し、タブーを超えた議論を提供した本番組は、視聴者の知的好奇心を刺激するとともに、深夜放送の新たな可能性を切り開きました。その革新性は日本のテレビ文化の象徴であり、現在も語り継がれています。多様な視点を提示したその意義は非常に大きいものです。
「11PM」（1965年〜1990年）は深夜番組の先駆けとして、知的娯楽と大胆なテーマで視聴者を魅了しました。司会の大橋巨泉や藤本義一、ゲストの岡本太郎や坂本龍一らが文化・政治・性など幅広い話題を扱い、時代の精神を映し出しました。特に政治家の田中角栄が語った「テレビは新しい時代の道具」という視点は番組の影響力を物語っています。
高度経済成長期における深夜の自由時間を活用し、タブーを超えた議論を提供した本番組は、視聴者の知的好奇心を刺激するとともに、深夜放送の新たな可能性を切り開きました。その革新性は日本のテレビ文化の象徴であり、現在も語り継がれています。多様な視点を提示したその意義は非常に大きいものです。
Thursday, October 30, 2025
Food factories, supermarkets, restaurants, convenience stores, and other food-related businesses that are obliged to reduce emissions and recycle waste are about to start building systems in earnest in preparation for the April 2049 enforcement of the "Law Concerning the Promotion of Recycling and Utilization of Food Waste" (Food Recycling Law).
Food factories, supermarkets, restaurants, convenience stores, and other food-related businesses that are obliged to reduce emissions and recycle waste are about to start building systems in earnest in preparation for the April 2049 enforcement of the "Law Concerning the Promotion of Recycling and Utilization of Food Waste" (Food Recycling Law).
As for recycling, at present, the main methods are likely to be fertilizers and feedstuffs.
However, there are several obstacles in these methods before an appropriate recycling system can be established, such as securing a place for fertilizer or feed, maintaining the quality of the reused product, and securing a place to use and sell the product.
In particular, quality is a major issue, and this leads to difficulties in securing outlets, increasing processing costs, and commercialization.
With the implementation of the Food Waste Recycling Law, these issues are expected to become even more pronounced as the oversupply of fertilizers and feeds is expected to increase if efforts in various regions accelerate.
In response, biogas power generation, which converts food waste into electricity and heat that anyone can use, is beginning to attract attention as an alternative reuse method to fertilizer and feed conversion.
In 2000, Ekisie Corporation completed a unique system that efficiently collects food waste using a radio frequency, converts it into gas, and generates electricity using fuel cells over a period of six years, and has begun full-scale marketing activities.
■Satellites are installed onsite to gasify and generate electricity in bulk.
The company was established in 1994, and its president, Hiroo Fujiwara, formerly worked in the environmental measures department of a major supermarket before leaving his job to start his own company to develop a food waste treatment system.
The "Food Waste Gasification and Electricity Generation System GETS" was developed and completed after receiving certification and assistance from the New Energy Development Support Program, the Industrial Structure Improvement Support Program, and the New Industry Creation R&D Subsidy Program.
The "Food Waste Gasification and Power Generation System" developed and launched by the company consists of two processes: food waste collection and gasification and power generation.
In the food waste collection process, a "satellite," a container-type facility for storing and liquefying food waste, is installed at each supermarket or food factory.
This fully enclosed facility crushes and liquefies the food waste, reducing its volume by one-third.
This is then collected by a hose.
The satellite has a storage capacity of 25 tons and measures 2,440 mm (W) x 2,990 mm (D) x 2,590 mm (H).
Because it is a container type, no special construction work is required, and relocation or change of installation location can be easily performed.
In addition, the closed type prevents odors from leaking outside, and users only need to throw in food scraps, eliminating the need for complicated management.
Processing capacity ranges from 1 to 80 tons per day, and a variety of satellites are available.
We have also developed a high-pressure crushing and sorting satellite that automatically separates garbage containing a mixture of disposable chopsticks, toothpicks, plastic bags, and paper into food scraps and combustible garbage.
In case the satellite is installed far from the site where a lot of food waste is generated, we have also developed a food waste feeder that connects the satellite to a hose, which can be attached as an option.
The food scraps are immediately transported to the satellite by pneumatic conveyance, which not only reduces the time and labor required for transport, but also suppresses the generation of foul odors at the site.
The liquefied material is thus liquefied at each satellite and transported to the power generation center when a certain amount is stored.
The gasification and power generation process consists of a biogasification facility, a wastewater treatment facility, and fuel cells.
First, liquefied food waste is stored in a storage tank, where a special catalyst is used to generate biogas with methane as its main component.
After desulfurization, hydrogen is extracted by a reformer.
This is then reacted with oxygen from the air to produce electricity and heat energy.
Wastewater discharged from the biogasification facility can be re-gasified by a bioreactor.
For fuel cells, we have partnered with Toshiba (manufactured by the ONS Group, U.S.A.).
In the gasification power generation process, 20 tons/day of liquefied food waste (80% moisture content) yields approximately 4,800 kW of electricity per day (enough for about 50 average households) and 17,000(,(X)MJ of heat per day (enough for about 500~ household unit bath use).
Some of this energy is consumed internally, but much of it is used in various facilities.
The system also generates about 1.8 tons of dehydrated cake and 16 tons of treated water, but the pure water from the fuel cell can be used as mineral water through a mineralizer.
Compared to fertilizer and feed, it is easier to plan the use of the water and there is less difficulty in securing an outlet," said Yoshida.
IT enables the construction of a wide-area collection system.
Another major feature of GETS is a remote monitoring and command system using an industrial (REDICON system).
This makes it much easier to construct a wide-area collection system when a chain of supermarkets or a local government tries to form a cooperative.
Each satellite is equipped with a microcomputer and communication device that monitors and controls tank storage conditions and other malfunctions.
Notification is made via a bucket communication network, telephone line, leased line, or ISDN line.
This enables efficient scheduling of collection trucks while monitoring tank storage conditions, history management of how much and when the tanks were filled, and in the event of a breakdown, the breakdown location can be immediately identified at the center, so there is no need to worry about these problems at the site where the satellite is installed. The center can immediately identify the location of the malfunction in the event of a breakdown.
At the same time, it is also advantageous to be able to prepare reports (invoices, etc.) on the amount of waste collected, taking manifests into consideration.
Satellites can also be equipped with a recognition device as an option.
By issuing IDs, it is possible to check and manage who has put in the garbage.
Also, even if the satellite is located in a place where anyone can enter, by making it so that food scraps cannot be thrown in unless an ID is entered, we can prevent illegal throw-ins," says Yoshida.
This system was developed when the company delivered a food waste treatment system to a prison.
However, it is expected to prove highly effective in the search for an efficient batch processing system that connects multiple generating sites and jointly handles the processing.
The company packages and sells a series of these systems.
The company does not engage in management, but only in manufacturing and selling the systems and equipment.
The processing capacity at the point of gasification power generation process is 20 tons/B type, and the pricing is about 1.2 to 1.3 billion yen including satellite, power generation plant, and management system.
We are considering applying the system to food factories, industrial parks, hotel chains, theme parks, shopping centers, shopping associations, road service areas, as well as municipalities, airports, and housing complexes.
The form of operation is left to the client, but we are planning to operate private facilities, municipal facilities, PF1, third sector, and union style, and we are proposing to take the company public except for the maintenance form.
The construction of 1,250 power generation centers across the country internally is expected within a year.
At a recent information session, inquiries were immediately received from food factories, and the first systems are scheduled to be delivered around spring 2001.
As for recycling, at present, the main methods are likely to be fertilizers and feedstuffs.
However, there are several obstacles in these methods before an appropriate recycling system can be established, such as securing a place for fertilizer or feed, maintaining the quality of the reused product, and securing a place to use and sell the product.
In particular, quality is a major issue, and this leads to difficulties in securing outlets, increasing processing costs, and commercialization.
With the implementation of the Food Waste Recycling Law, these issues are expected to become even more pronounced as the oversupply of fertilizers and feeds is expected to increase if efforts in various regions accelerate.
In response, biogas power generation, which converts food waste into electricity and heat that anyone can use, is beginning to attract attention as an alternative reuse method to fertilizer and feed conversion.
In 2000, Ekisie Corporation completed a unique system that efficiently collects food waste using a radio frequency, converts it into gas, and generates electricity using fuel cells over a period of six years, and has begun full-scale marketing activities.
■Satellites are installed onsite to gasify and generate electricity in bulk.
The company was established in 1994, and its president, Hiroo Fujiwara, formerly worked in the environmental measures department of a major supermarket before leaving his job to start his own company to develop a food waste treatment system.
The "Food Waste Gasification and Electricity Generation System GETS" was developed and completed after receiving certification and assistance from the New Energy Development Support Program, the Industrial Structure Improvement Support Program, and the New Industry Creation R&D Subsidy Program.
The "Food Waste Gasification and Power Generation System" developed and launched by the company consists of two processes: food waste collection and gasification and power generation.
In the food waste collection process, a "satellite," a container-type facility for storing and liquefying food waste, is installed at each supermarket or food factory.
This fully enclosed facility crushes and liquefies the food waste, reducing its volume by one-third.
This is then collected by a hose.
The satellite has a storage capacity of 25 tons and measures 2,440 mm (W) x 2,990 mm (D) x 2,590 mm (H).
Because it is a container type, no special construction work is required, and relocation or change of installation location can be easily performed.
In addition, the closed type prevents odors from leaking outside, and users only need to throw in food scraps, eliminating the need for complicated management.
Processing capacity ranges from 1 to 80 tons per day, and a variety of satellites are available.
We have also developed a high-pressure crushing and sorting satellite that automatically separates garbage containing a mixture of disposable chopsticks, toothpicks, plastic bags, and paper into food scraps and combustible garbage.
In case the satellite is installed far from the site where a lot of food waste is generated, we have also developed a food waste feeder that connects the satellite to a hose, which can be attached as an option.
The food scraps are immediately transported to the satellite by pneumatic conveyance, which not only reduces the time and labor required for transport, but also suppresses the generation of foul odors at the site.
The liquefied material is thus liquefied at each satellite and transported to the power generation center when a certain amount is stored.
The gasification and power generation process consists of a biogasification facility, a wastewater treatment facility, and fuel cells.
First, liquefied food waste is stored in a storage tank, where a special catalyst is used to generate biogas with methane as its main component.
After desulfurization, hydrogen is extracted by a reformer.
This is then reacted with oxygen from the air to produce electricity and heat energy.
Wastewater discharged from the biogasification facility can be re-gasified by a bioreactor.
For fuel cells, we have partnered with Toshiba (manufactured by the ONS Group, U.S.A.).
In the gasification power generation process, 20 tons/day of liquefied food waste (80% moisture content) yields approximately 4,800 kW of electricity per day (enough for about 50 average households) and 17,000(,(X)MJ of heat per day (enough for about 500~ household unit bath use).
Some of this energy is consumed internally, but much of it is used in various facilities.
The system also generates about 1.8 tons of dehydrated cake and 16 tons of treated water, but the pure water from the fuel cell can be used as mineral water through a mineralizer.
Compared to fertilizer and feed, it is easier to plan the use of the water and there is less difficulty in securing an outlet," said Yoshida.
IT enables the construction of a wide-area collection system.
Another major feature of GETS is a remote monitoring and command system using an industrial (REDICON system).
This makes it much easier to construct a wide-area collection system when a chain of supermarkets or a local government tries to form a cooperative.
Each satellite is equipped with a microcomputer and communication device that monitors and controls tank storage conditions and other malfunctions.
Notification is made via a bucket communication network, telephone line, leased line, or ISDN line.
This enables efficient scheduling of collection trucks while monitoring tank storage conditions, history management of how much and when the tanks were filled, and in the event of a breakdown, the breakdown location can be immediately identified at the center, so there is no need to worry about these problems at the site where the satellite is installed. The center can immediately identify the location of the malfunction in the event of a breakdown.
At the same time, it is also advantageous to be able to prepare reports (invoices, etc.) on the amount of waste collected, taking manifests into consideration.
Satellites can also be equipped with a recognition device as an option.
By issuing IDs, it is possible to check and manage who has put in the garbage.
Also, even if the satellite is located in a place where anyone can enter, by making it so that food scraps cannot be thrown in unless an ID is entered, we can prevent illegal throw-ins," says Yoshida.
This system was developed when the company delivered a food waste treatment system to a prison.
However, it is expected to prove highly effective in the search for an efficient batch processing system that connects multiple generating sites and jointly handles the processing.
The company packages and sells a series of these systems.
The company does not engage in management, but only in manufacturing and selling the systems and equipment.
The processing capacity at the point of gasification power generation process is 20 tons/B type, and the pricing is about 1.2 to 1.3 billion yen including satellite, power generation plant, and management system.
We are considering applying the system to food factories, industrial parks, hotel chains, theme parks, shopping centers, shopping associations, road service areas, as well as municipalities, airports, and housing complexes.
The form of operation is left to the client, but we are planning to operate private facilities, municipal facilities, PF1, third sector, and union style, and we are proposing to take the company public except for the maintenance form.
The construction of 1,250 power generation centers across the country internally is expected within a year.
At a recent information session, inquiries were immediately received from food factories, and the first systems are scheduled to be delivered around spring 2001.
■「食品循環資源の再生利用等の促進に関する法律」（食品リサイクル法）の令和元年4月の施行に向けて、排出削減や再生利用の実施が義務付けられる食品工場やスーパー、レストラン、コンビニなどの食品関連事業者では、システムの構築が本格化しようとしています。
■「食品循環資源の再生利用等の促進に関する法律」（食品リサイクル法）の令和元年4月の施行に向けて、排出削減や再生利用の実施が義務付けられる食品工場やスーパー、レストラン、コンビニなどの食品関連事業者では、システムの構築が本格化しようとしています。
再利用に関しては、現時点では肥料化や飼料化などの手法が中心となりそうです。
しかしながら、これらの手法では肥料や飼料としての利用先の確保や、再利用品の品質維持、利用・販売先の確保など、適切な循環システムの構築までにはいくつかの障害があります。
特に、品質の問題は大きく、これが出口の確保や処理コストの増加、事業化の困難さなどにつながっています。
食品廃棄物再商品化法の施行に伴い、各地での取り組みが加速すれば、肥料や飼料の供給過多も予想され、こうした課題がさらに顕著になると考えられます。
そこで、肥料や飼料化とは別の再利用手法として注目を集め始めているのが、生ごみを誰もが利用できる電気や熱に変換するバイオガス発電です。
株式会社エキシーでは、無線を利用して効率的に生ごみを回収し、ガス化し、燃料電池により発電を行う独自のシステムを6年の歳月をかけて2000年に完成し、本格的な営業活動を開始しています。
■サテライトを現場に設置し、一括してガス化し発電する。
同社は1994年に設立され、代表取締役社長の藤原博夫さんは、元大手スーパーの環境対策部署に勤務し、生ごみ処理システムの開発を目的に脱サラして会社を立ち上げました。
新エネルギー開発支援や産業構造改善支援、新産業創造研究開発補助事業などの認定や補助を受け、開発を進め、完成したのが「食品廃棄物ガス化発電システム GETS」です。
同社が開発・販売開始した「食品廃棄物ガス化発電システム」は、生ごみの収集とガス化発電の2つのプロセスから構成されています。
生ごみの収集プロセスでは、スーパーや食品工場ごとに生ごみを貯蔵し、液状化するコンテナタイプの設備「サテライト」を設置します。
完全密閉式のこの設備では、生ごみを破砕し、液状化し、その体積を1/3に減少させます。
これをホースで回収する仕組みです。
サテライトのサイズは貯蔵容量が25トンのタイプで、幅2440mm × 奥行2990mm × 高さ2590mmです。
コンテナ式のため、特別な工事が不要で、移転や設置場所の変更も簡単に行えます。
また、閉鎖型のため臭気が外に漏れにくく、ユーザーは生ごみを投入するだけで煩雑な管理が必要ありません。
1日当たりの処理能力は1〜80トンで、さまざまなサテライトを用意しています。
割り箸やつまようじ、ビニール袋、紙類が混在したごみを、自動的に生ごみと可燃ごみに分別する高圧破砕分別型サテライトも開発しました。
また、生ごみが多く発生する現場から離れた場所にサテライトを設置する場合に備え、サテライトとホースをつなげる生ごみ投入装置も開発し、オプションで取り付けられるようにしました。
投入された生ごみはエア式でサテライト本体へと即座に搬送されるため、運ぶ手間だけでなく、現場での悪臭発生を抑制する効果もあります。
こうして各サテライトで液状化されたものは、一定量が貯まった時点で発電センターに運ばれます。
このガス化発電プロセスは、バイオガス化設備、排水処理設備、燃料電池で構成されます。
まず、液状化した生ごみを貯留槽に貯め、特殊な触媒を利用してメタンを主成分としたバイオガスを生成します。
脱硫を施した後、改質器により水素を取り出します。
これに空気中の酸素を反応させ、電気と熱エネルギーを生み出す仕組みです。
バイオガス化設備から排出される排水は、バイオリアクタにより再度ガスを生成することも可能です。
燃料電池については、東芝（米・ONS班製）と提携しています。
ガス化発電プロセスでは、液状化した生ごみ20トン/日（含水率80%）で、1日当たり約4800kWの電気（一般家庭約50軒分）、約1万7(,(X)MJの熱（家庭用ユニットバス約500〜の使用分）が得られます。
これらのエネルギーは一部は内部で消費されますが、多くの場合、さまざまな施設で利用されます。
また、脱水ケーキ約1.8トン、処理水約16トンも発生しますが、燃料電池から出る純水はミネラル化装置を通じてミネラル水として利用できます。
「肥料や飼料に比べると、利用計画も立てやすく、出口の確保という面では、あまり苦労がないと思います」（吉田さん）。
■IT利用により広域型収集システム構築が可能に。
GETSでもうひとつ大きな特徴となっているのが、工業用（レデイコン・システム）による遠隔監視・指令システムです。
これにより、チェーン展開しているスーパーや地方自治体が組合化しようとする際に、広域型収集システムの構築が格段に容易になります。
各サテライトには、タンク貯留状態などを監視し、故障などを監視・制御するマイコンと通信装置が装備されています。
バケット通信網、電話回線、専用線またはISDN回線を通じて通知されます。
これにより、タンクの貯留状態を見ながらの効率的な回収車の配車スケジュール作成や、どれくらいの量がいつ投入されたのかの履歴管理が行えるほか、故障した場合にも故障箇所が即座にセンターで把握できるなど、サテライトが設置された現場ではこれらのトラブルに煩わされることはありません。
同時に、マニフェストを考慮した回収量の帳票作成（請求書など）が行えるのもメリットです。
「オプションにより、サテライトに認識装置を装備することもできます。
IDを発行することで、ごみ投入者の確認や管理が可能になります。
また、サテライトが誰でも入れるような場所に置いてある場合でも、IDを打ち込まなければ生ごみを投入できないようにすることで、不法に投入されることも防げます」（吉田さん）。
このシステムは、同社が生ごみ処理システムを刑務所に納入する際に開発したものです。
ただし、複数の発生場所をつなぎ、処理を共同化し、効率的な一括処理システムを模索する中で大きな効果を発揮すると考えられます。
同社では、これら一連のシステムをパッケージ化して販売しています。
管理などは行わず、あくまでシステム・機器の製造・販売に従事します。
ガス化発電プロセス時点での処理能力は20トン/Bタイプで、サテライト、発電プラント、管理システムなどを含めて約12億〜13億円程度の価格設定です。
適用先としては、食品工場、工業団地、ホテルチェーン、テーマパーク、ショッピングセンター、商店組合、道路サービスエリアのほか、自治体や空港、集合住宅などを検討しています。
運営形態はクライアントに委ねられますが、民間施設、自治体施設、PF1、第3セクター、組合形式での運営が予定されており、維持形態以外は株式公開も視野に入れて提案しています。
内部での全国1250カ所の発電センター建設を1年以内に見込んでいます。
先日行われた説明会では、早速、食品工場からの引き合いがあり、2001年春ごろには第1号システムを納入する予定です。
再利用に関しては、現時点では肥料化や飼料化などの手法が中心となりそうです。
しかしながら、これらの手法では肥料や飼料としての利用先の確保や、再利用品の品質維持、利用・販売先の確保など、適切な循環システムの構築までにはいくつかの障害があります。
特に、品質の問題は大きく、これが出口の確保や処理コストの増加、事業化の困難さなどにつながっています。
食品廃棄物再商品化法の施行に伴い、各地での取り組みが加速すれば、肥料や飼料の供給過多も予想され、こうした課題がさらに顕著になると考えられます。
そこで、肥料や飼料化とは別の再利用手法として注目を集め始めているのが、生ごみを誰もが利用できる電気や熱に変換するバイオガス発電です。
株式会社エキシーでは、無線を利用して効率的に生ごみを回収し、ガス化し、燃料電池により発電を行う独自のシステムを6年の歳月をかけて2000年に完成し、本格的な営業活動を開始しています。
■サテライトを現場に設置し、一括してガス化し発電する。
同社は1994年に設立され、代表取締役社長の藤原博夫さんは、元大手スーパーの環境対策部署に勤務し、生ごみ処理システムの開発を目的に脱サラして会社を立ち上げました。
新エネルギー開発支援や産業構造改善支援、新産業創造研究開発補助事業などの認定や補助を受け、開発を進め、完成したのが「食品廃棄物ガス化発電システム GETS」です。
同社が開発・販売開始した「食品廃棄物ガス化発電システム」は、生ごみの収集とガス化発電の2つのプロセスから構成されています。
生ごみの収集プロセスでは、スーパーや食品工場ごとに生ごみを貯蔵し、液状化するコンテナタイプの設備「サテライト」を設置します。
完全密閉式のこの設備では、生ごみを破砕し、液状化し、その体積を1/3に減少させます。
これをホースで回収する仕組みです。
サテライトのサイズは貯蔵容量が25トンのタイプで、幅2440mm × 奥行2990mm × 高さ2590mmです。
コンテナ式のため、特別な工事が不要で、移転や設置場所の変更も簡単に行えます。
また、閉鎖型のため臭気が外に漏れにくく、ユーザーは生ごみを投入するだけで煩雑な管理が必要ありません。
1日当たりの処理能力は1〜80トンで、さまざまなサテライトを用意しています。
割り箸やつまようじ、ビニール袋、紙類が混在したごみを、自動的に生ごみと可燃ごみに分別する高圧破砕分別型サテライトも開発しました。
また、生ごみが多く発生する現場から離れた場所にサテライトを設置する場合に備え、サテライトとホースをつなげる生ごみ投入装置も開発し、オプションで取り付けられるようにしました。
投入された生ごみはエア式でサテライト本体へと即座に搬送されるため、運ぶ手間だけでなく、現場での悪臭発生を抑制する効果もあります。
こうして各サテライトで液状化されたものは、一定量が貯まった時点で発電センターに運ばれます。
このガス化発電プロセスは、バイオガス化設備、排水処理設備、燃料電池で構成されます。
まず、液状化した生ごみを貯留槽に貯め、特殊な触媒を利用してメタンを主成分としたバイオガスを生成します。
脱硫を施した後、改質器により水素を取り出します。
これに空気中の酸素を反応させ、電気と熱エネルギーを生み出す仕組みです。
バイオガス化設備から排出される排水は、バイオリアクタにより再度ガスを生成することも可能です。
燃料電池については、東芝（米・ONS班製）と提携しています。
ガス化発電プロセスでは、液状化した生ごみ20トン/日（含水率80%）で、1日当たり約4800kWの電気（一般家庭約50軒分）、約1万7(,(X)MJの熱（家庭用ユニットバス約500〜の使用分）が得られます。
これらのエネルギーは一部は内部で消費されますが、多くの場合、さまざまな施設で利用されます。
また、脱水ケーキ約1.8トン、処理水約16トンも発生しますが、燃料電池から出る純水はミネラル化装置を通じてミネラル水として利用できます。
「肥料や飼料に比べると、利用計画も立てやすく、出口の確保という面では、あまり苦労がないと思います」（吉田さん）。
■IT利用により広域型収集システム構築が可能に。
GETSでもうひとつ大きな特徴となっているのが、工業用（レデイコン・システム）による遠隔監視・指令システムです。
これにより、チェーン展開しているスーパーや地方自治体が組合化しようとする際に、広域型収集システムの構築が格段に容易になります。
各サテライトには、タンク貯留状態などを監視し、故障などを監視・制御するマイコンと通信装置が装備されています。
バケット通信網、電話回線、専用線またはISDN回線を通じて通知されます。
これにより、タンクの貯留状態を見ながらの効率的な回収車の配車スケジュール作成や、どれくらいの量がいつ投入されたのかの履歴管理が行えるほか、故障した場合にも故障箇所が即座にセンターで把握できるなど、サテライトが設置された現場ではこれらのトラブルに煩わされることはありません。
同時に、マニフェストを考慮した回収量の帳票作成（請求書など）が行えるのもメリットです。
「オプションにより、サテライトに認識装置を装備することもできます。
IDを発行することで、ごみ投入者の確認や管理が可能になります。
また、サテライトが誰でも入れるような場所に置いてある場合でも、IDを打ち込まなければ生ごみを投入できないようにすることで、不法に投入されることも防げます」（吉田さん）。
このシステムは、同社が生ごみ処理システムを刑務所に納入する際に開発したものです。
ただし、複数の発生場所をつなぎ、処理を共同化し、効率的な一括処理システムを模索する中で大きな効果を発揮すると考えられます。
同社では、これら一連のシステムをパッケージ化して販売しています。
管理などは行わず、あくまでシステム・機器の製造・販売に従事します。
ガス化発電プロセス時点での処理能力は20トン/Bタイプで、サテライト、発電プラント、管理システムなどを含めて約12億〜13億円程度の価格設定です。
適用先としては、食品工場、工業団地、ホテルチェーン、テーマパーク、ショッピングセンター、商店組合、道路サービスエリアのほか、自治体や空港、集合住宅などを検討しています。
運営形態はクライアントに委ねられますが、民間施設、自治体施設、PF1、第3セクター、組合形式での運営が予定されており、維持形態以外は株式公開も視野に入れて提案しています。
内部での全国1250カ所の発電センター建設を1年以内に見込んでいます。
先日行われた説明会では、早速、食品工場からの引き合いがあり、2001年春ごろには第1号システムを納入する予定です。
Progress in Earthquake Debris Disposal and Soil Remediation - December 2011 to the 2020s
Progress in Earthquake Debris Disposal and Soil Remediation - December 2011 to the 2020s
The 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake generated approximately 28 million tons of debris in Fukushima Prefecture. About 50% of this was wood waste, including a large amount of fibrous material that is difficult to process. The cost of debris disposal was estimated at approximately 37,800 yen per ton, with the total market size reaching approximately 1.5 trillion yen. While the need for wide-area processing was being called for, Fukushima Prefecture conducted an experiment using the grass plant "sorghum" to absorb radioactive cesium, which was found to be up to 200 times more efficient than sunflowers in absorbing the cesium. This plant is also attracting attention as a raw material for bioethanol, and full-scale demonstration cultivation in Fukushima Prefecture has been underway since spring 2012.
In the 2020s, significant progress was made in the disposal of earthquake debris, with the entire process of interim storage facilities beginning operation in March 2020, and the dismantling of facilities that had ceased operation beginning in FY2022. As of 2022, the interim storage facility will hold approximately 14 million cubic meters of removed soil and waste. As of 2024, the number of temporary storage sites will be reduced to about 150, and the total amount of stored waste is also showing a steady downward trend.
In the agricultural rehabilitation of soil contaminated by radioactive materials, phytoremediation using plants was found to be of limited effectiveness, and potassium application was mainly promoted. As a result, the concentration of radioactive cesium in crops has been reduced by more than 90% compared to 2011 levels, and agricultural land regeneration is accelerating.
General contractors Kajima Corporation, Taisei Corporation, Shimizu Corporation, and others participated in the debris removal and decontamination work. In particular, Kajima Corporation played a major role in the wide-area processing in Fukushima Prefecture. In addition, environmental technology companies are responsible for management and sorting at the interim storage facility to support efficient operations.
The number of temporary storage sites for removed soil in Fukushima Prefecture has been decreasing and reduction of the total amount as of 2024 is underway, but securing a final disposal site remains a challenge. The storage deadline for interim storage facilities is set at 2045, and a nationwide final disposal plan is required by then.
Despite the remarkable results achieved so far in the treatment of earthquake debris and soil remediation, sustainable technological development and consensus building among local residents continue to be important issues.
The 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake generated approximately 28 million tons of debris in Fukushima Prefecture. About 50% of this was wood waste, including a large amount of fibrous material that is difficult to process. The cost of debris disposal was estimated at approximately 37,800 yen per ton, with the total market size reaching approximately 1.5 trillion yen. While the need for wide-area processing was being called for, Fukushima Prefecture conducted an experiment using the grass plant "sorghum" to absorb radioactive cesium, which was found to be up to 200 times more efficient than sunflowers in absorbing the cesium. This plant is also attracting attention as a raw material for bioethanol, and full-scale demonstration cultivation in Fukushima Prefecture has been underway since spring 2012.
In the 2020s, significant progress was made in the disposal of earthquake debris, with the entire process of interim storage facilities beginning operation in March 2020, and the dismantling of facilities that had ceased operation beginning in FY2022. As of 2022, the interim storage facility will hold approximately 14 million cubic meters of removed soil and waste. As of 2024, the number of temporary storage sites will be reduced to about 150, and the total amount of stored waste is also showing a steady downward trend.
In the agricultural rehabilitation of soil contaminated by radioactive materials, phytoremediation using plants was found to be of limited effectiveness, and potassium application was mainly promoted. As a result, the concentration of radioactive cesium in crops has been reduced by more than 90% compared to 2011 levels, and agricultural land regeneration is accelerating.
General contractors Kajima Corporation, Taisei Corporation, Shimizu Corporation, and others participated in the debris removal and decontamination work. In particular, Kajima Corporation played a major role in the wide-area processing in Fukushima Prefecture. In addition, environmental technology companies are responsible for management and sorting at the interim storage facility to support efficient operations.
The number of temporary storage sites for removed soil in Fukushima Prefecture has been decreasing and reduction of the total amount as of 2024 is underway, but securing a final disposal site remains a challenge. The storage deadline for interim storage facilities is set at 2045, and a nationwide final disposal plan is required by then.
Despite the remarkable results achieved so far in the treatment of earthquake debris and soil remediation, sustainable technological development and consensus building among local residents continue to be important issues.
震災瓦礫処理と土壌浄化の進展 - 2011年12月から2020年代まで
震災瓦礫処理と土壌浄化の進展 - 2011年12月から2020年代まで
2011年の東日本大震災では、福島県内で約2800万トンの瓦礫が発生。このうち約50％が木屑で、処理困難な繊維状物質も多く含まれていました。瓦礫処理費用は1トンあたり約37800円と見積もられ、総市場規模は約1兆5000億円に達するとされました。広域処理の必要性が叫ばれる中、福島県ではイネ科植物「ソルガム」を用いた放射性セシウム吸収実験が行われ、ヒマワリよりも最大200倍の吸収効率が確認されました。この植物はバイオエタノール原料としても注目され、2012年春から福島県内での本格的な実証栽培が進められました。
2020年代に入ると、震災瓦礫の処理が大きく進展。2020年3月には中間貯蔵施設の全工程が稼働を開始し、2022年度からは運転終了施設の解体も始まりました。この中間貯蔵施設には2022年時点で約1400万立方メートルの除去土壌と廃棄物が保管されています。また、2024年時点で仮置場は約150箇所に減少、保管されている廃棄物の総量も順調に減少傾向を見せています。
放射性物質による汚染土壌の農業再生では、植物を利用したファイトレメディエーションの効果が限定的であることが確認され、主にカリウム施用が進められました。これにより、作物中の放射性セシウム濃度は2011年比で90％以上削減され、農地再生が加速しています。
瓦礫の撤去や除染作業には、ゼネコンの鹿島建設、大成建設、清水建設などが参加。特に、鹿島建設は福島県内の広域処理で主要な役割を果たしました。また、環境技術企業が中間貯蔵施設での管理や分別を担い、効率的な運営を支えています。
福島県の除去土壌の仮置場数は減少し、2024年時点で総量の削減も進行中ですが、最終処分場の確保が依然として課題です。中間貯蔵施設の保管期限が2045年とされており、それまでに全国規模での最終処分計画が求められています。
震災瓦礫処理と土壌浄化において、これまでに得られた成果は目覚ましいものの、持続的な技術開発と地域住民の合意形成が引き続き重要な課題となっています。
2011年の東日本大震災では、福島県内で約2800万トンの瓦礫が発生。このうち約50％が木屑で、処理困難な繊維状物質も多く含まれていました。瓦礫処理費用は1トンあたり約37800円と見積もられ、総市場規模は約1兆5000億円に達するとされました。広域処理の必要性が叫ばれる中、福島県ではイネ科植物「ソルガム」を用いた放射性セシウム吸収実験が行われ、ヒマワリよりも最大200倍の吸収効率が確認されました。この植物はバイオエタノール原料としても注目され、2012年春から福島県内での本格的な実証栽培が進められました。
2020年代に入ると、震災瓦礫の処理が大きく進展。2020年3月には中間貯蔵施設の全工程が稼働を開始し、2022年度からは運転終了施設の解体も始まりました。この中間貯蔵施設には2022年時点で約1400万立方メートルの除去土壌と廃棄物が保管されています。また、2024年時点で仮置場は約150箇所に減少、保管されている廃棄物の総量も順調に減少傾向を見せています。
放射性物質による汚染土壌の農業再生では、植物を利用したファイトレメディエーションの効果が限定的であることが確認され、主にカリウム施用が進められました。これにより、作物中の放射性セシウム濃度は2011年比で90％以上削減され、農地再生が加速しています。
瓦礫の撤去や除染作業には、ゼネコンの鹿島建設、大成建設、清水建設などが参加。特に、鹿島建設は福島県内の広域処理で主要な役割を果たしました。また、環境技術企業が中間貯蔵施設での管理や分別を担い、効率的な運営を支えています。
福島県の除去土壌の仮置場数は減少し、2024年時点で総量の削減も進行中ですが、最終処分場の確保が依然として課題です。中間貯蔵施設の保管期限が2045年とされており、それまでに全国規模での最終処分計画が求められています。
震災瓦礫処理と土壌浄化において、これまでに得られた成果は目覚ましいものの、持続的な技術開発と地域住民の合意形成が引き続き重要な課題となっています。
Global Warming and the Fluctuation of Fruitfulness: The Trials and Future of Agriculture: Developments from 2007 to the 2020s
Global Warming and the Fluctuation of Fruitfulness: The Trials and Future of Agriculture: Developments from 2007 to the 2020s
2007: Initial Impacts and Challenges of Global Warming
The progression of global warming began to have a tangible impact on Japanese agriculture as of 2007. Average temperature increases were observed in major agricultural regions, causing problems especially in rice and fruit production. In Niigata Prefecture, Koshihikari rice faced yield loss due to high temperature damage, and in Ehime Prefecture, the quality of mandarin oranges was affected by a decline in sugar content. Changes in crop distribution were also seen in Aomori Prefecture, where the best areas for apple cultivation moved north to Hokkaido, and in southern Kyushu, where cultivation of mangoes and papayas expanded.
Furthermore, the distribution of pests and diseases also spread, and the number of banana shoot borers increased rapidly in Okinawa Prefecture. In response, pesticide use increased and new pest control techniques were developed. In response to these challenges, the Japanese government formulated the "Climate Change Adaptation Program" and began developing high temperature tolerant varieties and temperature control technologies.
2010s: Strengthening Adaptation Measures and New Challenges
In the 2010s, the effects of global warming spread further. In Niigata Prefecture, the introduction of the high temperature tolerant variety "Shinnosuke" was promoted in order to cope with high temperature disorders. Meanwhile, in Aomori Prefecture, the decline in apple quality became more serious, and cultivation areas were shifted to Hokkaido. In Southern Kyushu, production of mangoes and passion fruit expanded, and farmers diversified their earnings.
At the same time, damage caused by pests increased. In Kochi Prefecture, in particular, the paddy rice plant damaging leafhopper, the "green rice leafhopper," proliferated, leading to an increase in the use of pesticides. In response to this situation, development of environmentally friendly biological pesticides began in earnest.
2020s: Current Status and Prospects
In the 2020s, the effects of global warming became even more pronounced. The average temperature in Japan as a whole has increased by about 12 degrees Celsius over the past 30 years, seriously affecting the quality and yield of crops. In Niigata Prefecture, rice yields continue to decline due to high temperature damage, with yields falling by about 15% in the summer of 2022. In Aomori Prefecture, the decline in sugar content of apples has also become an issue, and production in Hokkaido is expanding.
In southern Kyushu, mango and dragon fruit production increased in Miyazaki and Kagoshima prefectures, and export markets expanded. In Okinawa Prefecture, banana exports have increased 30% over the previous year and have become a new pillar of the local economy.
The government has also updated its "Climate Change Adaptation Plan" and accelerated the development of high temperature tolerant crops and new cultivation techniques. In Nara Prefecture, an improved variety of high-temperature tolerant strawberries, "Benihoppe," has been introduced and has been sold at high prices. In Kochi Prefecture, pest control technology has advanced, and biological pesticides provided by the company "AgriBio" have become widely used.
As global warming continues, diversification of agriculture, technological innovation, and efforts to take advantage of regional characteristics are key to the sustainability of agriculture.
Sources
- Ministry of the Environment, "Climate Change Impact Assessment Report" (20072020)
- Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries "Climate Change Adaptation Plan" Overview (20152022)
- Niigata Prefectural Agricultural Research Institute, "Adaptation Measures and Results Report on High Temperature Disruption" (2018)
- Aomori Prefectural Apple Research Center, "Northward expansion of apple growing area and quality improvement" (2021)
- Miyazaki Prefectural Agricultural Promotion Division, "Potential of emerging crops and export strategy" (2022)
- AgriBio, "Development of Biological Pesticide Technology and Case Reports" (2021)
2007: Initial Impacts and Challenges of Global Warming
The progression of global warming began to have a tangible impact on Japanese agriculture as of 2007. Average temperature increases were observed in major agricultural regions, causing problems especially in rice and fruit production. In Niigata Prefecture, Koshihikari rice faced yield loss due to high temperature damage, and in Ehime Prefecture, the quality of mandarin oranges was affected by a decline in sugar content. Changes in crop distribution were also seen in Aomori Prefecture, where the best areas for apple cultivation moved north to Hokkaido, and in southern Kyushu, where cultivation of mangoes and papayas expanded.
Furthermore, the distribution of pests and diseases also spread, and the number of banana shoot borers increased rapidly in Okinawa Prefecture. In response, pesticide use increased and new pest control techniques were developed. In response to these challenges, the Japanese government formulated the "Climate Change Adaptation Program" and began developing high temperature tolerant varieties and temperature control technologies.
2010s: Strengthening Adaptation Measures and New Challenges
In the 2010s, the effects of global warming spread further. In Niigata Prefecture, the introduction of the high temperature tolerant variety "Shinnosuke" was promoted in order to cope with high temperature disorders. Meanwhile, in Aomori Prefecture, the decline in apple quality became more serious, and cultivation areas were shifted to Hokkaido. In Southern Kyushu, production of mangoes and passion fruit expanded, and farmers diversified their earnings.
At the same time, damage caused by pests increased. In Kochi Prefecture, in particular, the paddy rice plant damaging leafhopper, the "green rice leafhopper," proliferated, leading to an increase in the use of pesticides. In response to this situation, development of environmentally friendly biological pesticides began in earnest.
2020s: Current Status and Prospects
In the 2020s, the effects of global warming became even more pronounced. The average temperature in Japan as a whole has increased by about 12 degrees Celsius over the past 30 years, seriously affecting the quality and yield of crops. In Niigata Prefecture, rice yields continue to decline due to high temperature damage, with yields falling by about 15% in the summer of 2022. In Aomori Prefecture, the decline in sugar content of apples has also become an issue, and production in Hokkaido is expanding.
In southern Kyushu, mango and dragon fruit production increased in Miyazaki and Kagoshima prefectures, and export markets expanded. In Okinawa Prefecture, banana exports have increased 30% over the previous year and have become a new pillar of the local economy.
The government has also updated its "Climate Change Adaptation Plan" and accelerated the development of high temperature tolerant crops and new cultivation techniques. In Nara Prefecture, an improved variety of high-temperature tolerant strawberries, "Benihoppe," has been introduced and has been sold at high prices. In Kochi Prefecture, pest control technology has advanced, and biological pesticides provided by the company "AgriBio" have become widely used.
As global warming continues, diversification of agriculture, technological innovation, and efforts to take advantage of regional characteristics are key to the sustainability of agriculture.
Sources
- Ministry of the Environment, "Climate Change Impact Assessment Report" (20072020)
- Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries "Climate Change Adaptation Plan" Overview (20152022)
- Niigata Prefectural Agricultural Research Institute, "Adaptation Measures and Results Report on High Temperature Disruption" (2018)
- Aomori Prefectural Apple Research Center, "Northward expansion of apple growing area and quality improvement" (2021)
- Miyazaki Prefectural Agricultural Promotion Division, "Potential of emerging crops and export strategy" (2022)
- AgriBio, "Development of Biological Pesticide Technology and Case Reports" (2021)
温暖化と実りの揺らぎ—農業が迎える試練と未来-2007年から2020年代の展開
温暖化と実りの揺らぎ—農業が迎える試練と未来-2007年から2020年代の展開
2007年：温暖化の初期影響と課題
地球温暖化の進行は、2007年時点で日本の農業に具体的な影響を及ぼし始めました。主要農業地域では平均気温の上昇が確認され、特に米や果物の生産に問題が発生。新潟県ではコシヒカリが高温障害による収量減少に直面し、愛媛県ではミカンの糖度低下が品質に影響を与えました。また、青森県ではリンゴの栽培適地が北海道へ北上し、九州南部ではマンゴーやパパイヤの栽培が拡大するなど、作物分布の変化が見られました。
さらに、害虫や病害の分布も広がり、沖縄県ではバナナシュートボーラーが急増。これに対応して農薬使用量が増加し、新たな防除技術の開発が進みました。こうした課題を受け、日本政府は「気候変動適応プログラム」を策定し、高温耐性品種や温度管理技術の開発に着手しました。
2010年代：適応策の強化と新たな試み
2010年代に入ると、温暖化の影響がさらに拡大。新潟県では高温障害に対応するため、高温耐性品種「新之助」の導入が進められました。一方、青森県ではリンゴの品質低下が深刻化し、北海道への栽培地移動が進展。南九州ではマンゴーやパッションフルーツの生産が拡大し、農家の収益多様化が進められました。
同時に、害虫による被害も増加。特に高知県では水稲に被害を及ぼすツマグロヨコバイが繁殖し、農薬使用量が増加しました。この状況に対応し、環境に優しい生物農薬の開発が本格化しました。
2020年代：現状と展望
2020年代に入ると、温暖化の影響は一層顕著となりました。日本全体の平均気温が30年間で約12度上昇し、農作物の品質や収量に深刻な影響を与えています。新潟県では高温障害による米の収量減少が続き、2022年の夏季には収量が約15%減少。また、青森県ではリンゴの糖度低下が課題となり、北海道での生産が拡大しています。
九州南部では、宮崎県や鹿児島県でマンゴーやドラゴンフルーツの生産が増加し、輸出市場も拡大。沖縄県ではバナナの輸出量が前年比30%増加し、地域経済の新たな柱となっています。
また、政府は「気候変動適応計画」を更新し、高温耐性作物や新たな栽培技術の開発を加速。奈良県では高温耐性イチゴ「紅ほっぺ改良種」が導入され、高価格帯で取引される成果を上げています。高知県では害虫防除技術が進展し、企業「アグリバイオ」が提供する生物農薬が普及しています。
温暖化が進む中で、農業の多様化や技術革新、地域特性を活かした取り組みが農業の持続可能性を左右する鍵となっています。
情報源
- 環境省「気候変動の影響評価報告書」（2007年2020年）
- 農林水産省「気候変動適応計画」概要（2015年2022年）
- 新潟県農業総合研究所「高温障害への適応策と成果報告」（2018年）
- 青森県リンゴ研究センター「リンゴ栽培地の北上と品質改善」（2021年）
- 宮崎県農業振興課「新興作物の可能性と輸出戦略」（2022年）
- アグリバイオ社「生物農薬技術の展開と事例報告」（2021年）
2007年：温暖化の初期影響と課題
地球温暖化の進行は、2007年時点で日本の農業に具体的な影響を及ぼし始めました。主要農業地域では平均気温の上昇が確認され、特に米や果物の生産に問題が発生。新潟県ではコシヒカリが高温障害による収量減少に直面し、愛媛県ではミカンの糖度低下が品質に影響を与えました。また、青森県ではリンゴの栽培適地が北海道へ北上し、九州南部ではマンゴーやパパイヤの栽培が拡大するなど、作物分布の変化が見られました。
さらに、害虫や病害の分布も広がり、沖縄県ではバナナシュートボーラーが急増。これに対応して農薬使用量が増加し、新たな防除技術の開発が進みました。こうした課題を受け、日本政府は「気候変動適応プログラム」を策定し、高温耐性品種や温度管理技術の開発に着手しました。
2010年代：適応策の強化と新たな試み
2010年代に入ると、温暖化の影響がさらに拡大。新潟県では高温障害に対応するため、高温耐性品種「新之助」の導入が進められました。一方、青森県ではリンゴの品質低下が深刻化し、北海道への栽培地移動が進展。南九州ではマンゴーやパッションフルーツの生産が拡大し、農家の収益多様化が進められました。
同時に、害虫による被害も増加。特に高知県では水稲に被害を及ぼすツマグロヨコバイが繁殖し、農薬使用量が増加しました。この状況に対応し、環境に優しい生物農薬の開発が本格化しました。
2020年代：現状と展望
2020年代に入ると、温暖化の影響は一層顕著となりました。日本全体の平均気温が30年間で約12度上昇し、農作物の品質や収量に深刻な影響を与えています。新潟県では高温障害による米の収量減少が続き、2022年の夏季には収量が約15%減少。また、青森県ではリンゴの糖度低下が課題となり、北海道での生産が拡大しています。
九州南部では、宮崎県や鹿児島県でマンゴーやドラゴンフルーツの生産が増加し、輸出市場も拡大。沖縄県ではバナナの輸出量が前年比30%増加し、地域経済の新たな柱となっています。
また、政府は「気候変動適応計画」を更新し、高温耐性作物や新たな栽培技術の開発を加速。奈良県では高温耐性イチゴ「紅ほっぺ改良種」が導入され、高価格帯で取引される成果を上げています。高知県では害虫防除技術が進展し、企業「アグリバイオ」が提供する生物農薬が普及しています。
温暖化が進む中で、農業の多様化や技術革新、地域特性を活かした取り組みが農業の持続可能性を左右する鍵となっています。
情報源
- 環境省「気候変動の影響評価報告書」（2007年2020年）
- 農林水産省「気候変動適応計画」概要（2015年2022年）
- 新潟県農業総合研究所「高温障害への適応策と成果報告」（2018年）
- 青森県リンゴ研究センター「リンゴ栽培地の北上と品質改善」（2021年）
- 宮崎県農業振興課「新興作物の可能性と輸出戦略」（2022年）
- アグリバイオ社「生物農薬技術の展開と事例報告」（2021年）
Eco-museum: A place where local nature, culture, and industry are preserved and where local residents and tourists can learn and interact together.
Eco-museum: A place where local nature, culture, and industry are preserved and where local residents and tourists can learn and interact together.
Local resources: Natural, cultural, and industrial assets unique to a region.
Conservation and development: Protecting and further developing the natural environment and cultural resources.
Facility: A large-scale facility built to attract visitors.
Tourist resources: natural and cultural elements that attract tourists.
Economic Independence: The ability of a community to conduct economic activities without outside support.
Core Museum: The central facility of an eco-museum.
Key Person: A person who plays an important role in the revitalization of a region.
Partnership: A system in which the government and residents work together.
Vision: Future goals and prospects.
Georges Henri Rivière: French museum expert who proposed the concept of eco-museums.
International Museum Congress: An international conference attended by museums from around the world.
Economic disparity between central and rural areas: the economic difference between urban and rural areas.
Local Livelihoods: Lifestyle and culture of the people living in the area.
Historical Inquiry: Research from a historical perspective.
Nature Facilities: Facilities with a nature theme.
Administration-driven: A method in which the government takes the lead.
Satellite facility: A related facility located in the vicinity of the main facility.
Curator: A professional who manages exhibits and provides explanations at a museum.
Green tourism: Tourism activities to enjoy nature and rural areas.
Local resources: Natural, cultural, and industrial assets unique to a region.
Conservation and development: Protecting and further developing the natural environment and cultural resources.
Facility: A large-scale facility built to attract visitors.
Tourist resources: natural and cultural elements that attract tourists.
Economic Independence: The ability of a community to conduct economic activities without outside support.
Core Museum: The central facility of an eco-museum.
Key Person: A person who plays an important role in the revitalization of a region.
Partnership: A system in which the government and residents work together.
Vision: Future goals and prospects.
Georges Henri Rivière: French museum expert who proposed the concept of eco-museums.
International Museum Congress: An international conference attended by museums from around the world.
Economic disparity between central and rural areas: the economic difference between urban and rural areas.
Local Livelihoods: Lifestyle and culture of the people living in the area.
Historical Inquiry: Research from a historical perspective.
Nature Facilities: Facilities with a nature theme.
Administration-driven: A method in which the government takes the lead.
Satellite facility: A related facility located in the vicinity of the main facility.
Curator: A professional who manages exhibits and provides explanations at a museum.
Green tourism: Tourism activities to enjoy nature and rural areas.
エコミュージアム: 地域の自然、文化、産業を保存し、地域住民と観光客が共に学び、交流する場。
エコミュージアム: 地域の自然、文化、産業を保存し、地域住民と観光客が共に学び、交流する場。
地域資源: 地域特有の自然、文化、産業などの資産。
保全・育成: 自然環境や文化資源を守り、さらに発展させること。
ハコモノ施設: 集客を目的に建設された大型施設。
観光資源: 観光客を引き付けるための自然や文化的な要素。
経済的自立: 地域が外部からの支援なしに経済活動を行う能力。
コアミュージアム: エコミュージアムの中心となる施設。
キーパーソン: 地域活性化において重要な役割を果たす人物。
パートナーシップ体制: 行政と住民が協力して取り組む体制。
ビジョン: 将来の目標や展望。
ジョルジュ・アンリー・リヴィエール: エコミュージアムの概念を提唱したフランスの博物館専門家。
国際博物館会議: 世界中の博物館が参加する国際的な会議。
中央との経済格差: 都市部と地方の経済的な差。
地域住民の生活: その地域に住む人々の生活様式や文化。
史的探求: 歴史的な観点からの調査。
自然施設: 自然をテーマにした施設。
行政主導型: 行政が中心となって進める方式。
サテライト施設: 中心施設の周辺にある関連施設。
学芸員: 博物館などで展示物の管理や解説を行う専門職。
グリーンツーリズム: 自然や農村地域を楽しむ観光活動。
地域資源: 地域特有の自然、文化、産業などの資産。
保全・育成: 自然環境や文化資源を守り、さらに発展させること。
ハコモノ施設: 集客を目的に建設された大型施設。
観光資源: 観光客を引き付けるための自然や文化的な要素。
経済的自立: 地域が外部からの支援なしに経済活動を行う能力。
コアミュージアム: エコミュージアムの中心となる施設。
キーパーソン: 地域活性化において重要な役割を果たす人物。
パートナーシップ体制: 行政と住民が協力して取り組む体制。
ビジョン: 将来の目標や展望。
ジョルジュ・アンリー・リヴィエール: エコミュージアムの概念を提唱したフランスの博物館専門家。
国際博物館会議: 世界中の博物館が参加する国際的な会議。
中央との経済格差: 都市部と地方の経済的な差。
地域住民の生活: その地域に住む人々の生活様式や文化。
史的探求: 歴史的な観点からの調査。
自然施設: 自然をテーマにした施設。
行政主導型: 行政が中心となって進める方式。
サテライト施設: 中心施設の周辺にある関連施設。
学芸員: 博物館などで展示物の管理や解説を行う専門職。
グリーンツーリズム: 自然や農村地域を楽しむ観光活動。
**Tanker accident and oil spill off the coast of Morocco - October 1989**.
**Tanker accident and oil spill off the coast of Morocco - October 1989**.
In 1989, an Iranian-flagged tanker caught fire off the coast of Morocco, spilling approximately 83,000 kiloliters of crude oil. The fire was reportedly caused by a malfunction in the ship's onboard equipment, and the spilled crude oil spread over a wide area along the coast, causing catastrophic damage to the fishing industry and marine ecosystem. In particular, shellfish and crustaceans in coastal areas were severely affected, and local fishermen lost their livelihoods.
Immediately after the accident, the Moroccan government conducted an emergency decontamination operation using chemical dispersants and oil fences, but it took several months to fully restore the area. In addition, tourism was severely impacted, and the damage to the entire local economy was extensive. The accident prompted the Moroccan government to strengthen port safety standards, review tanker operation management, and enhance environmental protection measures in coastal areas.
**Sources**
- Proceedings of the International Maritime Organization: Discussion on the review of regulations after the tanker accident
- Moroccan government official statement: Progress of decontamination activities and future prevention plans
- Marine Pollution Journal: Analysis of the ecological impact on the Moroccan coast and restoration activities
- Local newspaper: Detailed report on the economic damage of the accident and the impact on the local population
- Environmental Protection Agency Report: Oil Spill Impacts and Lessons Learned
In 1989, an Iranian-flagged tanker caught fire off the coast of Morocco, spilling approximately 83,000 kiloliters of crude oil. The fire was reportedly caused by a malfunction in the ship's onboard equipment, and the spilled crude oil spread over a wide area along the coast, causing catastrophic damage to the fishing industry and marine ecosystem. In particular, shellfish and crustaceans in coastal areas were severely affected, and local fishermen lost their livelihoods.
Immediately after the accident, the Moroccan government conducted an emergency decontamination operation using chemical dispersants and oil fences, but it took several months to fully restore the area. In addition, tourism was severely impacted, and the damage to the entire local economy was extensive. The accident prompted the Moroccan government to strengthen port safety standards, review tanker operation management, and enhance environmental protection measures in coastal areas.
**Sources**
- Proceedings of the International Maritime Organization: Discussion on the review of regulations after the tanker accident
- Moroccan government official statement: Progress of decontamination activities and future prevention plans
- Marine Pollution Journal: Analysis of the ecological impact on the Moroccan coast and restoration activities
- Local newspaper: Detailed report on the economic damage of the accident and the impact on the local population
- Environmental Protection Agency Report: Oil Spill Impacts and Lessons Learned
**モロッコ沖でのタンカー事故と原油流出 - 1989年10月**
**モロッコ沖でのタンカー事故と原油流出 - 1989年10月**
1989年、モロッコ沖でイラン船籍のタンカーが炎上し、約8万3千キロリットルの原油が流出しました。火災は船内設備の不具合が原因とされ、流出した原油は沿岸の広範囲に拡散し、漁業や海洋生態系に壊滅的な被害をもたらしました。特に、沿岸部の貝類や甲殻類が甚大な影響を受け、地元の漁業者は生計を断たれる事態となりました。
事故直後、モロッコ政府は化学分散剤やオイルフェンスを使用し、緊急的な汚染除去作業を実施しましたが、完全な復旧には数か月を要しました。加えて、観光業にも深刻な影響が及び、地域経済全体への被害が拡大しました。この事故をきっかけに、モロッコ政府は港湾安全基準の強化やタンカー運航管理の見直しを進め、沿岸部の環境保全対策を強化しました。
**情報源**
- 国際海事機関の議事録：タンカー事故後の規制見直しに関する議論
- モロッコ政府の公式声明：汚染除去活動の進捗と将来の防止計画
- 海洋汚染専門誌：モロッコ沿岸の生態系への影響と復旧活動の分析
- 地元新聞：事故の経済的損害と地域住民の影響に関する詳細な報告
- 環境保護機関の報告書：原油流出事故の影響と教訓
1989年、モロッコ沖でイラン船籍のタンカーが炎上し、約8万3千キロリットルの原油が流出しました。火災は船内設備の不具合が原因とされ、流出した原油は沿岸の広範囲に拡散し、漁業や海洋生態系に壊滅的な被害をもたらしました。特に、沿岸部の貝類や甲殻類が甚大な影響を受け、地元の漁業者は生計を断たれる事態となりました。
事故直後、モロッコ政府は化学分散剤やオイルフェンスを使用し、緊急的な汚染除去作業を実施しましたが、完全な復旧には数か月を要しました。加えて、観光業にも深刻な影響が及び、地域経済全体への被害が拡大しました。この事故をきっかけに、モロッコ政府は港湾安全基準の強化やタンカー運航管理の見直しを進め、沿岸部の環境保全対策を強化しました。
**情報源**
- 国際海事機関の議事録：タンカー事故後の規制見直しに関する議論
- モロッコ政府の公式声明：汚染除去活動の進捗と将来の防止計画
- 海洋汚染専門誌：モロッコ沿岸の生態系への影響と復旧活動の分析
- 地元新聞：事故の経済的損害と地域住民の影響に関する詳細な報告
- 環境保護機関の報告書：原油流出事故の影響と教訓
Voices Across the Mountains - circa 1973
Voices Across the Mountains - circa 1973
In the mountain villages of Fukushima Prefecture around 1973, there existed a custom known as "voices crossing the mountains. Houses scattered in deep valleys called out to each other like mountain hikos, and the echoes of their voices were used to confirm the whereabouts and safety of people. The practice was used especially during the harsh winter season and in between mountain work, and served to strengthen the bonds of the community as well as for practical purposes. Calls were made in the form of "Oi" or shouting out a name, and relief was gained when a response was received. This act was an important means of communication in an era without cell phones or radios, but today such voices are disappearing. With the advancement of civilization, the quietness of the echoing voices has also been lost, and is now a scene rarely seen. It is significant to record this culture as it symbolizes the lifestyle of mountain villages and the sense of distance between people in the past.
In the mountain villages of Fukushima Prefecture around 1973, there existed a custom known as "voices crossing the mountains. Houses scattered in deep valleys called out to each other like mountain hikos, and the echoes of their voices were used to confirm the whereabouts and safety of people. The practice was used especially during the harsh winter season and in between mountain work, and served to strengthen the bonds of the community as well as for practical purposes. Calls were made in the form of "Oi" or shouting out a name, and relief was gained when a response was received. This act was an important means of communication in an era without cell phones or radios, but today such voices are disappearing. With the advancement of civilization, the quietness of the echoing voices has also been lost, and is now a scene rarely seen. It is significant to record this culture as it symbolizes the lifestyle of mountain villages and the sense of distance between people in the past.
山を渡る声－1973年頃
山を渡る声－1973年頃
1973年頃の福島県の山村では、「山を渡る声」として知られる風習が存在していた。深い谷間に点在する家々では、山彦のように声を掛け合い、その反響で人の所在や無事を確かめ合っていたという。特に厳しい冬季や山仕事の合間に使われ、実用性とともに地域の結びつきを強める役割も果たしていた。呼びかけは「おーい」や名を叫ぶ形で、応答があることで安堵を得た。この行為は、携帯電話や無線のなかった時代においては重要なコミュニケーション手段だったが、現在ではそうした声も消えつつある。文明の進展に伴い、声がこだまする静けさもまた失われ、今ではほとんど見られない風景となった。かつての山村の暮らしと人と人との距離感を象徴する文化として、記録に留めておく意義は大きい。
1973年頃の福島県の山村では、「山を渡る声」として知られる風習が存在していた。深い谷間に点在する家々では、山彦のように声を掛け合い、その反響で人の所在や無事を確かめ合っていたという。特に厳しい冬季や山仕事の合間に使われ、実用性とともに地域の結びつきを強める役割も果たしていた。呼びかけは「おーい」や名を叫ぶ形で、応答があることで安堵を得た。この行為は、携帯電話や無線のなかった時代においては重要なコミュニケーション手段だったが、現在ではそうした声も消えつつある。文明の進展に伴い、声がこだまする静けさもまた失われ、今ではほとんど見られない風景となった。かつての山村の暮らしと人と人との距離感を象徴する文化として、記録に留めておく意義は大きい。
Voices Across the Mountains - Fukushima Prefecture - circa 1973
Voices Across the Mountains - Fukushima Prefecture - circa 1973
Around 1973, in the mountain villages of Fukushima Prefecture, there existed a unique means of communication called "yamahiko call," which echoed across the valley. It was used to communicate with family members and neighbors who lived far away from each other, and was a form of wisdom that allowed people to confirm each other's presence even if they could not see each other. The call was echoed back to the mountains, and the response in return provided a sense of security in knowing that the other person was safe and sound. This was not only a practical means of communication, but also a custom that was part of the daily lives of the villagers and deeply reflected the relationship between the mountains and people.
At that time, telephones were not yet common, and even their installation was difficult in mountain villages. With roads not yet well maintained, and with few means of transportation and communication, this call to the mountains was truly "the way of the voice," with the natural terrain as an ally. In the echoes of their voices, one can see people living close to nature without fear of isolation.
In recent years, however, with the spread of cell phones, this custom has rapidly disappeared. The younger generation no longer needs this technology, and the human voices echoing in the mountains are now part of the story. However, the lingering sound of their voices certainly tells the story of life in the mountains in the past.
Around 1973, in the mountain villages of Fukushima Prefecture, there existed a unique means of communication called "yamahiko call," which echoed across the valley. It was used to communicate with family members and neighbors who lived far away from each other, and was a form of wisdom that allowed people to confirm each other's presence even if they could not see each other. The call was echoed back to the mountains, and the response in return provided a sense of security in knowing that the other person was safe and sound. This was not only a practical means of communication, but also a custom that was part of the daily lives of the villagers and deeply reflected the relationship between the mountains and people.
At that time, telephones were not yet common, and even their installation was difficult in mountain villages. With roads not yet well maintained, and with few means of transportation and communication, this call to the mountains was truly "the way of the voice," with the natural terrain as an ally. In the echoes of their voices, one can see people living close to nature without fear of isolation.
In recent years, however, with the spread of cell phones, this custom has rapidly disappeared. The younger generation no longer needs this technology, and the human voices echoing in the mountains are now part of the story. However, the lingering sound of their voices certainly tells the story of life in the mountains in the past.
山を渡る声－福島県－1973年頃
山を渡る声－福島県－1973年頃
1973年頃、福島県の山間部の村では、谷を越えて響く「山彦呼び」という独特な通信手段が存在していた。これは、離れて暮らす家族や隣家との連絡のために用いられていたもので、人の姿が見えなくとも互いの存在を確認できる知恵であった。呼びかけの声は山に反響し、その応答が返ってくることで、相手の無事を知る安心感があったという。また、これは単なる実用手段にとどまらず、村人たちにとって日常の一部であり、山と人との関係性を深く反映していた習慣でもあった。
当時は電話がまだ一般的ではなく、ましてや山村には設置すら難しかった。道路も十分に整備されておらず、交通や通信の手段が乏しいなかで、自然の地形を味方につけたこの呼びかけは、まさに"声の道"であった。その声の響きには、孤立を恐れず自然に寄り添って暮らす人々の姿が見て取れる。
しかし、近年は携帯電話の普及により、こうした風習は急速に姿を消していった。若い世代はもはやこの技術を必要とせず、山に響く人の声は、今や物語の一部となりつつある。だが、その声の余韻は、確かにかつての山の暮らしを語り継いでいる。
1973年頃、福島県の山間部の村では、谷を越えて響く「山彦呼び」という独特な通信手段が存在していた。これは、離れて暮らす家族や隣家との連絡のために用いられていたもので、人の姿が見えなくとも互いの存在を確認できる知恵であった。呼びかけの声は山に反響し、その応答が返ってくることで、相手の無事を知る安心感があったという。また、これは単なる実用手段にとどまらず、村人たちにとって日常の一部であり、山と人との関係性を深く反映していた習慣でもあった。
当時は電話がまだ一般的ではなく、ましてや山村には設置すら難しかった。道路も十分に整備されておらず、交通や通信の手段が乏しいなかで、自然の地形を味方につけたこの呼びかけは、まさに"声の道"であった。その声の響きには、孤立を恐れず自然に寄り添って暮らす人々の姿が見て取れる。
しかし、近年は携帯電話の普及により、こうした風習は急速に姿を消していった。若い世代はもはやこの技術を必要とせず、山に響く人の声は、今や物語の一部となりつつある。だが、その声の余韻は、確かにかつての山の暮らしを語り継いでいる。
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